The Big Caucasus. Consequences of the "Five Day War"
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Russian Hybrid Tactics in Georgia
Russian Hybrid Tactics in Georgia Niklas Nilsson SILK ROAD PAPER January 2018 Russian Hybrid Tactics in Georgia Niklas Nilsson © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program – A Joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center American Foreign Policy Council, 509 C St NE, Washington D.C. Institute for Security and Development Policy, V. Finnbodavägen 2, Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden www.silkroadstudies.org “Russian Hybrid Tactics in Georgia” is a Silk Road Paper published by the Central Asia- Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program, Joint Center. The Silk Road Papers Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Joint Center, and addresses topical and timely subjects. The Joint Center is a transatlantic independent and non-profit research and policy center. It has offices in Washington and Stockholm and is affiliated with the American Foreign Policy Council and the Institute for Security and Development Policy. It is the first institution of its kind in Europe and North America, and is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. The Joint Center is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development in the region. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion regarding the region. The opinions and conclusions expressed in this study are those of -
Georgia Case Study Part II: Internally Displaced Persons Viewed Externally
Georgia Case Study Part II: Internally Displaced Persons Viewed Externally Brian Frydenborg Experiential Applications – MNPS 703 Allison Frendak-Blume, Ph.D. The problem of internally displaced persons (referred to commonly as IDPs) and international refugees is as old as the problem of war itself. As a special report of The Jerusalem Post notes, “Wars produce refugees” (Radler n.d., par. 1). The post-Cold-War conflicts in Georgia between Georgia, Russian, and Georgia‟s South Ossetia and Abkhazia regions displaced roughly 223,000 people, mostly from the Abkhazia part of the conflict, and the recent fighting between Georgia and Russia/South Ossetia/Abkhazia of August 2008 created 127,000 such IDPs and refugees (UNHCR 2009a, par. 1). A United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) mission even before the 2008 fighting “described the needs of Georgia's displaced as „overwhelming‟” (Ibid., par. 2). This paper will discuss the problem of IDPs in Georgia, particularly as related to the Abkhazian part of the conflicts of the last few decades. It will highlight the efforts of one international organization (IO), the UNHCR, and one non-governmental organization (NGO), the Danish Refugee Council. i. Focus of Paper and Definitions The UN divides people as uprooted by conflict into two categories: refugees and internally displaced persons; the first group refers to people who are “forcibly uprooted” and flee from their nation to another, the second to people who are “forcibly uprooted” and flee to another location within their nation (UNHCR 2009b, par 1). Although there are also IDPs and refugees resulting from the fighting in South Ossetia, this paper will focus on the IDPs from the fighting in and around Abkhazia; refugees from or in Georgia will not be dealt with specifically because the overwhelming majority of people uprooted from their homes in relation to Georgia‟s ethnic conflicts ended up being IDPs (close to 400,000 total current and returned) and less than 13,000 people were classified as refugees from these conflicts (UNHCR 2009a, par. -
Democracy and European Emerging Values: the Right to Decide
DEMOCRACY AND EUROPEAN EMERGING VALUES: THE RIGHT TO DECIDE COORDINATED BY GERARD BONA LANGUAGE REVIEW BY EMYR GRUFFYDD CENTRE MAURITS COPPIETERS 2015 Contents Foreword 6 Introduction 8 LAKE OR RIVER 14 THE POLITICAL CARTOONING OF CORNISH SELF-DETERMINATION 22 SELF-DETERMINATION AND WALES 44 TOWARDS SOVEREIGN FAROE ISLANDS 54 ABOUT TRANSYLVANIA 62 THE UDBYOUTH : HOW TO BE YOUNG, BRETON AND LEFT-WING WITHOUT AUTONOMY? 72 THE AUTONOMY GENERATION 80 SELF-DETERMINATION AND THE SILESIAN ISSUE 84 THE VALENCIAN COUNTRY AND THE RIGHT OF SELF-DETERMINATION 96 LIBERTY FOR BAVARIA 106 SOVEREIGNTY TO BUILD A GALIZA WITH THE PROMISE OF WORK AND A FUTURE FOR OUR YOUNG PEOPLE 112 “UNTIL ECONOMIC POWER IS IN THE HANDS OF THE PEOPLE, THEN THEIR CULTURE, GAELIC OR ENGLISH, WILL BE DESTROYED” 124 FLANDERS: ON THE ROAD TO BELGIAN STATE REFORM NUMBER 7 132 THE RIGHT OF SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE CATALAN COUNTRIES: 146 THE RIGHT TO DECIDE OF THREE COUNTRIES AND THEIR NATION This publication is financed with the support of the European Parliament (EP). THE MORAVIAN RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION 154 The EP is not responsible for any use made of the content of this publication. The editor of the publication is the sole person liable. THE ROLE OF INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN THE SELF-DETERMINATION PROCESS OF ARTSAKH 164 This project has been funded with support from the European Commission. THE YOUTH, PIONEERS IN THE SELF-DETERMINATION OF SOUTH TYROL? 178 This publication reflects the views only of the author, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information CENTRE MAURITS COPPIETERS 188 contained therein. -
