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US Feminism Over the Twentieth Century Dawn Keetley, John Pettegrew, eds.. Public Women, Public Words: A Documentary History of American Feminism, vol. 2, 1900-1960, and vol. 3, 1960 to the Present. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2002. 552 pp. $82.50, cloth, ISBN 978-0-7425-2235-0. Reviewed by Stephanie Gilmore Published on H-Women (June, 2004) Back to the Source: U.S. Feminism over the reconsider feminist activism and think about dif‐ Twentieth Century ferent approaches to understand the many wom‐ In 2000, self-identified third-wave feminists en (no feminist men's works appear in these two Jennifer Baumgardner and Amy Richards wrote volumes) who, individually and collectively, that "for anyone born after the early 1960s, the sought to improve the status of women in U.S. so‐ presence of feminism in our lives is taken for ciety. granted. For our generation, feminism is like fuo‐ Some of the documents in these volumes have ride. We scarcely notice that we have it--it's sim‐ been anthologized elsewhere; others are pub‐ ply in the water."[1] Although not all women have lished for the frst time here. Through their care‐ benefited uniformly from feminist gains and fem‐ ful selection and organization, Keetley and Pette‐ inist goals, and though they remain very much grew have provided an important resource for us contested today, there is simply no way to deny to use as we write the histories of feminism in the the veracity of their claim that feminism has al‐ United States. With these documents, the editors tered the landscape of U.S. society and culture. combat the idea that feminism was, and is, "the But just how did feminism get "in the water?" In battle of a homogenous group of women in the Public Women, Public Words: A Documentary His‐ name of a single cause such as suffrage or equal tory of American Feminism, Dawn Keetley and rights with men" (vol. 2, p. xiii). John Pettegrew have offered three volumes (two In volume 2, which begins at the turn of the of which I review here) of feminists' treatises, twentieth century, they document how the so- strategy papers, transcribed speeches, and other called frst wave of feminism was far more than documents to help us contemplate answers to this the fght for suffrage. Instead, they marshal evi‐ question. By bringing together so many docu‐ dence to illustrate that feminism from the end of ments into one collection, they have done much of the nineteenth century and into thefrst half of the legwork for us, offering texts that allow us to the twentieth century included peace activism, H-Net Reviews scholarly and popular discussions about sex and (Mary White Ovington, "Socialism and the Femi‐ gender, education, public housekeeping, political nist Movement" [1924], vol. 2, pp. 363-366). The in‐ mobilization, and the vote--both securing it and tricacies of such debates about with whom wom‐ using it effectively for women's issues and rights. en should align their votes or how they could (or (Writings on free love, birth control, and sexuality should) use the vote to effect greater change has are largely absent from volume 2, but these topics been the subject of several monographs, but the may be covered in volume 1.) Part 1, entitled "Va‐ selections in this volume offer some of the sources rieties of Modern Feminism," allows readers to necessary to initiate a sophisticated classroom dis‐ read frst-hand debates over feminism--what it cussion or to consider such issues in different meant, whether it was just about women, and ways. how to educate others about feminism. For exam‐ Beyond the vote, of course, this volume illu‐ ple, we can hear various perspectives on femi‐ minates how feminists of the early twentieth cen‐ nism across the decades as we move from Emma tury debated two issues that resonate with femi‐ Goldman's musings on "The Tragedy of Women's nists today: work and war. Keetley and Pettegrew Liberation" (vol. 2, pp. 12-15) to Ellen Glasgow's offer twenty selections on "work, labor, and so‐ exploration of "Feminism" (vol. 2, pp. 19-22) to M. cialism." This multifaceted discourse on women's Carey Thomas's defense of women's university ed‐ labors suggests that feminists in the frst half of ucation (vol. 2, pp. 55-63)--all of which evaluate the twentieth century dealt more effectively with women's contemporary roles in the context of class than feminists of later years. Although femi‐ broader social institutions. Through such writ‐ nists of the second and third waves have been ings, it is clear that women from a variety of back‐ criticized for not giving necessary attention to grounds and political affiliations saw feminism as class, it may be the case that we need to broaden a perspective or framework through which to un‐ more modern conceptions of feminism so as to derstand contemporary issues. recognize those whom historian Susan Hartmann