Is Fascism Right Or Left? Dinesh D’Souza
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QUALESTORIA. Rivista Di Storia Contemporanea. L'italia E La
«Qualestoria» n.1, giugno 2021, pp. 163-186 DOI: 10.13137/0393-6082/32191 https://www.openstarts.units.it/handle/10077/21200 163 Culture, arts, politics. Italy in Ivan Meštrović’s and Bogdan Radica’s discourses between the two World Wars di Maciej Czerwiński In this article the activity and discourses of two Dalmatian public figures are taken into consideration: the sculptor Ivan Meštrović and the journalist Bogdan Radica. They both had an enormous influence on how the image of Italy was created and disseminated in Yugoslavia, in particular in the 1920s and 1930s. The analysis of their discourses is interpreted in terms of the concept of Dalmatia within a wider Mediterranean basin which also refers to two diverse conceptualizations of Yugoslavism, cultural and politi- cal. Meštrović’s vision of Dalmatia/Croatia/Yugoslavia was based on his rural hinterland idiom enabling him to embrace racial and cultural Yugoslavism. In contrast, Radica, in spite of having a pro-Yugoslav orientation during the same period, did not believe in race, so for him the idea of Croat-Serb unity was more a political issue (to a lesser extent a cultural one). Keywords: Dalmatia, Yugoslav-Italian relationships, Croatianness, Yugoslavism, Bor- derlands Parole chiave: Dalmazia, Relazioni Jugoslavia-Italia, Croaticità, Jugoslavismo, Aree di confine Introduction This article takes into consideration the activity and discourses of the sculptor Ivan Meštrović and the journalist Bogdan Radica1. The choice of these two figures from Dalmatia, though very different in terms of their profession and political status in the interwar Yugoslav state (1918-41), has an important justification. Not only they both were influenced by Italian culture and heritage (displaying the typical Dalmatian ambivalence towards politics), but they also evaluated Italian heritage and politics in the Croatian/Yugoslav public sphere. -
The Restless Liberalism of Alexis De Tocqueville
FILOZOFIA ___________________________________________________________________________Roč. 72, 2017, č. 9 THE RESTLESS LIBERALISM OF ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE JAKUB TLOLKA, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK TLOLKA, J.: The Restless Liberalism of Alexis de Tocqueville FILOZOFIA, 72, No. 9, 2017, pp. 736-747 This essay attempts to contextualise the purported novelty of Alexis de Tocqueville’s particular brand of liberalism. It regards the author not as an heir or precursor to any given political tradition, but rather as a compelled syncretist whose primary philosophical concern was the moral significance of the democratic age. It suggests that Tocqueville devised his ‘new political science’ with a keen view to the existential implications of modernity. In order to support that suggestion, the essay explores the genealogy of Tocqueville’s moral and political thought and draws a relation between his analysis of democracy and his personal experience of modernity. Keywords: A. de Tocqueville – Modernity – Liberalism – Inquiétude – Religion Introduction. Relatively few authors in the history of political thought have produced an intellectual legacy of such overarching resonance as Alexis de Tocqueville. Even fewer, perhaps, have so persistently eluded ordinary analytical and exegetical frameworks, presenting to each astute observer a face so nuanced as to preclude serious interpretive consensus. As writes Lakoff (Lakoff 1998), ‘disagreement over textual interpretation in the study of political thought is not uncommon’. However, ‘it usually arises around those who left writings of a patently divergent character’ (p. 437). When we thus consider the ‘extraordinarily coherent and consistent nature’ of Alexis de Tocqueville’s political philosophy, it appears somewhat odd that the academic consensus surrounding that author relates almost exclusively to the grandeur of his intellectual achievement (Lukacs 1959, 6). -
Michael Oakeshott 'On Being Conservative'
Podoksik, Ephraim. "Michael Oakeshott ‘On Being Conservative’." Conservative Moments: Reading Conservative Texts. Ed. Mark Garnett. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018. 67–74. Textual Moments in the History of Political Thought. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 2 Oct. 2021. <http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350001565.ch-009>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 2 October 2021, 23:12 UTC. Copyright © Mark Garnett 2018. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 67 CHAPTER NINE Michael Oakeshott ‘On Being Conservative’ Ephraim Podoksik The self- government of men of passionate belief and enterprise is apt to break down when it is most needed. It often suffi ces to resolve minor collisions of interest, but beyond these it is not to be relied upon. A more precise and a less easily corrupted ritual is required to resolve the massive collisions which our manner of living is apt to generate and to release us from the massive frustrations in which we are apt to become locked. The custodian of this ritual is ‘the government’, and the rules it imposes are ‘the law’. One may imagine a government engaged in the activity of an arbiter in cases of collisions of interest but doing its business without the aid of laws, just as one may imagine a game without rules and an umpire who was appealed to in cases of dispute and who on each occasion merely used his judgment to devise ad hoc a way of releasing the disputants from their mutual frustration. -