Analyzing the Russian Way of War Evidence from the 2008 Conflict with Georgia
Analyzing the Russian Way of War Evidence from the 2008 Conflict with Georgia Lionel Beehner A Contemporary Battlefield Assessment Liam Collins by the Modern War Institute Steve Ferenzi Robert Person Aaron Brantly March 20, 2018 Analyzing the Russian Way of War: Evidence from the 2008 Conflict with Georgia Contents Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................................................ 1 Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................. 9 Chapter I – History of Bad Blood ................................................................................................................ 13 Rose-Colored Glasses .............................................................................................................................. 16 Chapter II – Russian Grand Strategy in Context of the 2008 Russia-Georgia War ................................... 21 Russia’s Ends ........................................................................................................................................... 22 Russia’s Means ........................................................................................................................................ 23 Russia’s Ways ......................................................................................................................................... -
ON the EFFECTIVE USE of PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 © 2021 Andrew Peek All Rights Reserved
ON THE EFFECTIVE USE OF PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 2021 Andrew Peek All rights reserved Abstract This dissertation asks a simple question: how are states most effectively conducting proxy warfare in the modern international system? It answers this question by conducting a comparative study of the sponsorship of proxy forces. It uses process tracing to examine five cases of proxy warfare and predicts that the differentiation in support for each proxy impacts their utility. In particular, it proposes that increasing the principal-agent distance between sponsors and proxies might correlate with strategic effectiveness. That is, the less directly a proxy is supported and controlled by a sponsor, the more effective the proxy becomes. Strategic effectiveness here is conceptualized as consisting of two key parts: a proxy’s operational capability and a sponsor’s plausible deniability. These should be in inverse relation to each other: the greater and more overt a sponsor’s support is to a proxy, the more capable – better armed, better trained – its proxies should be on the battlefield. However, this close support to such proxies should also make the sponsor’s influence less deniable, and thus incur strategic costs against both it and the proxy. These costs primarily consist of external balancing by rival states, the same way such states would balance against conventional aggression. Conversely, the more deniable such support is – the more indirect and less overt – the less balancing occurs. -
Dynamics of Regionalism in the Post-Cold War Era: the Case of Southeastern Europe
Dynamics of Regionalism in the Post-Cold War Era: The Case of Southeastern Europe Daphne Papahadjopoulos Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy European Institute, The London School of Economics and Political Science 2004 UMI Number: U194851 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Disscrrlation Publishing UMI U194851 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 LiOf-tiy British üorwy ui rOHucat and Economic Science TH cS c S F To my uncle Demetrios Papahadjopoulos Who would have been so pleased Abstract The thesis seeks to understand why in the post-Cold War era regionalism in Southeastern Europe has been largely ineffective. First, it examines the theoretical preconditions for the emergence of the phenomenon. It finds that two separate levels of analysis exist for explaining its sources, namely the international - divided between rationalist and reflectivist schools - and the domestic. Rationalist schools of thought are arranged along a continuum between those focusing on sources of regionalism external (systemic) and internal to regions. Subsequently, the research project provides a historical perspective of cooperation in Southeastern Europe. -
Hamilton Dissertation
