Dynamics of Regionalism in the Post-Cold War Era: the Case of Southeastern Europe

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Dynamics of Regionalism in the Post-Cold War Era: the Case of Southeastern Europe Dynamics of Regionalism in the Post-Cold War Era: The Case of Southeastern Europe Daphne Papahadjopoulos Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy European Institute, The London School of Economics and Political Science 2004 UMI Number: U194851 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Disscrrlation Publishing UMI U194851 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 LiOf-tiy British üorwy ui rOHucat and Economic Science TH cS c S F To my uncle Demetrios Papahadjopoulos Who would have been so pleased Abstract The thesis seeks to understand why in the post-Cold War era regionalism in Southeastern Europe has been largely ineffective. First, it examines the theoretical preconditions for the emergence of the phenomenon. It finds that two separate levels of analysis exist for explaining its sources, namely the international - divided between rationalist and reflectivist schools - and the domestic. Rationalist schools of thought are arranged along a continuum between those focusing on sources of regionalism external (systemic) and internal to regions. Subsequently, the research project provides a historical perspective of cooperation in Southeastern Europe. It finds that in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, regional schemes did not succeed because of the fragmentory role of external factors - namely the intervention in descending order of the Great Powers, Germany and the Superpowers - as well as Balkan nationalisms. The thesis argues that in the post-Cold War era regional cooperation initiatives, such as the SEECP, the Royaumont Procès, SECI and the SPSEE, have also been ineffective due to external and domestic reasons. On the one hand, while promoting regional cooperation initiatives in Southeastern Europe, the EU has at the same time pursued differentiated integration and bilateral policies with Balkan states which further contribute to the region's heterogeneity and generate centrifugal dynamics. On the other hand, intra-national prerequisites for the emergence of regionalism are absent. These include the retarded state and nation-building process of Yugoslav successor states and entities as well as domestic economic conditions related to the delayed transition in the 1990s. The methodology of the study places the thesis within the literature of International Relations. Systemic theories and domestic political and economic reasons are used to explain the failure of regional cooperation in Southeastern Europe. The research project introduces the concept of 'stateness' - generally referred to in the démocratisation literature as state and nation-building or 'third transition'- to the domestic explanations for the lack of regionalism as well as a neo-liberal aspect to the traditional state-centric external approach to regional cooperation. 1 Table of Contents Abstract .................................................................................................................................1 Acknowledgements ..............................................................................................................4 List of Tables ........................................................................................................................5 List of Abbreviations ............................................................................................................6 Chapter 1 Introduction.................................................................................................... 9 1.1 Background ...................................................................................................9 1.2 Research Question and Structure of the Thesis ..........................................12 1.3 Methodology .............................................................................................. 21 Chapter 2 The Concept of Regionalism..................................................................... 24 2.1 Introduction.................................................................................................24 2.2 Historical Overview of Study and Praxis of Regionalism ......................... 24 2.3 Definition of a Region and Regionalism................................................... 27 2.4 International Theories of Regionalism.......................................................32 2.4.1 Rationalist Continuum ............................................................................... 32 2.4.2 Reflectivism.......................... 48 2.5 Domestic Theories of Regionalism............................................................50 2.6 Conclusions .................................................................................................55 Chapter 3 Historical Overview of Balkan Regional Cooperation..........................61 3.1 Introduction.................................................................................................61 3.2 Balkan Leagues and Confederal Plans .......................................................61 3.3 Balkan Conferences and Balkan Entente ...................................................66 3.4 Balkan Federation ...................................................................................71 3.5 Balkan Triangle ...........................................................................................74 3.6 Balkan Arms Limitation Talks (BALTs) ....................................................80 3.7 Balkan Conferences .................................................................................... 82 3.8 Conclusions................................................................................................86 Chapter 4 Regional Initiatives in the Post-Cold War Era......................................89 4.1 Introduction .............................................................................................. 89 4.2 Royaumont Process for Stability and Good Neighbourliness ...................90 4.3 Southeast European Cooperation Process (SEECP).................................. 93 4.4 Southeast European Cooperative Initiative (SECI)................................... 96 4.5 Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe (SPSEE) ..................................... 99 4.6 Multinational Peace Force South-East Europe (MPFSEE) ..................... 