Published by the New York Labor Committee Against Apartheid c/o CWA Local 1180, 6 Harrison St ., New York 10013

VICTORY! MAYEKISO FREE! In a stinging defeat for the South African government, union leader Moses Mayekiso has been acquitted of treason, and alternate charges of sedi- tion and subversion, after a two year trial. On April 24, Mayekiso was set free along with four co-defendants, Paul Tshabala, Richard Mdakane, Obed Bapela, and Mzwanele Mayekiso, his brother. The verdict ended up as an indictment of the government instead of the accused. Mayekiso and his co-defendants had been leaders in community or- ganizing efforts to improve conditions in Alexandra Township during a resurgence of anti-apartheid activism in April 1986. The government Khola and Moses Mayekiso celebrate his release on bail prior to full claimed such organizing constituted acquittal on treason charges this April. an attempt to overthrow the state. However, the judge in the case was tivism in the labor movement. While Committee Against Apartheid held clearly appalled at the stark poverty the apartheid regime has seldom two support rallies and sent several facing blacks in the township and ac- needed much pretext for repression, thousand postcards. knowledged that their exclusion from the verdict here may make showcase International labor agitation around political rights contributed to unrest. trials a less effective tactic. the case was directly credited with im- The verdict was also critical of police The case also tested the "legality" of proving jail conditions for the defen- conduct during a vigilante attack in building independent, democratic dants and securing their release on bail Alexandra that cost seventeen lives structures within black communities, last December, after nearly three years that April. such as street committees, people's in prison. Many observers felt that courts, rent boycotts, and protest cam- solidarity efforts had a major impact Far-reaching Trial paigns against the police and puppet on the careful conduct of the trial and township councils . The judge's view the unusual verdict. The Mayekiso victory may be far- that these were understandable reaching on several counts . It was ob- responses to oppressive conditions Triumphant Homecoming vious from the start that the opens up the question of how far the government had targeted Mayekiso state can go to suppress activism. The acquittal of Mayekiso and his because of his prominence as general The Mayekiso case was also the comrades gave new optimism and a secretary of the National Union of focus of the largest international cam- moment of celebration to anti-apart- Metalworkers (NUMSA) and as a paign ever waged around a South heid activists in the unions and militant COSATU leader. Moses was African trial. Worldwide solidarity ef- townships . There was no denying imprisoned over six months before forts were launched by the Internation- what Alexandra residents thought on charges were even made. al Metalworkers Federation. The U.S. the night of Moses' release and return The case tested the right of unions to "Justice for Mayekiso" campaign was to the township . As reported in the become active in political struggles, led by NUMSA's counterpart, the Weekly Mail: especially at the community level. In United Auto Workers, which spon- "The kombi (truck) carrying Moses fact, the Mayekiso treason trial was sored a panel of court observers and Mayekiso and his colleagues hooted as considered a dress rehearsal for a placed ads in South African it approached the older part of broader crackdown on political ac- newspapers . In New York, the Labor Continued on next page Mayekiso Free! continued from front page

Alexandra. Gradually, the filthy unlit streets came to life as other cars hooted and put their lights on. "A second truck arrived carrying youths chanting slogans and singing freedom songs. They climbed out of the kombi.. .and danced the Toyi-Toyi. "The sounds of 'Viva Nelson Man- dela, Viva Oliver Tambo' and slogans about other leaders of the African Na- tional Congress filled the air. "Standing in the middle of the crowd, Mayekiso began speaking and all the noise died down as people strained to hear: 'We are back and we The Voices of Local 420 Choir, directed by Hubert Campbell, inspired the will start where we stopped . April 7th Free Mayekiso Rally held at DC 37 in New York. Khola Mayekiso Leads Solidarity Campaign laanml