Inventing the Lesser Evil in Italy and Brazil
Fascist Fiction: Inventing the Lesser Evil in Italy and Brazil by Giulia Riccò Department of Romance Studies Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Lamonte Aidoo, Supervisor ___________________________ Roberto Dainotto ___________________________ Nicola Gavioli ___________________________ Saskia Ziolkowski Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Romance Studies in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 i v ABSTRACT Fascist Fiction: Inventing the Lesser Evil in Italy and Brazil by Giulia Riccò Department of Romance Studies Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Lamonte Aidoo, Supervisor ___________________________ Roberto Dainotto ___________________________ Nicola Gavioli ___________________________ Saskia Ziolkowski An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Romance Studies in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 Copyright by Giulia Riccò 2019 Abstract My dissertation, Fascist Fiction: Inventing the Lesser Evil in Italy and Brazil, accounts for the resilience of fascism by tracing the rhetoric of the “lesser evil”—a discursive practice constitutive of fascism—through contemporary politics and literature in Italy and Brazil. By invoking the looming presence of a graver, more insidious threat the rhetoric of the lesser evil legitimizes fascist violence against dissidents and vulnerable populations. Through an analysis of texts by fascist philosopher Giovanni Gentile and his Brazilian counterpart Miguel Reale, I reveal that the rhetoric of the lesser evil is a constitutive part of fascist discourse and that in Italy and Brazil this aspect of fascist doctrine met a favorable combination of subjective and objective conditions which has allowed it to thrive within democratic structures. -
THE REPUBLICAN PARTY's MARCH to the RIGHT Cliff Checs Ter
Fordham Urban Law Journal Volume 29 | Number 4 Article 13 2002 EXTREMELY MOTIVATED: THE REPUBLICAN PARTY'S MARCH TO THE RIGHT Cliff checS ter Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj Part of the Accounting Law Commons Recommended Citation Cliff cheS cter, EXTREMELY MOTIVATED: THE REPUBLICAN PARTY'S MARCH TO THE RIGHT, 29 Fordham Urb. L.J. 1663 (2002). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj/vol29/iss4/13 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Urban Law Journal by an authorized editor of FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. EXTREMELY MOTIVATED: THE REPUBLICAN PARTY'S MARCH TO THE RIGHT Cover Page Footnote Cliff cheS cter is a political consultant and public affairs writer. Cliff asw initially a frustrated Rockefeller Republican who now casts his lot with the New Democratic Movement of the Democratic Party. This article is available in Fordham Urban Law Journal: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj/vol29/iss4/13 EXTREMELY MOTIVATED: THE REPUBLICAN PARTY'S MARCH TO THE RIGHT by Cliff Schecter* 1. STILL A ROCK PARTY In the 2000 film The Contender, Senator Lane Hanson, por- trayed by Joan Allen, explains what catalyzed her switch from the Grand Old Party ("GOP") to the Democratic side of the aisle. During her dramatic Senate confirmation hearing for vice-presi- dent, she laments that "The Republican Party had shifted from the ideals I cherished in my youth." She lists those cherished ideals as "a woman's right to choose, taking guns out of every home, campaign finance reform, and the separation of church and state." Although this statement reflects Hollywood's usual penchant for oversimplification, her point con- cerning the recession of moderation in Republican ranks is still ap- ropos. -
'Indian Career' of John Stuart Mill a Review-Arti
Organic Conservatism, Administrative Realism, and the Imperialist Ethos in the 'Indian Career' of John Stuart Mill a review-article by Vinay Lal* Lynn Zastoupil. John Stuart Mill and India. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1994. viii + 280 pp. "I was born in London, on the 20th of May, 1806," wrote John Stuart Mill in his autobiography, "and was the eldest son of James Mill, the author of the History of British India." James Mill had acquired considerable fame as a philosopher of utilitarianism and as an authority on India; and if it is remarkable that John Stuart Mill, who would eclipse his father, described himself, on the opening page of his autobiography, as the son of the "author of the History of British India", it is just as revealing that he virtually obscured his own life-long association with India. It is not commonly known that John Stuart Mill, philosopher of classical liberalism, theorist of political economy, proponent of women's rights, and one of the shapers of modern English prose, spent nearly the entirety of his adult working life drafting "despatches" or official documents on British policy in India. A few terse lines, to which he had practically nothing else to add in his autobiography, describe his association with India: "In May, 1823, my professional occupation and status for the next thirty-five years of my life, were decided by my father's obtaining for me an appointment from the East India Company. immediately under himself." Thus was John Stuart Mill's connection with India assured until the demise of the East India Company in 1858. -