107 4.7 South East Europe Initiative (SEEI) ..........................................................109 4.8 Conclusions............................................................................................... I ll Chapter 5 Differentiated Integration.....................................................................115 5.1 Introduction...............................................................................................115 5.2 Bulgaria and Romania............................................................................. 116 5.2.1 Central Europe Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA)................................... 120 5.3 Western Balkans ...................................................................................... 124 5.4 Turkey ......................................................................................................130 5.5 Conclusions..................................... 134 Chapter 6 Stateness in the Yugoslav Successor States and Entities ...................137 6.1 Introduction ...............................................................................................137 6.2 Bosnia-Herzegovina ................................................................................. 141 6.3 Croatia .......................................................................................................144 6.4 Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY)/Serbia-Montenegro ...................148 6.4.1 Kosovo ......................................................................................................152 6.5 FYR Macedonia ....................................................................................... 158 6.6 Conclusions ...............................................................................................163 Chapter 7 Delayed EconomicTransition ...............................................................168 7.1 Introduction ..............................................................................................168 7.2 Albania .....................................................................................................169 7.3 Bosnia-Herzegovina .................................................................................172 7.4 Bulgaria ....................................................................................................176 7.5 Croatia ...................................................................................................... 177 7.6 FRY /S erb ia-Montenegro ........................................................................ 180 7.6.1 Kosovo .....................................................................................................183 7.7 FYR Macedonia .......................................................................................185
Recommended publications
  • Issues Around Scottish Independence
    Issues Around Scottish Independence by David Sinclair September 1999 Published by The Constitution Unit 29/30 Tavistock Square London WC 1H 9EZ Tel. 017 1 504 4977 O The Constitution Unit 1999 Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY INTRODUCTION THE ROAD TO INDEPENDENCE The referendum: who votes, and who decides the question? When should a referendum be held? Speed of the transition Who negotiates for each side? SCOTLAND IN THE WORLD ECONOMICS OF INDEPENDENCE SCOTLAND AND THE REST OF THE UK ANNEX 1: GREENLAND AND SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE ANNEX 2: THE BACKGROUND TO THE ARGUMENTS OVER SCOTLAND'S FISCAL DEFICIT Expenditure Revenue Conclusions Executive Summary The debate about Scottish independence should include not only the case for and against independence but a better understanding of the process of independence itself. There are a number of key issues which would need to be resolved before Scotland could become independent. 1. If the issue of independence is put to a referendum who should vote in that referendum and what should the question be? Should that referendum be held before or after negotiations on independence? 2. Once negotiations are taking place, how quickly can a transition to be independence be achieved? 3. What are the key issues that will need to be negotiated? Can any likely sticking points be identified? 4. What would the position of an independent Scotland be in international law? Would Scotland automatically succeed to UK treaty rights and obligations, including membership of the EU? Or would these have to be renegotiated? 5. What are the economics of an independent Scotland? Answering this question involves understanding the current financial position of Scotland within the UK, the likely future finances of Scotland as an independent country, and the costs of transition to independence.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Populism': Armenia's “Velvet Revolution”
    The Armenian Studies Program and the Institute of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies present the 42nd Educator Outreach Conference Authoritarianism, Democratization, and ‘Populism’: Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution” in Perspective Saturday, May 1, 2021 Livestream on YouTube University of California, Berkeley From end March to early May 2018, a series of peaceful protests and demonstration led to the resignation of Prime Minister (PM) Serzh Sargsyan, whom the then ruling Republican Party he chaired had newly nominated for that office. Having completed his two terms as President, from 2008 to 2018, Serzh Sargsyan’s attempt to remain in power became obvious. This attempt also made it evident that the amended 2015 Constitution, which he had promoted to invigorate democratization by shifting power from the office of the President to the Parliament and the office of the Prime Minister, was merely a ploy to extend his rule. It was also the proverbial “last straw that broke the camel’s back.” A kleptocratic, semi-authoritarian regime that appeared to control all the levers of power and of the economy suddenly, and unexpectedly, collapsed. This regime change—which the leader of the protests and incoming new prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, referred to as a “Velvet Revolution”—was peaceful, something unusual for a post-Soviet republic. Subsequent parliamentary elections brought to power a new generation, younger deputies mostly between the ages of twenty-five to forty. A similar generation change also characterized the formation of the government. Youth, however, also means inexperience as almost none of the new deputies and ministers had held any political position in the past.
