Comparison of the Policies of Israel's Labor Party and the Likud On
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Glass Bottle Thrown at Area Rabbi University of Arizona Partners With
HEADLINES | 4 SPECIAL SECTION | 14 BANKING ROSH HASHANAH Scottsdale looks to open A special partnership its first community bank for this year’s in over a decade Kever Avot SEPTEMBER 27, 2019 | ELUL 27, 5779 | VOLUME 71, NUMBER 38 $1.50 Glass bottle thrown University of Arizona partners with at area rabbi JNF for agriculture initiative NICK ENQUIST | STAFF WRITER NICK ENQUIST | STAFF WRITER n an effort to boost global agriculture, the n Saturday, Sept. 14, East Valley JCC CEO Rabbi Michael University of Arizona has signed a memo- Beyo was walking home with his two children from I randum of understanding with the Jewish morning services. At around 8:45 a.m., two people in O National Fund and Israel’s Arava region to a white sedan heading toward the trio veered closer to the curb establish The JNF Joint Institute for Global and threw a glass bottle from the passenger side in the direction Food, Water and Energy Security. of Beyo. The memorandum was signed on Sept. 12 “[The passenger] with his head and torso out the window by JNF President Dr. Sol Lizerbram, JNF looked at me as the car drove away from us and shouted Joint Institute Project Co-Director Udi Gat something that I did not understand,” Beyo said. “When the and Dean of UA’s College of Science and object smashed on the ground, a few feet from behind us, is when Vice President of Innovation Dr. Joaquin I knew that it was glass.” Ruiz. After Beyo confirmed no one was harmed, he had the unenvi- Jewish National Fund President Dr. -
Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State .............................................................................................. -
Freedom in the World 2019
Freedom in the World 2019 https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/israel A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 12 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 A largely ceremonial president is elected by the Knesset for one seven-year term. In 2014, Reuven Rivlin of the right-leaning Likud party was elected to replace outgoing president Shimon Peres, receiving 63 votes in a runoff against Meir Sheetrit of the centrist Hatnuah party. The prime minister is usually the leader of the largest faction in the Knesset. In 2014, in a bid to create more stable governing coalitions, the electoral threshold for parties to win representation was raised from 2 percent to 3.25 percent, and the no- confidence procedure was revised so that opponents hoping to oust a sitting government must simultaneously vote in a new one. The incumbent prime minister in 2018, Benjamin Netanyahu of the conservative party Likud, had been in office since 2009, most recently securing reelection after the 2015 parliamentary polls. A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 Members of the 120-seat Knesset are elected by party-list proportional representation for four-year terms, and elections are typically free and fair. In the 2015 contest, Likud secured 30 seats, followed by the center-left Zionist Union with 24. The Joint List—a coalition of parties representing Arab citizens of Israel, who often identify as Palestinian—earned 13 seats; the centrist Yesh Atid (There Is a Future), 11; Kulanu, also centrist, 10; Habayit Hayehudi (Jewish Home), 8; the ultra- Orthodox parties Shas and United Torah Judaism, 7 and 6, respectively; the right- wing Yisrael Beiteinu, 6; and the left-wing Meretz party, 5. -
An Israeli Labor Party Perspective on Peace | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 1818 An Israeli Labor Party Perspective on Peace by Isaac Herzog Jun 20, 2011 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Isaac Herzog Isaac Herzog is chairman of the executive at the Jewish Agency for Israel. Brief Analysis n June 16, 2011, Isaac Herzog addressed a Policy Forum at The Washington Institute to discuss Israel's next O steps in the wake of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu's recent visit to Washington. A member of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, Mr. Herzog has served in a number of senior positions in the Israeli government, most recently as minister of welfare and social services. He is currently a candidate for the Labor Party chairmanship. The following is a rapporteur's summary of his remarks. Given the huge uncertainties created by the Arab