Linguistic Archaeology: Prehistoric Population Movements and Cultural Identity in the Southwest Great Basin and Far Southern Sierra Nevada
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Linguistic Archaeology: Prehistoric Population Movements and Cultural Identity in the Southwest Great Basin and Far Southern Sierra Nevada By ALAN PHILIP GOLD B.A. (California State University, Northridge) 1974 M.A. (University of California, Davis) 1977 DISSERTATION Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Prehistoric Forager Ecology in the OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES of the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA DAVIS Approved: ____________________________________ Conrad J. Bahre, Ph.D. ____________________________________ Michael G. Barbour, Ph.D. ____________________________________ Michael J. Moratto, Ph.D. Committee in Charge 2005 i Copyright © by Alan Philip Gold 2005 ii For my wife, Leanne, and my children, Jason, Max, and Hannah and my friends Richard Blalock, Dr. Donna Kono, and Julia Schley. Thank you for keeping the dream alive and for your support throughout the completion of that vision. iii Linguistic Archaeology: Population Movement and Cultural Identity in the Southwest Great Basin and Far Southern Sierra Nevada Abstract Scholars posit contrasting models of the ethnic identity and language / population movements of prehistoric peoples in the southwestern Great Basin and far southern Sierra Nevada. These models favor either in situ cultural development or population replacement and expansion. Archaeological data from these areas are used in this dissertation to examine past movements of peoples speaking Numic and Tubatulabalic languages and, thereby, to evaluate the models. Seven archaeological studies in the Kern Plateau and Scodie Mountains areas of the Sierra Nevada are reviewed including: 69 archaeological sites; analysis of excavation results from 54 sites; 475 obsidian hydration measurements; and 28 radiocarbon dates. Additional information (i.e., the dating and character of rock art, mitochondrial DNA analyses, burial patterns, obsidian hydration chronology, toolstone use, dietary patterns, and distribution of time-sensitive artifacts) was gathered from archaeological studies elsewhere in the southwestern Great Basin. All these data were evaluated with regard to whether they support models of cultural continuity or population replacement. In the Kern Plateau interior and the Isabella Basin, archeological evidence favors the hypothesis that the Tubatulabal language and cultural tradition are of long standing. Archaeological sites show continuous, unbroken occupation from the historic era back 2500 years or more. Distributions of obsidian hydration rim measurements indicate a continuous prehistoric cultural sequence. Dietary patterns also show a consistent emphasis on large game and pine nut use during a span of more than two millenia. The iv use of one geologic source of volcanic glass and the persistence of a solitary rock art tradition further testify to a single (i.e., Tubatulabalic) cultural expression. The Sierra Nevada crest and the southwestern Great Basin, in contrast, witnessed significant subsistence-settlement changes at the beginning of the Haiwee Period (ca. A.D. 600). Subsistence changes included: a decline in the hunting of large game; an initial and growing emphasis on dryland hard seeds; the beginning of intensive green- cone pinyon pine nut use; and the introduction of specialized sites focusing on the mass harvest of easily procured and abundant small game animals. These variations in hunter- gatherer adaptation may indicate culturally distinct, sequential populations pursuing varying subsistence-settlement strategies rather than an in-situ cultural tradition responding to environmental change. I argue that these subsistence shifts reflect distinctive Numic adaptations. Archaeological data support the hypothesis that pre-Numic occupations exhibit cultural continuity from the Newberry Period (1500 B.C.- A.D. 600) into the early Haiwee interval (A.D. 600-1000). Later cultural discontinuities support the thesis that Numic groups entered the region early in the Haiwee era, coincident with the introduction of Rose Spring and Eastgate projectile points (ca. A.D. 600). Numic archaeological expressions show marked continuities from the Haiwee Period (A.D. 600-1300) through the Marana interval (A.D. 1300–1850) and into the historic era. The in-migrating Numic populations most likely produced simple, scratched style rock drawings and later on, during the historic era, Coso Style paintings. In contrast, within the Coso Range, growing evidence now suggests that Coso Representational Style petroglyphs were produced only by pre-Numic groups largely v during the late Newberry (500 B.C- A.D. 600) and early Haiwee (A.D.600-1000) periods. Petroglyph