    [Show full text]
  • The South Caucasus
    The South Caucasus A Regional Overview and Conflict Assessment August 2002 Cornell Caspian Consulting SWEDISH INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION AGENCY Department for Central and Eastern Europe The South Caucasus A Regional Overview and Conflict Assessment Prepared for the Swedish Agency for International Development Cooperation (SIDA) Stockholm, August 30, 2002 The South Caucasus: A Regional and Conflict Assessment Principal Author: Svante E. Cornell Contributing Authors (Alphabetical): Fariz Ismailzade Tamara Makarenko Khatuna Salukvadze Georgi Tcheishvili This report was prepared by Cornell Caspian Consulting under a contract for the Swedish Inter- national Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). The views and opinions expressed in this report should in no way be taken to reflect the position of the Swedish government or those of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). http://www.cornellcaspian.com Cornell Caspian Consulting is a consulting company registered in Stockholm, Sweden, special- ized on the politics and economy of the Caucasus, Central and Southwest Asia. It has offices in Stockholm and Washington, D.C., and representations in Ankara, Turkey; Baku, Azerbaijan; Bos- ton, United States; Dushanbe, Tajikistan; Islamabad, Pakistan; London, United Kingdom; Tashkent, Uzbekistan; Tbilisi, Georgia; Tehran, Iran; and Ufa, Republic of Bashkortostan, Rus- sian Federation. Head Office: Topeliusvägen 15 SE-16761 Bromma Sweden Tel. (Stockholm) +46-8-266873; +46-70-7440995 Tel. (Washington) +1-202-663-7712 Fax.
    [Show full text]
  • Regionalism, Federalism, and Taxation: a Food and Farm Perspective
    Regionalism, Federalism, and Taxation: A Food and Farm Perspective. By Patrick Canning and Marinos Tsigas. Food and Rural Economics Division, Economic Research Service, U.S. Department of Agriculture. Technical Bulletin No. 1882. Abstract This report documents an applied general equilibrium model of the United States. The model features explicit treatment of Federal, State, and local taxes and is segmented into 10 distinct subregions. These subregions engage in inter- and intraregional trade, as well as international trade. Each region is distinguished by its unique composition of industries, capital markets, and patterns of trade. Regional data developed for calibrating the model are discussed and several tax policy reform simulations demonstrate the modeling capabilities. Keywords: Cost of capital, fiscal policy, marginal effective tax rate, regional applied general equilibrium, regional household welfare, State and Federal taxation and reform. Acknowledgments The authors received valuable review comments on drafts of this manuscript from Roy Boyd, Ron Durst, Kenneth Hanson, Thomas Hertel, James Hrubovcak, Howard Leathers, and James Monke. While most comments were incorporated, remaining errors and omissions are solely the responsibility of the authors. The authors acknowledge Michael LeBlanc and Patrick Sullivans encouragement to pursue this research, and Mark Denbalys perseverance in encouraging the projects timely completion. Sharon Lees editorial assistance is also gratefully acknowledged. Washington, DC 20036-5831 March 2000 Contents Page Summary . iii Introduction . 1 Background . 3 Overview of a U.S. Multi-Regional Applied General Equilibrium Model . 5 Structure of the AGE Model . 6 Welfare and Household Behavior . 7 Industrial Demands . 8 Interregional and International Trade . 8 Macroeconomic Closure . 10 Primary Factor Mobility .
