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Customary Images and Contemporary Realities CUSTOMARY IMAGES AND CONTEMPORARY REALITIES: THE ACTIVITIES OF OLDER PEOPLE IN NEPAL Working Paper Number WP403 Bhim Prasad Subedi, Central Department of Geography, Tribhuvan University, Kathamndu, Nepal, and 2002 Leslie Kirkley Fellow, Oxford Institute of Ageing Acknowledgements: I would like to thank HelpAge International (HAI) and the Oxford Institute of Ageing (OIA) for their generous financial support via the Leslie Kirkley Fellowship, which enabled my stay in Oxford during April to June 2002. I am grateful to Sarah Harper and Philip Kreager (OIA) and Mark Gorman (HAI) for their suggestions for this paper. My thanks are also due to Elisabeth Schröder-Butterfill and George Leeson for their editorial assistance. July 2003 Oxford Institute of Ageing Working Papers Editors: George W. Leeson and Elisabeth M. Schröder-Butterfill http:www.ageing.ox.ac.uk Introduction Very little is known about older people in Nepal, except for what we can glean at a national level from censuses and survey returns (see Subedi 1996; 1999). “Old age” is not a new concept in Nepal, even though the country has been characterised by poor health and poverty for a long time, resulting in low life expectancy at birth. Certainly the number and proportion of old people was small in the past. However, the fact that the Nepalese language is rich in old-age relational words, such as briddha (old person), baje/bajyee (grandparents) and budhyauli (old age), suffices to show that the notion of old age is not foreign. Nevertheless, who actually counts as an elderly person may be debated. Given the poor socio-economic status, low life expectancy, poor health facilities and the definition of 58 years as the official retirement age in the civil service, given also that 50 percent of the working-age population in the 45-59 age-group are inactive due to old age or illness (CBS 1999), it is widely considered appropriate to use age sixty as the entry-point into old age in Nepal. Throughout this paper I shall therefore take ‘elderly’ or ‘older’ person to refer to anyone who is aged sixty and over. According to the 2001 Census there are 1.5 million elderly people in Nepal, constituting 6.5 percent of the total population. Between 1991 and 2001 the elderly population has increased by 3.5 percent per annum, compared with 2.3 percent for the total population. Elderly men outnumber women by a few thousand (758,418 versus 745,893). This is contrary to most countries where there are far more elderly women than men. However, the growth rate for older women has been consistently higher than for men over the last two decades. For example, whereas the population of elderly women increased by 2.7 percent per annum between 1981-91, the corresponding figure for elderly men was only 1.9 percent. The elderly population size in Nepal increased three-fold to 1.5 million over the past four decades (1961 to 2001). For this reason it is important for the country to consider what this increase implies in terms of state policies and programmes and, more importantly, how older people manage to fulfil their overall household needs, and whether or not they are contributing to the household economy. According to the 2001 World Development Report, Nepal is one of the poorest countries in the world. Human development indices for Nepal are poor. The HDI value for 2000 is 0.466 2 (UNDP 2001); adult literacy is only 51 percent. The GDP per capita is US$ 1,237. Land resources, in other words the subsistence base of the overwhelming majority, are being used exhaustively (NPC 1997), and forest resources depleted to their limit (DFRS 1999). Thus most of the population is living in a state of marked poverty, exacerbated in the rural areas by outmigration of young adults (CDPS 1997; Subedi 1997). While people’s physical abilities deteriorate as they grow older, their control over their own resources may weaken. Observance of traditional values and norms are becoming objects of wishful thinking when compared with the days of old people’s youth and adulthood. Many elderly express their dissatisfaction with the work activities and behaviours of their children and co-resident family members (Goldstein et al. 1983). They wish their children would follow their advice more, rather than their voices being pushed to the margins (Subedi 1999). Whether expressed explicitly or implicitly, elderly people expect support from their families, relatives and the state, so that they can lead healthy lives as dignified citizens in return for the contributions they made in the past. But neither the majority of families nor state institutions are poised to listen sincerely to the quiet voices of older people in Nepal. It is in this context that population ageing becomes a very important social and demographic issue in the country. Older people have generally been perceived as dependant, as individuals needing support. Basic demographic measures, such as the old age dependency ratio, may be considered a common