Science and Fascism
Science and Fascism Scientific Research Under a Totalitarian Regime Michele Benzi Department of Mathematics and Computer Science Emory University Outline 1. Timeline 2. The ascent of Italian mathematics (1860-1920) 3. The Italian Jewish community 4. The other sciences (mostly Physics) 5. Enter Mussolini 6. The Oath 7. The Godfathers of Italian science in the Thirties 8. Day of infamy 9. Fascist rethoric in science: some samples 10. The effect of Nazism on German science 11. The aftermath: amnesty or amnesia? 12. Concluding remarks Timeline • 1861 Italy achieves independence and is unified under the Savoy monarchy. Venice joins the new Kingdom in 1866, Rome in 1870. • 1863 The Politecnico di Milano is founded by a mathe- matician, Francesco Brioschi. • 1871 The capital is moved from Florence to Rome. • 1880s Colonial period begins (Somalia, Eritrea, Lybia and Dodecanese). • 1908 IV International Congress of Mathematicians held in Rome, presided by Vito Volterra. Timeline (cont.) • 1913 Emigration reaches highest point (more than 872,000 leave Italy). About 75% of the Italian popu- lation is illiterate and employed in agriculture. • 1914 Benito Mussolini is expelled from Socialist Party. • 1915 May: Italy enters WWI on the side of the Entente against the Central Powers. More than 650,000 Italian soldiers are killed (1915-1918). Economy is devastated, peace treaty disappointing. • 1921 January: Italian Communist Party founded in Livorno by Antonio Gramsci and other former Socialists. November: National Fascist Party founded in Rome by Mussolini. Strikes and social unrest lead to political in- stability. Timeline (cont.) • 1922 October: March on Rome. Mussolini named Prime Minister by the King. -
De Tocqueville's Democracy in America: a Sociology of Knowledge Perspective
Journal of Political Science Volume 12 Number 1 Article 4 November 1985 De Tocqueville's Democracy in America: A Sociology of Knowledge Perspective Eileen L. McDonagh Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation McDonagh, Eileen L. (1985) "De Tocqueville's Democracy in America: A Sociology of Knowledge Perspective," Journal of Political Science: Vol. 12 : No. 1 , Article 4. Available at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops/vol12/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics at CCU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Political Science by an authorized editor of CCU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. De Tocqueville's Democracy in America: A ociology of Knowledge Perspective* EiLL EEN L. McDo AGH ortheastern University •The author thanks Whitney Pope, H. Douglas Price, and David Riesman for their constructive criticisms and suggestions. Alexis de Tocqueville is accepted as one of the most insightful and im portant commentat ors on American democracy. 1 He explores at length in hi seemingly timeless treatise, Democracy in America, enduring and domi nant characteristics of American democratic society: the tyranny of the ma jority, the social and economic equality of the American people, the predominant materialism of American culture, and finally the importance of manners and mores in setting the character of a political society. In fact, de Tocqueville is viewed by some as the author of the "first sociological tudy of American society," and often is ranked with .Marx for the persist ent relevance of contributed insights and ideas . -
Freedom of Expression and the Civic Republican Revival in Constitutional Theory: the Ominous Implications
California Law Review VOL. 79 MARCH 1991 No. 2 Copyright © 1991 by California Law Review, Inc. Freedom of Expression and the Civic Republican Revival in Constitutional Theory: The Ominous Implications Martin H. Redisht Gary Lippmant A modified form of civic republicanism has seen a recent revival in constitutionaltheory. The authors critique this "liberal" version of repub- licanism, specifically, its implicationsfor free expression. Though scholar- ship on the intersection of republicanism andfree expression is sparse, the authors extrapolatefrom the "communitarian determinative" model and the "external objective" model of republicanism and apply them to free speech. They argue that even those branches of modern republican theory that privilege communitarian self-determination over externally derived truths present extremely disturbing implicationsfor the viability of free speech theory in many of its traditionalapplications. INTRODUCTION: CIVIC REPUBLICANISM, AMERICAN DEMOCRATIC THEORY, AND FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION With a rush of celebratory rhetoric about the values of civic virtue, communitarian deliberation, and the preference for the common good t Louis and Harriet Ancel Professor of Law and Public Policy, Northwestern University. A.B. 1967, University of Pennsylvania; J.D. 1970, Harvard University. This Article formed the basis for a lecture delivered by Professor Redish as the Lorene Sails Higgins Distinguished Visitor at Lewis & Clark School of Law in March, 1991. T A.B. 1984, Rutgers University; J.D. 1990, Northwestern University. The authors would like to thank Ronald Allen, Randy Barnett, Linda Hirshman, Jane Larson, Gary Lawson, Larry Marshall, Michael Perry, Stephen Presser, and David Van Zandt for their comments on an earlier draft. The Article also benefitted from a faculty workshop at Vanderbilt University School of Law. -