    [Show full text]
  • Territory, Democracy and Justice: Regionalism and Federalism In
    Territory, Democracy and Justice Regionalism and Federalism in Western Democracies Edited by Scott L. Greer Territory, Democracy and Justice Books by the same author NATIONALISM AND SELF-GOVERNMENT QUESTIONING GEOPOLITICS WITH GEORGI DERLUGUIAN TERRITORIAL POLITICS AND HEALTH POLICY Territory, Democracy and Justice Regionalism and Federalism in Western Democracies Edited by Scott L. Greer Assistant Professor Department of Health Management and Policy University of Michigan Selection and editorial matter © Scott L. Greer 2006 Individual chapters © contributors 2006 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published in 2006 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world. PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Regionalism, Federalism, and Taxation
    Overview of a U.S. Multi-Regional Applied General Equilibrium Model An applied general equilibrium (AGE) approach is clearing through intraregional, interregional, and appropriate for this analysis because changes in tax international trade. policy affect all industries of the economy at different rates. Furthermore tax changes affect To formulate a theoretically consistent quantitative disposable income and final demand. A model of those economic linkages, we are forced to multiregional framework is appropriate because reduce the dimensions of the problem. In particular, State and Federal tax systems have very different our regional and commodity specifications are effects, and thus tax reform is expected to have shown in figure 2 and table 1. There are 10 different consequences for different regions. aggregate regions representing the U.S. economy Because there are close economic links between and the rest-of-the-world region representing all U.S. regions, it is appropriate to assess tax reform in foreign economies. In terms of industry, there are a national framework. seven aggregate industries (and commodities). Each of the three broad industries (agriculture, food Our general equilibrium approach is based on processing, and manufacturing) includes a assumptions that are common in the literature distinction between high-capital-intensity and low- (perfect competition, constant returns to scale, and capital-intensity industries. For example, grain full employment of resources). Also, our analysis is production is represented by our high-capital of a comparative static nature with medium-term agricultural industry. A seventh industry category economic adjustments. Our model is closely related represents all other economic activity. In terms of to static AGE models already available for the factor endowments, we specify 15 primary factors: analysis of international trade (for reviews, see farmland (noncorporate business), labor, shelter, and Shoven and Whalley, 1984 and 1992; Francois and six types of capital (corporate and noncorporate).
    [Show full text]
  • THE ÅLAND OFFICE in BRUSSELS an Analysis of Its Channels of Influence
    DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN STUDIES (CES) THE ÅLAND OFFICE IN BRUSSELS An analysis of its channels of influence Gustav Blomberg Master thesis: 15 credits Programme: Executive Master’s Programme in European Studies Level: Second Cycle Semester year: Spring 2020 Supervisor: Linda Berg Abstract Bachelor thesis: 15 credits Programme: Executive Master’s Programme in European Studies Level: Second Cycle Semester year: Spring 2020 Supervisor: Linda Berg Regions, regional offices in Brussels, channels of influence, Åland Keywords: Islands Word count: 15365 This thesis is a case study of the Åland office in Brussels that sets out to analyse its extra-state and intra-state channels of influence in use in order to influence European policy- and decision- making and at the same time try to shed light on how the Åland office circumvent and, on the other hand, work in tandem with the central government of Finland. In this respect, the bypass- theory of the multi-level governance approach will be used to understand and analyse these regional paradiplomatic activities both without the state and in tandem with the state. This approach will offer elaborate insights into how the Åland office use various channels of influence, including lobbying and interregional organisations and networks. In the end this study will find that the Åland office is able to bypass the central government by: lobbying and creating influence in the European Parliament; forwarding the positions of the Åland Government to relevant political players and EU-institutions,
    [Show full text]
  • The Big Caucasus: Consequences of the 'Five Day War', Threats And