While Moses Mayekiso stood in the live," Khola told an audience of union for all the workers. The project had dock in the Rand Supreme Court, supporters at a rally April 7 in New secured funding from Scandinavia, Khola Mayekiso travelled to the U.S. York City. but was stopped by the authorities in and Europe building the international She described how angry township the crackdown on the township com- movement that helped to free her hus- residents felt as they left their jobs in mittee. band and his co-defendants. immaculate, modern white Johannes- During Moses' three-year imprison- Khola Mayekiso is a staff member burg to return to the squalid unpaved ment, life for Khola and her family was with the Metalworkers (NUMSA), streets of Alexandra . Their children go especially hard. In order to ensure her which Moses heads. The Mayekisos to inferior schools, if they go at all. own safety at the time of his arrest, she lived in Alexandra Township with Health care services are inadequate or had to go into hiding, separated from their seven children and were at the non-existent. The Alexandra Action her children who stayed with relatives center of community organizing ac- Committee was organizing corn- far from . tivities before Moses' arrest in June munity solutions to these problems After Moses was formally charged, 1986. through street committees and she was allowed to see him only 30 "You have to imagine this place. protests. minutes, twice a week. She also had to There are 350,000 people living in They had even put together a support her children, both her and twenty-two square blocks . There is no project for a worker-owned coopera- Moses' parents, and assist the families running water, no sewers, no tive employing hundreds and provid- of the other detainees, which include electricity. We have to organize just to ing child care and children's services her brother-in-law Mzwanele. In the course of her solidarity tour, Khola addressed union groups in Sweden, Britain and the U.S., with stops in Chicago, Detroit and Washington. Khola spoke at a Free Mayekiso rally in New York City, co- sponsored by the NY LCAA and the Women's Committee of District Coun- cil 37 AFSCME. The rally was hosted by LCAA chairperson Stanley Hill, executive director of DC 37, and chaired by Bill Henning, CWA Local 1180 . The event was also addressed -by Louise DeBow, DC 37, and UAW officers Cleveland Robinson, Sam Meyers and John Christianson. The spirit was provid- ed by the AFSCME Local 420 Choir, LCAA Chair Stanley Hill, executive director of DC 37, and Louise DeBow, who put their solidarity into gospel chair of DC 37 Women's Committee, with Khola Mayekiso . music.

SHOWDOWN IN NAMIBIA

After more than seven decades of massive violations of the peace accords bloody repression and diplomatic and demanded that its troops be able evasion, the South African govern- to take military action. The UN ment agreed last year to end its peacekeeping forces were in no posi- military occupation of Namibia . In an tion to accurately assess the situation, agreement brokered by the U .S. and in part because US budget cuts had signed by , Angola and kept them from reaching full strength. Cuba, there were to be free elections in The UN agreed that South African Namibia leading to independence and troops could leave their bases. majority rule. The agreement was The result, according to press and backed by the United Nations, which church accounts, was that South Africa sent observers and troops to Namibia killed more than 300 SWAPO troops, to monitor the withdrawal of including many congregating for UN Pretoria's troops and the election protection. Hundreds of civilian sup- process. porters of SWAPO were assaulted, Workers rally behind SWAPO. But less than twelve hours after UN jailed, tortured; at least 12 were killed. peacekeeping forces arrived on April Many of the brutal paramilitary units and to unionize farm workers, domes- 1, the agreement began to unravel. that operated during South Africa's oc- tic workers and public employees—all And throughout April and May, South cupation have been redeployed as part rights currently denied. Africa has stepped up its campaign of of the police force, charged with super- NUNW is also contesting the South harassment and intimidation against vising elections. African government's strategy to sell the local population . Hundreds of The man who helped form one par- off or "privatize" Namibian govern- people have been killed . Pretoria is ticularly vicious paramilitary unit, the ment services. Not coincidentally, now actively organizing to frustrate Koevoet, has actually been named NUNW has been building strong labor attempts to organize free elections. commander of the police . A church organizations in the public sector, par- source in the north reported that half ticularly among municipal employees, Still In Charge of the 6,000 police in the territory were railway workers and teachers. actually from Koevoet. NUNW, with a total membership of Although the UN is to monitor the 40,000, is also strong among miners election process, South Africa remains Unions Protest and factory workers. in charge of the government, im- . . .and Prepare The South Africans plan to sell off plementation of the elections, and the hospital services, water services, the country as a whole . The Namibian The National Union of Namibian post office, transport and communica- liberation movement, SWAPO, which Workers, the chief union federation, tions. The workers charge that sale of commands the overwhelming support has joined the outcry against South these sectors to international firms of black Namibians, was sidelined by Africa's actions, particularly the blame would strip the future Namibian the agreement signed last December placed on SWAPO for violating peace government of control over its in- and has not been involved in recent accords. The NUNW stated: frastructure and transfer power into negotiations . As of June 1, South "We wish to remind the entire inter- the hands of multinational corpora- Africa has refused to lift legislation national community of who the ag- tions. barring the return of SWAPO leaders gressors are in the Namibian conflict. As the independence process un- to their country. We never invited South Africa to rob folds, the NUNW will work especially Shortly after the UN arrived, the our land, to kill our people, and to hard for free elections, putting their South African government announced harshly rule us . We are the sons and considerable clout behind SWAPO. that SWAPO forces had committed daughters of Namibian soil, South They are getting some help from Africa is the murderer, the thief and the COSATU and NUMSA in South ANGOLA ZAMBIA Lusaka 0 criminal. Let the falsification of facts Africa, which have sent delegations to not deceive you ." Namibia to help train monitors for the Ovamboiand The NUNW has also demanded that elections and develop strategies to con- ZIMBABWE the UN increase the size of its force in tain violence in the north. NAMIBIA Namibia, that South African troops be Yet even as they prepare for what .Okahandja BOTSWANA Swakopmund 0 Windhoek tiP confined to their bases, and that all they hope will be a SWAPO victory, Walrie Bw Ka.art Desert mib Dese rt forms of violence against SWAPO be the trade unions are conscious that