Lake Effects Transnational History and the Making of a Valencian Landscape By Sarah R. Hamilton A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in the University of Michigan 2013 Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Dario Gaggio, Co-Chair Associate Professor Douglas Northrop, Co-Chair Professor Gabrielle Hecht Adjunct Professor Richard Tucker If the Albufera is not cared for it will disappear, but its disappearance will not cause anything else to happen. There will not be any geological cataclysm; nor any sort of catastrophe, or anything like that. Moreover, the physical destiny of the Albufera is that it will disappear. The lake, abandoned to itself, with no sort of attacks upon it or any efforts to care for it, is irretrievably condemned to disappearance. But this is the fate of any historical or artistic monument. Every building, for example, is condemned to disappearance, just as the construction of extinguished civilizations disappeared, and just as little by little the castles, chapels and monasteries lost in the Spanish geography are disappearing, important victims of carelessness, theft, and hooliganism. Restoration work is undertaken in order to alleviate this inexorable fate as much as possible. This is why any monument or work of economic or cultural interest is object of a permanent guarding and conservation that will allow such legacies of our parents to pass to our children. There is no explanation, then, for the abandonment and pillage that an area of scenic and cultural interest such as the Albufera has undergone. We have a responsibility to our descendants that this patrimony is not lost; that the cultural wealth of the Albufera, in the broadest sense of the word, passes intact to the generations to come. -
Left Hand Left Behind
Britt-Marie Thuren Left Hand Left Behind The Changing Gender System of a Barrio in Valencia, Spain Left Hand Left Behind Left eft ehind The Changing Gender System of a Barrio in Valencia, Spain. Britt-Marie Thuren Stockholms Studies in Social Anthropology 1988 Left Hand Left Behind The changing gender system of a barrio in Valencia, Spain. Doctoral dissertation Stockholm Studies in Social Anthropology, 22. © Britt-Marie Thuren 1988 Cover by Juaco LOpez Photos by author unless otherwise indicated. Drawings by Juaco LOpez. Department of Social Anthropology University of Stockholm S-106 91 Stockholm All rights reserved. This book, or parts thereof, may not be reproduced in any form without the written permission of the author. ISBN 91-7146-711-4 Produktion Nalkas Boken For1ag For Jaime and Joaquin 1939 politics: "The work of women in the revolution was a supporting mission, not a directive mission, because the latter penains only to men. ( ... ) The most valuable contribution a woman can make to the future is to return to the bosom of the family and avoid discussions in bad taste and the public exhibitions that are not fitting for women." Pilar Primo de Rivera, director of the Women's Section (Secci6n Femenina) of the Falange. Quote from Scanlon in Garcia de Lean 1982. (My translation) 1986 sociology: "That is why I doubt if the Renaissance really existed: the Humanism and the Modernism of the Golden Century shone scarcely in what its great ideologues thought about women. ( ... ) One could even doubt if the Ancien Regime is over, even today. (... ) For many women access to educated reason, the construction of a world to their measure, the freedom to interpret themselves without foreign obediences and all the conquests that the Renaissance symbolizes for men and that never existed for women, are beginning to become possible only now. -
Issues Around Scottish Independence
Issues Around Scottish Independence by David Sinclair September 1999 Published by The Constitution Unit 29/30 Tavistock Square London WC 1H 9EZ Tel. 017 1 504 4977 O The Constitution Unit 1999 Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY INTRODUCTION THE ROAD TO INDEPENDENCE The referendum: who votes, and who decides the question? When should a referendum be held? Speed of the transition Who negotiates for each side? SCOTLAND IN THE WORLD ECONOMICS OF INDEPENDENCE SCOTLAND AND THE REST OF THE UK ANNEX 1: GREENLAND AND SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE ANNEX 2: THE BACKGROUND TO THE ARGUMENTS OVER SCOTLAND'S FISCAL DEFICIT Expenditure Revenue Conclusions Executive Summary The debate about Scottish independence should include not only the case for and against independence but a better understanding of the process of independence itself. There are a number of key issues which would need to be resolved before Scotland could become independent. 1. If the issue of independence is put to a referendum who should vote in that referendum and what should the question be? Should that referendum be held before or after negotiations on independence? 2. Once negotiations are taking place, how quickly can a transition to be independence be achieved? 3. What are the key issues that will need to be negotiated? Can any likely sticking points be identified? 4. What would the position of an independent Scotland be in international law? Would Scotland automatically succeed to UK treaty rights and obligations, including membership of the EU? Or would these have to be renegotiated? 5. What are the economics of an independent Scotland? Answering this question involves understanding the current financial position of Scotland within the UK, the likely future finances of Scotland as an independent country, and the costs of transition to independence. -