    XENOP SERGEY MARKEDONOV H ON PA Clashes over borders and identities within the independent post-Soviet states of the Caucasus PE R no have been an inevitable consequence of the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Their subsequent no7 development and the prospects for resolution or resumption of the ethno-political conflicts have been shaped by the political trajectories of the states involved as well as the profound transformation of the geopolitical dynamics that have taken place during the last years in the region. The war of August 2008 between the Russian Federation and Georgia marked this ongoing process of the decomposition of the post-World War II global construct while sending, THE BIG CAUCASUS: CONSEQUENCES OF THE “FIVE DAY WAR”, THREATS AND POLITICAL PROSPECTS at the same time, a strong signal to regional and extra-regional actors concerning the security XENOPHON PAPER processes affecting stability in the Caucasus. Sergey Markedonov, a prescient analyst of the Caucasus, assesses in this Xenophon Paper the 7 possible implications of the August 2008 “five day war”. He initiates a discussion on the region’s “unfreezing of the conflicts” and provides an in-depth description of the existent non-recognised THE BIG CAUCASUS state entities and the other ethno-political conflicts with which the Caucasus is ridden. The author also explores the perspectives of major regional and extra-regional stakeholders in the area and the ambitious policies they deploy at the moment. In the twilight zone between war and peace, CONSEQUENCES OF THE the author sheds some light on the most recent developments taking place in the Caucasus region, by explaining both the dynamics leading up to the “five day war” and the significance that it has in the re-shaping of the political and security realities in the “Big Caucasus”.
    [Show full text]
  • Regionalism in Upper Silesia the Concept of Autonomous Regions in Poland
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ELECTRA - Electronic Archive of the Institute for Regional Studies, Centre for Economic... Regionalism in Upper Silesia The Concept of Autonomous Regions in Poland by Nóra Baranyai Introduction The decentralization of power, in particular, regionalization in the western and the eastern part of the old continent was brought about by both the European Union and processes of democratization, modernization and economic transformation. While in Western European states the structures built on state organization traditions and territorial units with regional identities were formed through centuries based on economic, political or ethnic considerations, in Eastern Europe the overdue feudalism resulted in the dominance of the central level instead of creating the culture of territo- rial governance and management. As a result, regional identity remained immature, moreover, in the characteristically multinational states it was overwritten by national and ethnic identity (Illés, 2002) with regional sig- nificance. In the initial phase of the transitional period the main objective in most Central and Eastern European states (CEECs) was the reinforce- ment of the nation state and the establishment of political and economic stability, decentralization and regionalization, therefore, were not topical issues. Later the reforms were related to several dissaprovals by the govern- ments and led to political debates among parties. Regional reform processes were formed by the lack of historical traditions and patterns of regional autonomy, the fear from the dissolution of the newly indepentent states’ unity (Yoder, 2003), which often resulted in hurried decentralization with the transformation of the institutional system and the regional structures.
    [Show full text]
  • Regionalism in the European Union: Th E Case of Scotland Carol M
    Regionalism in the European Union: Th e Case of Scotland Carol M. Glen Abstract: Th is study examines the growth of regionalism within the EU generally, and the case of Scottish nationalism specifi cally. Th e Scottish case provides an instructive anal- ysis for several of reasons. First, the rise of nationalism in Scotland generally corresponds with the UK’s entry into the European Union. Second, the UK has recently experienced far-reaching constitutional change with the founding of the Scottish Parliament, creating a political forum where new EU-Scotland links are being forged. Th ird, the Scottish case is relevant because it is representative of a broader trend, wherein citizens continue to challenge the centralizing trends of the modern state. Keywords: Scotland, European Union, regionalism, devolution, Scottish Parliament Th e European Union (EU) has witnessed a sharp increase in political regionalism in recent decades. Italy, Belgium, Spain and the United Kingdom (UK) have all experienced an upsurge in regional activism. Even France, ‘the model unitary state’ has between unable to remain immune (Rokkan and Urwin 1982). Governments have responded to these challenges in a fairly uniform manner; virtually all have introduced policies aimed at balancing the spread of domestic wealth and most have devolved power to lower, regional tiers of government (Molle 1990). At the supra- Contemporary European Studies 2/2008 Articles 59 CCES4-2.inddES4-2.indd 5599 99.2.2010.2.2010 222:53:142:53:14 national level, the EU has reacted to regionalist trends by increasingly incorporating a regional dimension into its policy formation process.