Looking backward, it likely appears that the calls "the other feminists" in labor unions and oth‐ pursuit of "equality" with white middle-class, edu‐ er non-mainstream feminist organizations. In the cated men was an effective route to political, so‐ earlier decades of feminist activism, both prior to cial, and economic change for women, but for the vote and during the "doldrums," feminist la‐ feminists one hundred years ago, this was not a bor activism was vibrant and documents from au‐ foregone conclusion. Although most feminists saw thors across the political spectrum, from Mother the vote as a necessary step, many debated the ef‐ Jones ("You Don't Need a Vote to Raise Hell" ficacy of the vote in overhauling the system. For [1925], vol. 2, pp. 400-404) to Mary McLeod example, black women explored questions of Bethune ("Faith That Moved a Dump Heap" what the nineteenth amendment meant for black [1941], vol. 2, pp. 380-386) and policymakers in enfranchisement (Robert M. Patterson, "The Ne‐ the Women's Bureau ("What the Women's Bureau gro Woman in Politics" [1922], vol. 2, pp. 256-258), Has Accomplished" [1930], vol. 2, pp. 391-394), while union women queried whether or not the demonstrate the ways in which feminists debated vote would amount to significant change for fe‐ issues of labor and how they saw themselves as male workers (Corinne Roosevelt Robinson, et al., both a part of and apart from socialism, labor "Is Woman Suffrage Failing?" [1924], vol. 2, pp. unions, and activism. 262-267). Socialist feminists grappled with prob‐ The sixteen fnal selections of volume 2 lems facing turn-of-the-twentieth-century society, demonstrate the ways in which women sought to raising theoretical and practical questions about understand international and domestic issues of the relationship between socialism and feminism 2 H-Net Reviews war and peace. Whether appealing to women's works they chronicle here. Instead, the compiling patriotism and encouraging women to enlist and of these primary sources raises significant ques‐ fight in World War II (Daisy Harriman, "Women tions about the rise of identity politics in postwar Enlist Now!" [1941], vol. 2, pp. 469-470; Minnie L. U.S. society, about how we distinguish the feminist Maffett, M.D., "We Too Must Fight This War" "waves" from one another, and about the ways [1942], vol. 2, pp. 470-475) or pursuing a prewar that feminism was related to contemporaneous and postwar agenda of peace (Jane Addams, social movements. "Women and War" [1915], vol. 2, pp. 457-459; The twenty-two documents that comprise Charlotta A. Bass, "You Can Vote for Peace" [1952], "black feminism" and "lesbian identities and cri‐ vol. 2, pp. 480-482; Sophia Wyatt, "One Day Strike tiques of heterosexuality" call up the importance for Peace" [1962], vol. 2, pp. 482-484), for a variety of identity politics in postwar social movements. of women, feminism offered a critical lens As Frances Beal made clear when she spoke of the through which to see and understand war abroad "double jeopardy" of being black and female (vol. and "homeland security." It is striking to compare 3, pp. 60-66) and "Radicalesbians" demonstrated arguments some feminists used for public house‐ when they wrote of "the woman-identified wom‐ keeping with those arguments that other femi‐ an" (vol. 3, pp. 109-112), "woman" was never a sin‐ nists used against the war--both clearly indicate gular category--a point that feminists articulated that "equality" feminism was not the only way forcefully. Although self-identification is too im‐ women pursued change for women and for the portant a feminist project to deny, cataloging fem‐ world in which they lived. Although U.S. feminism inist activism around identity obscures the impor‐ has been discussed historically as a philosophy tant ways in which feminists from a variety of rooted in equality, documents on these subjects backgrounds dealt with the same issues--rape, indicate that many feminists saw difference as workplace issues, sexual desire and love, racism, their path to social and cultural change, and there and reproductive freedom. Divorcing black, les‐ is much more research to be done on this topic. bian, and multicultural feminists from "main‐ If volume 2 illustrates the ways in which fem‐ stream" feminism denies the important and obvi‐ inists in the frst half of the twentieth century coa‐ ous coalitions and continuities among feminists. lesced around a variety of issues, volume 3 Perhaps scholars will use these documents to demonstrates the importance of identity politics move beyond the sisterhood/difference debate in the century's second half. Keetley and Pette‐ and analyze important issues around which sec‐ grew outline two important distinctions from ond-wave feminists coalesced in spite of, and be‐ "mainstream" feminism (which, here, encompass‐ cause of, differences.
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