Spring, many Israelis believe that the best response is a "wait and see" approach. That is a narrow, short-term view, however. A better response is to shape the region's changes in Israel's interest, based on the view that it is better to influence history than be swept along as a passive participant. From that perspective, President Obama's recent speech hit on the crux of the difference between the Israeli right and left. The current government chose to focus on a few controversial words in the speech and, in the process, deepened the tension between Israel and the United States. On the other hand, the Israeli opposition -- especially the Labor Party -- welcomed the address as another evolutionary step from the 2000 Clinton Parameters toward the goal of ending the conflict with the Palestinians. -
S Election Results
The Challenge of Israel’s Election Results I wrote the following for the latest newsletter of the World Union of Meretz, from the J Street Conference in Washington, DC. Representatives of all of the Israeli opposition gathered there, meeting together with its counterparts from American Jewry, who clearly represent the majority of American Jews. The final polls allowed on Friday the 13th, four days before election day, had given the Zionist Union (Labor & Hatnua) led by Herzog and Livni a lead of 24 to 20 seats, with an even chance to lead the next government. Netanyahu then went into emergency mode, using every demagogic trick in the book to turn the results around. He warned the leadership of the settlers that “the left” was on the verge of winning, and would begin to evacuate settlements, so they mobilized en masse, coming in thousands to Likud strongholds in the outlying and development towns to get out the vote. Mobilizing the extreme right to abandon Naftali Bennet’s Jewish Home party, Lieberman’s Yisrael Beiteinu and the ultra-right Yachad party (led by Shas refugee Eli Yishai in alliance with Kahanist Baruch Marzel), Netanyahu renounced his support for a two-state solution, and on election day warned that Israeli Arabs were voting in droves, being “bussed in by Jewish left-wingers” supported by foreign money. This last claim was ridiculous, since Israeli Arab citizens were simply walking to the polling booths, exercising their democratic right to vote, and energized by the fact that the four Arab parties had united in a Joint Arab List to ensure that they would pass the minimum voter threshold that had been raised to try to prevent them from entering the Knesset. -
The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically. -
Curriculum Vitae Dr. Ofira Gruweis-Kovalsky Contact: Kefar Tabor P.O.B 256 Israel 15241 Home Tel: 972- 4- 6765634. Mobile: 972
1 Curriculum Vitae Dr. Ofira Gruweis-Kovalsky Contact: Personal details: Kefar Tabor P.O.B 256 Israel 15241 Citizenship: Israeli Home Tel: 972- 4- 6765634. Languages: Hebrew and English Mobile: 972-52-3553384 E-mail: [email protected] [email protected] Academic rank Senior Lecturer, Zefat Academic College, Israel (2017- present) Associate researcher Herzl Institute University of Haifa, Israel (2009-present) Associate researcher at the HBI Brandeis University, USA (2015-present) Adjunct lecturer, MA and BA programs in Israel Studies, University of Haifa, Israel (2010–present). Lecturer, Zefat Academic College, Israel (2014-2017) Education 2009-2010: Post Doc. Department of Geography and Environment, Bar-Ilan University, Israel, "The History of Jerusalem as Israel Capital City". 2009: PhD, Summa cum Laude. 'Land of Israel Studies' Dept., University of Haifa. "The Vindicated and the Persecuted": Myth, Ritual, and Propaganda in the Herut Movement 1948-1965. 2006: MA, Magna cum Laude. 'Jewish History' Dept., University of Haifa. 'The Myth of the Altalena Affair and the Herut Movement'. 1980: BA, Jewish History Dept. and Land of Israel History Dept., Tel Aviv University. Israel. Certificates Mediator, Emek Yizrael Academic College, Israel (1999). Archive manager, Tel Hai Academic College and the Israel National Archives (1994). 2 Scholarly Positions: Head of the general studies division, Multidisciplinary Department, Zefat Academic College, Israel (2018-present) Senior Lecturer, Multidisciplinary Department, Zefat Academic College, Israel (2017-present) Lecturer, Multidisciplinary Department, Zefat Academic College, Israel (2014 -2017) Adjunct lecturer, Land of Israel Studies Dept., Jewish History Dept., University of Haifa. MA and BA programs (2010–present). Assistant editor, Ze’ev Jabotinsky's Ideological Writings. -