    [Show full text]
  • The South Caucasus: a Future Vision for Development and Regionalism
    OFFICIAL USE Toghrul Novruzlu The South Caucasus: A Future Vision for Development and Regionalism My birth came two years after the disintegration of the USSR, an event which ended political polarization around the globe. The demise of the Socialist camp and the failure of economic central planning raised expectations of hitherto unexperienced economic prosperity and political liberalism. However, the expectations proved over-optimistic in many newly- independent countries, including my birthplace, Azerbaijan, a post-Soviet state in the south Caucasus. This geopolitical region, which includes Armenia and Georgia, is a bridge between Europe and Asia. The initial post-independence experience of Azerbaijan and the region was unfortunate, marred by internal political chaos, unsmooth economic transition, sweeping ethno-territorial conflicts. Subsequently, regional turmoil declined, and the countries of the south Caucasus set themselves on different paths of development. Having successfully undergone some awkward stages of state building, these three nations still remain challenged by various country-specific political and economic problems, and especially protracted territorial conflicts. Notwithstanding what seem like daunting obstacles, there are grounds for optimism on the south Caucasus future as a region free of conflict, with democratic countries and strong economies. The initial years of independence thrust Azerbaijan into a frenzy of political chaos, with a stagnant and shrinking economy and a war with Armenia. Towards the late 90s, political stability was restored and the early 2000s brought an oil windfall, revealing a positive socio- economic and political picture for the country for decades to come. With petroleum revenues pumped into the economy, poverty rates plunged and economic growth rates soared.1 New, glitzy high-rises appeared on the Baku skyline and traffic started growing heavy.
    [Show full text]
  • Information About Regionalism and Separatism in the European Union
    Information about Regionalism and Separatism in the European Union A brief bibliography of information sources about current issues of regionalism and separatism in the European Union with a particular focus on Catalonia, Flanders and Scotland. This guide has been compiled in connection with the event Regionalism and Separatism in the European Union held in the Cardiff EDC on 21 February 2013. Introductory information Across Europe, leaders fear spectre of separatists breaking countries apart The Guardian, 22.11.12 A question of identity FT Magazine, 23.11.12 Catalonia, Scotland, and Flanders force separatism back on the EU agenda GMF Blog, 06.12.12 Scottish independence: Spain could veto EU membership Huffington Post, 06.12.12 Towards a plausible EU response to breakaway regions EUObserver, 08.01.13 Could Scottish, Catalan independence votes reshape Europe? Reuters, 29.01.2013 Catalonia is following Scotland towards independence referendum in 2014 The Independent, 20.02.13 Further information on the role of regions in Europe from European Sources Online Catalonia Immigrants and youth drive Catalan independence movement Reuters, 24.11.12 Independence, the Catalan way Huffington Post, 18.02.13 Catalonia independence movement causing pain in Spain The National, 02.02.13 Cardiff EDC Infosheet No.12 © Cardiff University, 2013 Sovereignty Declaration approved by the Catalonian Parliament El Parlament, 23.01.13 [in Spanish] Further information on Catalonia from European Sources Online Flanders Flanders encouraged to seek independence from Belgium
    [Show full text]