Maputo ended. SWAPO's success will not solve all Mbabane 'SW Zl LAND Addressing labor issues, the their problems . In a recent interview NUNW has demanded that workers be in the Weekly Mail, NUNW leader Ben Masi LESOTHO SOUTH AFRICA granted internationally recognized Uulenga said: "If a SWAPO govern- labor rights during the transition ment does come to power, we hope it period. These include the right to will facilitate our struggle, but I don't Cape Town strike, to picket without harassment, think the role of unions will change ." VIGILANTE VIOLENCE

For three years the South African government has exercised nearly total press censorship over the freedom struggle against apartheid . Americans now view the struggle through a trickle of information, most of it managed by the government and a lot of it showing "black on black" violence: youth fighting in the town- ships, houses burned out by rival fac- tions, tribal clashes in the rural Activists' homes are a frequent target for vigilante arsonists. settlements, etc. The words and images are intended leadership by the United Democratic tively detained COSATU and UDF ac- to persuade the outside world that Front and African National Congress. tivists under emergency decrees, while black South Africans can't possibly While he calls for the reform of apart- allowing INKATHA members to move handle their own problems, let alone heid, he is an outspoken opponent of freely. exercise majority rule. What the sanctions and divestment, pushing his And as many observers have noted, reports seldom convey is how much of views in the international media from the political violence organized by IN- this violence is organized by forces "Firing Line" to Reader's Digest. KATHA has spawned a more general seeking to crush or divide the Buthelezi is a staunch defender of climate of violence, especially among democratic movement. South Africa's free enterprise system dispossessed township youth. Politi- These forces of violence predictably and is often championed by corporate cal attacks have provoked blood feuds, include the government itself, the friends of apartheid . Buthelezi has gang warfare, and the settling of per- security forces, neo-Nazi paramilitary even established a labor front, the sonal grievances through violent organizations, and employers using United Workers Union of South Africa means. The overcrowding and des- the police state. But violence is also (UWUSA), which seeks to undermine titution of both urban and rural black purveyed by a handful of black leaders COSATU unions through ethnic- communities contributes as well to an who seem to have cast their fate with based organizing and sweetheart deals explosive situation. apartheid instead of the freedom with employers. struggle. While Buthelezi tries to appear the A Truce? voice of "moderate" change in South What Is Inkatha? Africa, there is nothing moderate The anti-apartheid movement about INKATHA's activity at the agrees that the main winner in Last year, more than 2,000 black grassroots. INKATHA vigilante INKATHA's game is the government, people were murdered in South Africa, groups regularly and viciously attack which has sat back and let vigilante at least 800 in Natal Province . Accord- UDF and COSATU activists, par- violence take its political and personal ing to COSATU, the leading labor ticularly in Natal province, which in- toll on activism. federation, and its allies in the United cludes the Kwazulu homeland. In an effort to end the bloodletting, Democratic Front (UDF), one can find COSATU arranged peace talks with the roots of this carnage in an organiza- In what some describe as "civil war" INKATHA last year and established a tion called INKATHA. conditions, INKATHA-linked vigilan- conciliation board to hear and resolve INKATHA is the mass organization tes and paramilitary guards have been cases. COSATU also recognized that of Mangosuthu Gatsha Buthelezi, chief repeatedly charged with harassing, the truce had to be worked out at the minister of the Kwazulu homeland beating, torturing and killing com- local level, with discussions between designated by the South African munity and union leaders. The toll in the rank-and-file members of government. Although Buthelezi Natal includes more than 1,000 dead in COSATU, UDF and INKATHA. portrays INKATHA as a Zulu cultural the last two years, with 3,000 homes While the talks are a hopeful sign, organization, it functions more as a burned and 30,000 people displaced. they have not produced firm results. hierarchy of regional and local war- INKATHA members are also regularly One obstacle is that so many UDF lords, trying to dominate black implicated in breaking up public meet- leaders are jailed or banned, prevent- communities, enrich themselves, and ings and fueling ethnic conflicts. ing their participation in an open intimidate other organizations . As The complicity of the police is also peace-making process. In addition, nominal ruler of Kwazulu, Chief Min- apparent. A COSATU report in March ways need to be found to bring unor- ister Buthelezi also commands his own linked the police to high-ranking IN- ganized township youth and the un- police force and government ap- KATHA leaders, citing incidents of employed into conciliation efforts. paratus. police participation in INKATHA at- Clearly the struggle against apart- From this base, Buthelezi assertive- tacks. A 1988 church study also heid must be fought on many fronts, ly promotes himself as an alternative to pointed out that the police have selec- including the home front . ACTWU Visits ACTWUSA AN INSIDE LOOK AT WORKERS' CONTROL