Likud Places a Strong Emphasis on Security and Presents
IDEOLOGICAL STATED POLITICAL POSITIONS PARTY PARTY LEADER ORIENTATION AND KEY FACTS Likud Benjamin Netanyahu Right Likud places a strong emphasis on security (Prime Minister) and presents Prime Minister Netanyahu as the only viable leader with a proven track record on security. Netanyahu has been on record in 2009 in support of the two-state solution although more recently he has displayed ambivalence. The party has a fiscally conservative economic agenda, though this is secondary to security-diplomatic issues. United Right Rafi Peretz Right Comprised of Jewish Home, the National Union, and Jewish Power, the party includes religious-Zionists and territorial nationalists, is staunchly opposed to a Palestinian state, and actively promotes the expansion of settlements and Israeli annexation of Area C in the West Bank. In December 2018, party leader Naftali Bennett announced he and Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked would be leaving to form The New Right. In February 2019, the Jewish Home formed a technical merger with Jewish Power, who are adherents to the teachings of Meir Kahane. Kahane’s party Kach were banned from the Knesset in the 1980s for racism. Hayemin Hachadash Naftali Bennett Right New party formed by former Jewish Home (Education Minister) & (The New Right) ministers Naftali Bennett and Ayelet Ayelet Shaked Shaked due to their long-held ambition to (Justice Minister) win more secular, middle-class Israeli voters – a mission hampered by Jewish Home’s affiliation with the National- Religious sector and the influence of settler Rabbis. Bennett and Shaked are opposed to a two- state solution, support the expansion of settlements and Israeli annexation of Area C in the West Bank Yisrael Beiteinu Avigdor Lieberman Right Nationalist party dominated by its leader, (former Defence (Israel is our home) Avigdor Lieberman. -
Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019
WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2020/17 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019 Yonatan Berman August 2020 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949{2019 Yonatan Berman∗ y August 20, 2020 Abstract This paper draws on pre- and post-election surveys to address the long run evolution of vot- ing patterns in Israel from 1949 to 2019. The heterogeneous ethnic, cultural, educational, and religious backgrounds of Israelis created a range of political cleavages that evolved throughout its history and continue to shape its political climate and its society today. De- spite Israel's exceptional characteristics, we find similar patterns to those found for France, the UK and the US. Notably, we find that in the 1960s{1970s, the vote for left-wing parties was associated with lower social class voters. It has gradually become associated with high social class voters during the late 1970s and later. We also find a weak inter-relationship between inequality and political outcomes, suggesting that despite the social class cleavage, identity-based or \tribal" voting is still dominant in Israeli politics. Keywords: Political cleavages, Political economy, Income inequality, Israel ∗London Mathematical Laboratory, The Graduate Center and Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, City University of New York, [email protected] yI wish to thank Itai Artzi, Dror Feitelson, Amory Gethin, Clara Mart´ınez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty for helpful discussions and comments, and to Leah Ashuah and Raz Blanero from Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality for historical data on parliamentary elections in Tel Aviv. -
Israel As a Jewish State
ISRAEL AS A JEWISH STATE Daniel J.Elazar Beyond Israel's self-definition as a Jewish state, the question remains as to what extent Israel is a continuation of Jewish political history within the context of the Jewish political tradition. This article addresses that question, first by looking at the realities of Israel as a Jewish state and at the same time one compounded of Jews of varying ideologies and per suasions, plus non-Jews; the tensions between the desire on the part of many Israeli Jews for Israel to be a state like any other and the desire on the part of others for it to manifest its Jewishness in concrete ways that will make it unique. The article explores the ways in which the tradi tional domains of authority into which power is divided in the Jewish po litical tradition are