The Doctrine of Fascism
Benito Mussolini and Giovanni Gentile The Doctrine of Fascism (1932) Like all sound political conceptions, Fascism is action and it is thought; action in which doctrine is immanent, and doctrine arising from a given system of historical forces in which it is inserted, and working on them from within.1 It has therefore a form correlated to contingencies of time and space; but it has also an ideal content which makes it an expression of truth in the higher region of the history of thought.2 There is no way of exercising a spiritual influence in the world as a human will dominating the will of others, unless one has a conception both of the transient and the specific reality on which that action is to be exercised, and of the permanent and universal reality in which the transient dwells and has its being. To know men one must know man; and to know man one must be acquainted with reality and its laws. There can be no conception of the State which is not fundamentally a conception of life: philosophy or intuition, system of ideas evolving within the framework of logic or concentrated in a vision or a faith, but always, at least potentially, an organic conception of the world. Thus many of the practical expressions of Fascism such as party organization, system of education, and discipline can only be understood when considered in relation to its general attitude toward life. A spiritual attitude.3 Fascism sees in the world not only those superficial, material aspects in which man appears as an individual, standing by himself, self-centered, -
Conservatism As a Situated Identity: Implications for Consumer Behavior ⁎ Daphna Oyserman , Norbert Schwarz
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com ScienceDirect Journal of Consumer Psychology 27, 4 (2017) 532–536 Research Dialogue Conservatism as a situated identity: Implications for consumer behavior ⁎ Daphna Oyserman , Norbert Schwarz University of Southern California, United States Accepted by Sharon Shavitt, Area Editor Received 14 August 2017; received in revised form 16 August 2017; accepted 16 August 2017 Available online 24 August 2017 Abstract Insufficient attention to political ideology as an organizing axis reduces predictive power. Jost (2017 – this issue) makes a significant contribution by outlining and documenting a set of relationships among personality factors, attitudes, values, and conservatism. The value of this approach is highlighting the possibility that ideology sticks when it fits features of the individual and hence has an enduring quality. This approach needs to be balanced by consideration of the power of the immediate situation to define what an identity means and the potential universality of many features associated with conservatism. We discuss both issues using identity-based motivation theory as our organizing framework. © 2017 Society for Consumer Psychology. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. “A Jeep driver is one who doesn't give up when faced with Introduction adversity” (Shanghai husband explaining why he bought his wife a Jeep Grand Cherokee; from Barnett, 2016). Are Jeeps for tough tenacious people who value personal happiness, self-direction and new experiences? Are Lincolns for “Love, hope, happiness. Whatever your destination, there're a quirky people who are rooted in their past, value family and million ways to get there” (“Recalculating” advertisement for personal happiness, and are benevolent and want to avoid harm? Jeep https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G2dnmCmTI90). -
The Conservative Disposition and the Precautionary Principle. 2010
The Conservative Disposition and the Precautionary Principle Turner, Stephen. 2010. The Conservative Disposition and the Precautionary Principle, in The Meanings of Michael Oakeshott’s Conservatism, edited by Corey Abel, Imprint Academic, all rights reserved. Pp. 204-217. Stephen P. Turner To be conservative . is to prefer the familiar to the unknown, to prefer the tried to the untried, fact to mystery, the actual to the possible, the limited to the unbounded, the near to the distant, the sufficient to the superabundant, the convenient to the perfect, present laughter to utopian bliss. [The disposition] asserts itself characteristically when there is much to be lost, and it will be strongest when this is combined with evident risk of loss.1 [T]he precautionary principle requires us to assign the burden of proof to those who want to introduce a new technology, particularly in cases where there is little or no established need or benefit and where the hazards are serious and irreversible. It is up to the perpetrators to prove that the technology is safe ‘beyond reasonable doubt’. We cannot expect the precautionary principle by itself to tell us what to do about GM crops or any other new technology. Like a jury, we have to weigh up the evidence, and like a jury we have to come to a decision.2 The precautionary principle is a poorly defined idea, but it is generally understood to mean that innovations should be given special scrutiny with respect to risk, and to reject changes that involve not merely risks, which can be calculated, but uncertainties, which cannot.