by John Hudson The Congress was chaired by Ntuli announced that "this will be the This April, the Amalgamated Clothing ACTWUSA president Amon Ntuli, last official to speak on this subject." and Textile Workers Union (ACTWU) who opened the assembly with the We saw worker control at the sent two of ficers, john Hudson and Clayola thundering shout "Amandla!" grassroots when we ventured beyond Brown, to the special congress o f its South (power), answered by 200 delegates Durban to visit with branches in African counterpart and namesake, shouting "Awethu" (is ours!). Ntuli, Capetown, East London and Johannes- ACTWUSA. John Hudson is manager o f 30, has worked at the Frame Textile burg. One example was the meeting of the Headwear Joint Board, aVice-Presi- complex in Pinetown since his late a bargaining committee in advance of dent o fACTWU, and o founder o f the NY teens, when he came to Durban from negotiations with an employers' as- LCAA. Here is his account o f their visit; his Kwazulu farm . Like all members sociation. of the ACTWUSA national executive, The data and policy considerations We came to South Africa to attend a he continues to report to his regular job were very intricate. But rather than special congress of ACTWUSA, which and must be elected shop steward in entrust this information to only one or ratified their merger with the Garment order to hold higher union of f ice. two people, the stewards spent nearly and Allied Workers Union. The three hours going over every conceiv- merger will create the second largest Worker Structures able detail of the negotiations. The union in COSATU, after the next point would not be taken up until mineworkers, with over 200,000 mem- ACTWUSA, like other COSATU it was clear, from a show of hands and bers. unions, is structured around the shop verbal spot check, that every steward I was impressed by many things, steward system to ensure that power fully grasped every detail . The result but especially by the exercise of flows from the bottom up. Stewards was negotiations in which workers workers' control in every aspect of the are elected on the shop floor, as many fully participated—and controlled. union's activity . For instance, the Con- as workers feel they need . In each shop gresswas held in a cooperative f actory or plant, there is a chief steward and a Steward Training that ACTWUSA has recently estab- branch committee made up of lished in response to lay-offs in the stewards. The branch executive com- Steward training was equally textile industry. The factory is named, mittee feeds into a regional executive thorough and intensive . In addition to "Zenzeleni Basebenzi," which in Zulu committee, feeding into a national ex- role playing and more traditional means, "Workers, do it yourselves!" ecutivecommittee. methods, there was thoughtful and The Congress was conducted with a Union staff members, or "officials," provocative discussion on the political mixture of discipline and celebration. are viewed as trusted servants of the and policy implications of choices The issues were complex and the union rather than as spokespersons or workers make on the shop floor . In debate on the floor was exhaustive. leaders. They facilitate the functioning one session, there was spirited debate Delegates tackled the terms of merger, of worker structures, but do not dis- based on an actual situation where and the formulation of a "workers' place worker delegates or stewards. workers would choose between ob- charter" to express ACTWUSA's While officials may be allowed to servingthe May Day holiday they had views on the independent role of speak during a debate, there were fought so hard to win, or trading it in unions in apost-apartheid society. several occasions when President for a four day holiday. The stewards— and workers—emphatically endorsed the observance of May Day. Unions in South Africa are at an exciting moment of struggle. They are very conscious of the best and the worst of labor experience in other countries. They want unions that are independent champions of workers' interests . They want a strong shop floor foundation, without the problems of "professional bureau- cratization" which they feel have un- derminedmany Western unions. It was apparent to us that while American unionists can assist our South African brothers and sisters in their immediate struggles, we would Gilbert Phewa, Chief Shop Steward at the Frame Textile complex near also do well to watch and learn . These Durban, meets with ACTWU Civil Rights