'Populism': Armenia's “Velvet Revolution”
The Armenian Studies Program and the Institute of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies present the 42nd Educator Outreach Conference Authoritarianism, Democratization, and ‘Populism’: Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution” in Perspective Saturday, May 1, 2021 Livestream on YouTube University of California, Berkeley From end March to early May 2018, a series of peaceful protests and demonstration led to the resignation of Prime Minister (PM) Serzh Sargsyan, whom the then ruling Republican Party he chaired had newly nominated for that office. Having completed his two terms as President, from 2008 to 2018, Serzh Sargsyan’s attempt to remain in power became obvious. This attempt also made it evident that the amended 2015 Constitution, which he had promoted to invigorate democratization by shifting power from the office of the President to the Parliament and the office of the Prime Minister, was merely a ploy to extend his rule. It was also the proverbial “last straw that broke the camel’s back.” A kleptocratic, semi-authoritarian regime that appeared to control all the levers of power and of the economy suddenly, and unexpectedly, collapsed. This regime change—which the leader of the protests and incoming new prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, referred to as a “Velvet Revolution”—was peaceful, something unusual for a post-Soviet republic. Subsequent parliamentary elections brought to power a new generation, younger deputies mostly between the ages of twenty-five to forty. A similar generation change also characterized the formation of the government. Youth, however, also means inexperience as almost none of the new deputies and ministers had held any political position in the past. -
Thomas De Waal the Caucasus
THE CAUCASUS This page intentionally left blank THE CAUCASUS AN INTRODUCTION Thomas de Waal 1 2010 1 Oxford University Press, Inc., publishes works that further Oxford University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education. Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offi ces in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Copyright © 2010 by Oxford University Press, Inc. Published by Oxford University Press, Inc. 198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016 www.oup.com Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data de Waal, Thomas. The Caucasus : an introduction / Thomas de Waal. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-19-539976-9; 978-0-19-539977-6 (pbk.) 1. Caucasus Region—Politics and government. 2. Caucasus Region—History. 3. Caucasus Region—Relations—Russia. 4. Russia—Relations—Caucasus Region. 5. Caucasus Region—Relations—Soviet Union. 6. Soviet Union—Relations—Caucasus Region. I. Title. DK509.D33 2010 947.5—dc22 2009052376 1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper To Zoe This page intentionally left blank Contents Introduction 1 1. -
Civil Wars in Georgia: Corruption Breeds Violence Pavel K
7 Civil wars in Georgia: corruption breeds violence Pavel K. Baev Introduction incredibly rich and uniquely complicated case for the analysis of modern civil wars. It is a newly independent state that appeared Gwith the collapse of the USSR, but it also has a long history of statehood. It is a relatively small state, but it occupies a key geopolitical crossroads which has acquired strategic importance with the new development of hydrocarbon resources in the Caspian area. Its population is small and declining but the ethnic composition, cultural and religious traditions are extremely diverse. From the moment that Georgia restored its independence, it has found itself engulfed by political violence organised along several separate but criss-crossing tracks, with destabilising impulses spreading unchecked. In 1992–93, Georgia came breath- takingly close to collapsing as yet another ‘failed state’, however, all major violent clashes had terminated by the end of 1993. Despite serious international efforts to assist peace processes and internal reforms, to date none of the conflicts has been resolved, generating occasional skirmishes and, more importantly, significant uncertainty regarding Georgia’s ability to survive as an independent state. It is obvious that the civil wars in Georgia in 1990–93 erupted as a conse- quence of the break-up of the USSR;1 however, in most Soviet constituent repub- lics the inevitable destabilisation resulting from that cataclysm did not take such violent forms. Many regions in Central Asia (the Fergana valley), in the North Caucasus (Dagestan, see Chapter 6 in this volume) and in Georgia itself (Ajariya) had explosive combinations of risk factors but remained relatively peaceful.