manufacture appears to have ceased abruptly in the midst of peak production and elaboration during the Haiwee Period possibly because of the depletion of the local bighorn sheep herds. Archaeological data and limited mitochondrial DNA studies are also consistent with the idea that Numic populations eventually replaced or absorbed pre-Numic groups. During the late Haiwee era (A.D. 1000-1300) Numic peoples apparently expanded out of their former heartland and began their migrations northward and to the east, ultimately dispersing throughout most of the Great Basin. vi Acknowledgements This dissertation may be a bit more unusual than many, as its preparation was interrupted by a two-decade hiatus. The original effort produced a draft in 1983. The present research was completed in 2005. A few challenges interrupted the initial effort, not the least of which was the untimely death in 1983 of Dr. Martin Baumhoff, the former chair of my original dissertation committee. With Dr. Baumhoff’s passing and a series of other complications, I left active studies at the University only to reenter the field of archaeology nearly 20 years later. I was very fortunate to have helpful friends who would support my renewed initiative and provide me with a needed refreshing on the current status of the profession. These include some of my lifelong colleagues: Adelle Baldwin, Jeanne Day Binning, William Hildebrandt, Rob Jackson, Russ Kaldenberg, Valerie Levulett, Kelly McGuire, Tom Origer, John Romani, Mark Sutton, Robert Schiffman, David Whitley, and Robert Yohe. Several other people furnished helpful comments and enlightenment, as well as support, along the way including: Mark Allen, Don Austin, Mark Basgall, Tim Carpenter, Carol Carroll, Michael Delacorte, Jelmer Eerkens, Mark Faull, Jill Gardner, Sarah Gassner, Amy Gilreath, Russell Kaldenberg, Don Laylander, Geron Marcom, Wendy Nelson, Barry Price, Steve Ptomey, Bill Ray, Fran Rogers, Alexander Rogers, Jeff Rosenthal, Jane Sellers, Craig Skinner, Nathan Stephens, Claude Warren, John Whitehouse, David Whitley, Eric Wohlgemuth, Elva Younkin, and David Zeanah. All of these individuals were most patient in listening to my thoughts and offering insights at various points during the present effort; for their help I am most thankful. A special vii thank you goes out to my newfound friends, J. Kenneth and Luanne Pringle, who always offered their positive perspective and support when I was in need of re-energizing and reassurance. A great measure of thanks is also offered to those people who worked in the field and laboratory collecting and analyzing the data from the Pacific Crest Trail archaeological projects. I am grateful to all those who assisted in preparing the final reports. From the initial Scodie Mountains segment those persons included: Richard Ambro, Michela Crist, A. Van Eggers, Ronald May, Clement Meighan, Tom Origer, Billy Peck, Dudley Varner, Sonja Wilson, and Patti Wermuth. Follow-up studies at Ker 1286 in the Scodie Mountains segment were performed by: Mark Basgall, James Bennyhoff, Paul Bouey, Michael Delacorte, Suzanne Griset, Rob Jackson, Kelly McGuire, Tod Ruhstaller, and G. James West. For the Morris Peak and Lamont Meadows segments those individuals who worked to complete the study included: Cynthia Adams, Stephen Andrews, Valerie Asakawa, Gayle Bacon, Stephen Bass, Leann Brooks, Michael Buchak, Franz Cilensek, Charles Collings, Lisa Dillinger, Richard Hughes, Kelly McGuire, Ronald May, Sue Ann Monteleone, Tom Origer, Martha Proctor, David Rhode, Lorna Rocha, Robert Schiffman, Jeannette Schulz, and Matthew West. Individuals who were responsible for completing the Bear Mountain study included: Gayle Bacon, Mark Basgall, Stephen Bass, Michael Bowers, Tony Drake, Bob Pfiel, Richard Hughes, Robert Jobson, Paul Keyser, Valerie Levulett, Helen McCarthy, Kim McGuire, Ronald May, Christa Maxfield, Sheila Mone, Sue Ann Monteleone, Tom viii Origer, Zora Parkevitch-Tammer, David Rhode, Tod Ruhstaller, Laurie Swenson, Wendy Waldron, Patti Wermuth, and G. James West. For the Kennedy Meadows and Rockhouse Basin Segments the following people collaborated to produce the final monograph: Gayle Bacon, Mark Basgall, James Bennyhoff, Paul Bouey, Kevin Clark, Suzanne Griset, Bill Hildebrandt, Liz Honeysett, Richard Hughes, Robert Jackson, Paul Keyser, Kelly McGuire, Nancy Ridgway, Todd Ruhstaller, Dolly Stengl, Laurie Swenson, and Patti Wermuth. For the Rockhouse Basin Segment data recovery study many individuals were involved including: Rebecca Anastasio, Frank Asaro, James Bard, Mella Bellman, David Bibler, Paul Bouey, James Buckley, Colin Busby, Douglas Davy, Mary Davy, Raymond Dezanni, Michael Foley, Amy Gowan, Robert Harmon, Axel Hoffman, Rob Jackson, Melissa Kennard, Larry S. Kobori, Annemarie Meike, Helen Michael, Patricia Ogrey, Howard Schorn, Michael Siskin, Melody Tannam, Richard