Director Clayola Brown and unions are a both a reflection of our ACTWU Vice President John Hudson. past and a beacon for our future. South African Chemical Workers in New York CWIU CALLS FOR RESPONSIBLE DISINVESTMENT "Let's remember, apartheid is an petroleum engineer," Crompton ex- CWIU leaders stressed the impor- economic system," was the message of plained, "money that could be used to tance of more sophisticated sanctions Calvin Makgaleng, president of the wipe out illiteracy in the townships. legislation which includes labor rights South African Chemical Workers In- The company wants to create a special to notice and negotiation as a basic dustrial Union (CWIU). Makgaleng elite whose interests are not those of standard of responsible disinvestment. and CWIU general secretary Rod the majority." CWIU maintains the They endorsed the labor rights amend- Crompton were addressing an LCAA principle that these funds are benefits ments proposed for Intro . 1137, New meeting in New York this April, stress- earned by workers and that workers York City's new sanctions bill, for ingthe need to assert labor rights in the should decide themselves how the upholding their slogan : "Disinvest - on struggle to get multinational capital money should be distributed . our terms!" out of South Africa. The CWIU leaders stressed the rights of South African workers and their unions to negotiate the terms of MOBIL'S PULL-OUT: A CASE IN POINT withdrawal when corporations pull out of South Africa as a result of sanc- tionsand divestment movements. The CWIU has pressed their demand for notice and negotiation with 39 multinationals which may potentially leave South Africa, directly affecting their membership . Using the threat of job actions, the union has suc- ~eeded in getting 24 of these com- j>anies to agree to talk about ways to ensure workers' security, benefits and union rights if the companies should decide to withdraw. Among those 24 companies enter- ing negotiations are the U.S. corpora- tions Caltex, Colgate Palmolive and Gillette. Predictably, the main hold- outs against negotiating over with- drawal are the large oil companies, CWIU workers demonstrate at Mobil offices across South Africa demand- primarily Shell and its subsidiaries. ingthe company negotiate the terms of its withdrawal. In addition to joint negotiations over standards for possible disinvest- In a surprise move this April, Mobil Oil announced it was pulling out of South ment, the CWIU demands : one year Africa, under duress from the tax penalties attached to sanctions legislation . The advance notice; full disclosure of plans announcement was a victory for the anti-apartheid movement, particularly since for the sale and transfer of assets ; the Mobil had led corporate forces in the U.S. opposed to disinvestment. right to faith bargaining over The Mobil announcement was, however, double-edged . The company had such plans; guarantees of no new refused to give notice to their workers, represented by the CWIU, or to disclose conditions of employment by new the terms of sale to the South African company Gencor . They indicated that employers; and the creation of worker Gencor would continue to use Mobil product names and formula. trust funds from the profits made on The CWIU supports disinvestment but openly questioned : is Mobil`s pull-out disinvestment, with these funds under sham or real? The union demanded disclosure of the deal and negotiations over the control of workers. the terms of withdrawal . U.S. labor leaders from the Mineworkers and OCAW The demand f or worker-controlled immediately backed the CWIU demands, as did other anti-apartheid groups here trust funds is especially critical, since a and abroad . Mobil was named the target of Soweto Day demonstrations number of corporations have estab- scheduled in New York in June. lished f oundations inSouth Africa, os- The CWIU also went on strike at fifteen Mobil installations in South Africa to tensibly to support community and impress on Mobil that they could not just "hit and run" over their South African educational projects. However, CWIU workers. As of mid-May, Mobil backed down and entered negotiations with the believes that most of these funds exist CWIU over the conditions of the pull-out. only to benefit the companies, not their If the result is less than good f aith bargaining, Mobil can be assured that the workforce. anti-apartheid movement won't let them of f the hook . "Mobil, for instance, will spend a small fortune to educate one black