manifested in the structure of Israel's political sys tem, both structurally and politically; relations between the Jewish reli gion, state and society; the Jewish dimension of Israel's political culture and policy-making, and how both are manifested through Israel's emerging constitution and the character of its democracy. Built into the founding of every polity are certain unresolved ten sions that are balanced one against another as part of that founding to make the existence of the polity possible, but which must be resolved anew in every generation. Among the central tensions built into the founding of the State of Israel are those that revolve around Israel as a Jewish state. on Formally, Israel is built themodern European model of central ized, reified statehood. -
IATF Fact Sheet: Religion
1 FACT SHEET iataskforce.org Topic: Religion – Druze Updated: June 2014 The Druze community in Israel consists of Arabic speakers from an 11th Century off-shoot of Ismaili Shiite theology. The religion is considered heretical by orthodox Islam.2 Members of the Druze community predominantly reside in mountainous areas in Israel, Lebanon, and Syria.3 At the end of 2011, the Druze population in Israel numbered 133,000 inhabitants and constituted 8.0% of the Arab and Druze population, or 1.7%of the total population in Israel.4 The Druze population resides in 19 localities located in the Northern District (81% of the Druze population, excluding the Golan Heights) and Haifa District (19%). There are seven localities which are exclusively Druze: Yanuh-Jat, Sajur, Beit Jann, Majdal Shams, Buq’ata, Mas'ade, and Julis.5 In eight other localities, Druze constitute an overwhelming majority of more than 75% of the population: Yarka, Ein al-Assad, Ein Qiniyye, Daliyat al-Karmel, Hurfeish, Kisra-Samia, Peki’in and Isfiya. In the village of Maghar, Druze constitute an almost 60% majority. Finally, in three localities, Druze account for less than a third of the population: Rama, Abu Snan and Shfar'am.6 The Druze in Israel were officially recognized in 1957 by the government as a distinct ethnic group and an autonomous religious community, independent of Muslim religious courts. They have their own religious courts, with jurisdiction in matters of personal status and spiritual leadership, headed by Sheikh Muwaffak Tarif. 1 Compiled by Prof. Elie Rekhess, Associate Director, Crown Center for Jewish and Israel Studies, Northwestern University 2 Naim Araidi, The Druze in Israel, Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, December 22, 2002, http://www.mfa.gov.il; Gabriel Ben Dor, “The Druze Minority in Israel in the mid-1990s”, Jerusalem Letters, 315, June 1, 1995, JerusalemCenter for Public Affairs. -
“It's the National Ethos, Stupid”! – Understanding the Political
International Journal of Social Science Studies Vol. 4, No. 7; July 2016 ISSN 2324-8033 E-ISSN 2324-8041 Published by Redfame Publishing URL: http://ijsss.redfame.com “It’s the National Ethos, Stupid”! – Understanding the Political Psychology of the Israeli 2015 Elections Using Data from the National Resilience Survey Eyal Lewin1 1Ariel University, Israel. Correspondence: Eyal Lewin, Ariel University, Israel. Received: May 9, 2016 Accepted: May 26, 2016 Available online: May 31, 2016 doi:10.11114/ijsss.v4i7.1651 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v4i7.1651 Abstract From a socio-political point of view, the results of the Israeli 2015 elections reflect an ongoing stagnation that is described in detail in this research. This stagnation is often explained by theories of social collective identities. However, none of the theories examines how group identities are created. Consequently, this study explains how different forms of national ethos shape political identities and interweave with them. Relying on a wide set of data from the National Resilience Survey launched by the National Security Studies Center at Haifa University, this research examines the way Israeli political parties differ according to voters' attitudes on matters of national ethos. The findings show how opposing parties correspond with the two distinct forms of national ethos. However, the data also reveals that the ethos clash is not necessarily a dichotomy, but rather a continuum where various parties are located along a spectrum between the poles. Keywords: group identity, national ethos, voter behavior, political stagnation, republicanism, liberalism. 1. Introduction A friend of mine called me excitedly on the morning of March 17, 2015.