analytical index which implicitly reinforces the perception of older people as weak and in need of assistance. Earlier studies drawing attention to elderly people’s problems in general, as well as specific case studies, abound. To note a few, there are studies covering the demography of ageing (Martin and Preston 1994), living arrangements (Chan 1997; Hashimoto 1991), caring (Harper 1992), support systems (Cameron and Cobb-Clark 2001; Clay and Haar 1993) and health care needs (Lloyd-Sherlock 2000). These not only illustrate the situation of older people and their needs, but also portray older people as in need of special attention, thus at the receiving end of the social spectrum. Similarly there is no dearth of studies that characterise older people as a drain on household resources (e.g., Lamb 2000) and as economic and social burdens on families (e.g., Goldstein and Beall 1982). The studies mentioned undeniably reflect important aspects concerning older people. However, equally important are the economic contributions that these older people make to their households. A large proportion of older people, especially those 3 living in extended families, also support their households by carrying out various activities, some of which are economic, others non-economic but integral to the running of families. Studies on these aspects are important and reflect the varied roles of elderly people in household management and organisation of labour. Cain (1991) emphasises that older people in Bangladesh participate in various economic activities, and their inputs depend partly on the household’s status as landless, small owners or large owners of land. Likewise, Friedman et al. (1999) characterise older people in Vietnam as working and contributing to the household, even if their economic participation is reduced due to old age or illness. Andrews and Hennink (1992) have also drawn attention to the often considerable contributions of older people in three Asian countries. More recently, research on Indonesia has shown older people not only as major net contributors to local economy and society (Kreager 2001), but also as economic pillars of multi-generational families, with pension incomes serving to secure the livelihoods of entire family networks (Schröder-Butterfill 2003). The perspectives dealing with older people either as recipients or as contributors, as liability or asset, cannot be considered as mutually exclusive. Older people contribute to the economy, but they also make demands on families and society. As Treas and Logue (1986) have noted, research perspectives on older people have sometimes depicted them mainly as resources, at other times more as impediments, or even as victims and certainly as a subgroup of low priority. The setting of this paper is Nepal, a small Himalayan kingdom. Special perceptions and images of older people are part of traditional Nepalese society. Most often these images relate to older people as being full of wisdom, but also as recipients of support from their families and society. Yet as anyone familiar with South Asia will know, older people tend to work as long as they are not completely incapacitated. Thus, this paper aims to discuss not only the customary images of older people, but also the reality as demonstrated by their participation in various activities outside and inside the home. It argues that despite common perceptions of older people as full of knowledge and experience, yet as weak and economically dependent, most Nepalese older people remain active. They contribute significantly to economic activities, both home-based and outside the home. Where they are not in the labour market they are often in a position to release able-bodied family members for the labour market by performing non-economic household activities which would otherwise have tied adult members. 4 This paper is divided into four sections. The first introduces the issues to be discussed and provides a summary of the country’s demographic situation. The second deals with the data available and the methods used. The third is about customary images based on common Nepalese sayings and proverbs. The fourth, which forms the primary focus of this paper, discusses the activities of older people. The final section also provides concluding remarks and implications for policy. 1. The Country and its Demographics Nepal is a small Himalayan kingdom sandwiched between India and China, the two demographic and spatial giants of the world. It has ten of the world’s fourteen highest peaks, including Mount Everest (8,848m). The country was opened to the outside world and started its planned development only after 1950. Gurkhas (brave soldiers), sherpas (mountaineering experts), and the birthplace of lord Buddha: these are some of Nepal’s images to the outside world. The country is characterised by extreme physiographic diversity, with elevations ranging from 65m above sea level in the south to 8848m in the north, all within a distance of a little over 150km.
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