South African Labor Briefs the Summit by the fact that all repudiate or repeal the repressive fea- Workers Summit delegates were shopfloor repre- tures of the new labor. Many commen- sentatives. Union staff officials were tators warn that this is the wave of builds Unity excluded, except for a small number of future labor-management disputes un- The South African labor movement recording secretaries. The summit less the law is reformed. held a historic Workers' Summit this also showed that workers were "ready March to forge a united response to to discuss their differences and seek Employer Violence government repression and employer new ways to achieve unity," COSATU assaults on union rights . Over 700 stated. The National Union of shopfloor delegates attended the sum- Mineworkers (NUM), South Africa's mit from across the country and from Defying The largest union, reports that employer every sector of the workforce. New Labor Law violence and repression has grown sig- The meeting was sponsored by nificantly since the national miners' COSATU, the leading federation, but The campaign against the new labor strike in 1987. An NUM study of was also attended by independent law restrictions on unions has shown Anglo-American mines found that unions and eleven affiliates of the some success in recent months, as in- worker's hostels are guarded like second federation, NACTU . Although dustrial relations lurch toward anar- prison camps, armed patrols supervise NACTU had formally pulled out of the chy and confrontation. worker's movements, stewards' rooms conference, the representation of near- NUMSA, the metalworkers' union, are searched, and union activity has ly half its affiliates was considered a reports that a wave of wildcat strikes been banned from the compounds. positive sign for developing unity and has broken out, involving more than The company has actively harassed cooperation. 2,000 union members at a dozen shaft stewards and even broadcast The chief issues addressed were plants. The wildcat strikes raise a anti-union radio messages into the how to roll back the repressive range of demands, from problems mines. Two Anglo-American mines provisions of the new Labor Relations around disciplinary codes to lay-off have re-segregated worker's living Act, passed over union protests last procedures. What they have in com- quarters according to ethnic origins, a September . The Summit delegates mon is that the union won't intervene move designed to heighten tensions. agreed to fight directly with employers to settle disputes, since the new labor The NUM report challenges the for the right to strike, due process in law allows employers to sue the union common image of Anglo-American as dismissals, sole recognition for over damages resulting from job ac- a model employer and moderate force majority unions, and the right to con- tions. for reforming apartheid . The union is duct sympathy strikes. NUMSA is sticking by the letter of concerned that employers are using in- They also called for union rights to the law not to get involved, unless the cidents of violence as pretexts for intro- be extended to farm and forestry companies agree they will not use the ducing draconian security measures workers, domestic workers, and public new law to outlaw strikes or hold the and undermining the union . NUM sector workers . They agreed to step up union liable. As a result, employers points out that companies are not ad- protest actions against the labor law find themselves without ways to dressing the roots of violence, includ- and to broaden the living wage cam- resolve disputes and workers find they ing provocations by security forces, paign. must fight outside the law. terrible living and working conditions, The rank-and-file strength of South NUMSA is clear that the situation job insecurity, and the migrant labor African unions was demonstrated at will continue until employers system imposed by apartheid itself.

JOIN US! THE NEW YORK LABOR COMMITTEE AGAINST APARTHEID

YES, SIGN ME UP! NAME q Newsletter mailing list ($5/yr.) q Bulk copies of newsletter HOME ADDRESS # copies ($25 per 100) q "Free Mayekisd " buttons CITY STATE ZIP # buttons ($1 each) q Contact me for LCAA activities PHONE (work or home?) q Contact me to arrange an educational program at my local/organization UNION OR ORGANIZATION q Donation to LCAA $ (checks payable to NY Labor Committee Against Apartheid) MAIL TO : VICKI WILLIAMS, c/o ACTWU, 15 UNION SQ . WEST, NY, NY 10003

Commemorating the Sharpeville Massacre, LCAA Chair Stanley Hill ur- ILGWU V.P. Edgar Romney tes- ging prompt passage of Intro. 1137 at a City Hall news conference with labor tifying in support of labor rights leaders and City officials Ruth Messinger, David Dinkins and Jay Goldin. amendments to Intro. 1137. LABOR RIGHTS GAIN MOMENTUM IN NYC SANCTIONS BILL For the labor movement, here and in licensing and franchise agreements appointed a panel to review City sanc- South Africa, one of the crucial condi- there. Other companies are still active- tions, which in April recommended tions of responsible disinvestment is ly doing business in South Africa, but several revisions to Intro. 1137 which that departing companies recognize evade sanctions by selling to the City could weaken the bill. the right of South African workers to through third party vendors. The Mayor's panel would allow advance notice and good faith negotia- New York City unions wholehear- banks to roll over existing loans to tions over the terms of withdrawal. tedly support closing these loopholes, South Africa for up to ten years, would Too often, companies have used the but insist that labor rights provisions give companies up to five years to close pretext of disinvestment as an excuse are equally important conditions for out licensing and franchise agree- to break union contracts, renege on disinvestment. The amendments put ments, and would limit purchasing pension and benefit commitments, forward by the NY LCAA have been restrictions to products vaguely desig- and deny union recognition under endorsed by forty local and district nated as "strategic ." new corporate ownership. union presidents and by the NYC In addition, the Mayor's panel did The demand to recognize labor Central Labor Council. not recognize the need to strengthen rights to notice and negotiation has be- In addition, ten area unions have the enforcement mechanisms in the come the central focus of union efforts testified at public hearings and news law, nor the need to extend sanctions in New York to tighten up City sanc- conferences in support of labor rights to non-mayoral agencies such as tions legislation. The campaign amendments, including leaders from schools and hospitals. centers on passage of a new sanctions D.C. 37 AFSCME, CSEA, CWA, A new draft of Intro . 1137 is ex- bill, Intro. 1137. ILGWU, ACTWU, UAW, TWU and pected in coming weeks . Support As it stands, Intro. 1137 closes major 1199. Over 1,000 members have prompt action on Intro. 1137, with full loopholes in previous City sanctions signed petitions and sent postcards. labor rights provisions and no com- by addressing ways that companies At this point, Intro. 1137 and its promises, by writing to City Council maintain indirect ties with business in labor rights amendments are making Chairperson Peter Vallone, City Hall, South Africa. For instance, many com- slow progress through legislative New York NY 10007. To help out fur- panies claim they no longer operate in channels. But there are obstacles yet to ther, contact Kate Pfordresher, LCAA South Africa, but maintain lucrative surmount. Last winter Mayor Koch coordinator, at (718) 768-1756. I

LCAA Sponsors Chair: Stanley Hill, Exec . Dir., D.C . 37, AFSCME

Lou Albano, Pres ., Local 375, D .C. 37, AFSCME; George Boncoraglia, Pres ., CSEA Region II, AFSCME ; Beverly Gans, Dir., Region 9A, UAW ; Jim Bell, Pres., NY Coalition of Black Trade Unionists; Jim Butler, Pres ., Local 420, D .C . 37, AFSCME; Arthur Cheliotes, Pres., Local 1180, CWA; Charles Ensley, Pres., Local 371, D.C . 37, AFSCME ; Barry Feinstein, Pres., Local 237, IBT ; John Glasel, Pres., Local 802, AFM ; Bill Henning, Vice-Pres., Local 1180, CWA; John Hudson, Mgr., Headwear Jt . Bd ./V.P., ACTWU; Dan Kane, Pres., Local 111, IBT ; Josephine LeBeau, Vice Pres., NY CLUW; Barry Liebowitz, Pres., Doctors Council; William Lucy, Pres ., Nat'l Coalition of Black Trade Unionists ; Josie McMillian, Pres ., Metro Area, APWU; Sam Meyers, Pres., Local 259, UAW; Henry Nicholas, Pres., NUHHCE ; William Nuchow, Sec-Treas., Local 840, IBT; Jan Pierce, Pres ., District 1, CWA; Marian Porro, Pres ., Local 1930, D .C. 37, AFSCME ; Dennis Rivera, Pres ., Local 1199, RWDSU; Bettye Roberts, Pres., D.C . 1707, AFSCME; Cleveland Robinson, Sec .-Treas., Dist. 65, UAW ; Ray Rogers, Dir., Corporate Campaign, Inc .; Edgar Romney, Mgr, Local 23-25/V.P. ILGWU ; Robert Schwartz, Pres., Comm. of Interns & Residents; Jack Sheinkman, Pres., ACTWU; Willie Terry, Pres ., Local 460, CSEA ; Cecil Toppin, Mgr., Service Industries Jt. Bd ., ACTWU; Ida Tones, Vice Pres ., Local 3, RWDSU.

Coordinators : Kate Pfordresher and Vicky Williams (212) 226-6565 or (718) 768-1756