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Imagining the Real Chicano Youth Hip Hop Race Space and Authenticity

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Imagining the Real Chicano Youth Hip Hop Race Space and Authenticity imagining the real chicano youth hip hop race space and authenticity by India MacWeeney ISBN:978-1-904158-91-2 First published in Great Britain 2008 by Goldsmiths, University of London/India MacWeeney 2008 ©Goldsmiths, University of London/India MacWeeney 2008 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means without the permission of the publishers or the authors concerned. Additional copies of this publication are available from: Centre for Urban and Community Research, Goldsmiths, University of London, New Cross, London SE14 6NW. Price £7.50. Cheques, made payable to Goldsmiths College, should be sent with the order. 1 Abstract: This paper is the result of ethnographic research I conducted with a group of Chicano1 teenagers from the Northern New Mexico city of Española between June and July of 2006 on the ways in which global hip hop intersects with local identity. Through the analysis that follows, I will explore my subjects’ relationship to hip hop culture, and their understanding of how this culture is consumed and emulated in their community at large. Conceptions of place, race, authenticity, class, and taste emerge as important in my informants’ readings of popular discourses and local practices, as well as in my analysis. Nuevo Mexícanos: New Mexican cultural identity emerges out of a history of alternate dominance and subjugation, in which ethnicity, nation, land, and belonging are broken-apart and reconfigured. Chicanos occupy a unique ethnic position here, as the majority are not immigrants from Mexico (Rosaldo, 2003). Rather, they are the descendants of Mexican citizens whose land was incorporated into the United States during the war of 1848 (Jankowski, 1986; Mato, 2003; Rosaldo, 2003) and many can trace a ‘pure’ line back to Spain (Gonzales-Berry and Maciel, 2000). Consequently, ‘Identification with a Spanish past is…stronger in New Mexico than in other regions that have a strong Chicano presence’ (Gonzales-Berry and Maciel, 2000, p.1), and it is common for New Mexican Chicanos to view themselves as culturally distinct from those in Texas and California (Jankowski, 1986; Maciel and Gonzales-Berry, 2000) as well as from recent Latin American immigrants in their home communities. Maciel and Gonzales-Berry (2000) argue that because 1 The term Chicano, originally a racial slur, was appropriated by the Mexican-American civil rights movement in the 1960s. Chicano is a term applicable to anyone of Mexican descent who lives in the USA. 2 ‘the political (and social) position of Nuevomexícanos2 was unique’ historically, it has made their ‘status and development different from those of Chicano communities in other regions of United States’ (p.85). Conquistador and Dreamcatcher entwine in a curious homage to a complicated history. Entering Española. I lived in Northern New Mexico for the better half of eight years between 1997 and 2005. Among many Anglo transplants such as myself, Española was a place to be avoided: working class and majority Chicano, it is barren, littered with fast food drive-thrus, and often comes into view of the larger Northern New Mexico community in the form of stories of heroin trafficking and gang violence. It does not seem to be the ‘land of enchantment’ that many of these lifestyle 2 Maciel and Gonzales-Berry (2000) use the term Nuevomexícanos to reflect the culture particular to New Mexican Chicanos. 3 migrants moved to New Mexico in search of, but rather a land of disenfranchisement. Jeremy, a 19 year old graffiti artist and filmmaker, explains Española’s reputation as a troubled community: It’s like you see things when you’re in this town – you see people and how they have to live – and I’m not gonna say my life was that hard cause it really wasn’t because I had my parents and they provided for me what I needed. But there’s a lot of people that have it hard in this town – they don’t have (what I had) you know? And I think that’s why a lot of people talk about (Española) like it’s bad or whatever. While the area surrounding the town is composed of farmland, Indian pueblos and ‘Spanish’ villages steeped in local folkways, Española itself is a quasi-urban environment of 10,000 people where cows graze between disused trailers decorated with graffiti tags. One of the young men I interviewed characterized Española as ‘rural with a really dull urban twist’, which, though unflattering, is pretty accurate. It is located in Rio Arríba County: the poorest in the state. Española is known (locally anyway) as the ‘lowrider3 capital of the world’, as the Chicano tradition of customizing classic cars is a still going strong there, as it is in Rio Arríba County more generally. Process. While the state of New Mexico is a rich mixture of Hispanic, Anglo and Native American ethnic groups (among others), Española was 84.4% ‘Hispanic’ according to the 2000 US Census. The expression ‘black community’ seems out of place here, which had, according to the same report, a .6% black population. Nonetheless, black popular 3 A car is made into a lowrider through baroque alterations and embellishments which emphasize religious devotion, prosperity and Chicano pride. It originated in the southwest of the United States. A lowrider is both the car and the person driving it (Chappell, 2000). Lowriding is sometimes but not always associated with gang culture. 4 music from hip hop to ‘oldies’ has been enthusiastically consumed in Española for generations. Illustrated trailer on the way into Española. In 2001, I was working at a youth shelter on the rapidly developing but decidedly unglamorous south end of Santa Fé, New Mexico as a youth worker. For the many kids that came to the shelter from Española, rap was (more often than not) the music of choice. My idea for this project stemmed from an interest in how kids from a dominantly Chicano community related to and through a mediated notion of ‘blackness’ and the ‘ghetto’ in their consumption of rap, and how rap music ‘came to occupy the space between their experience of race and their conceptualisation of it’ (Hewitt, 1986, p.7). 5 Five years passed, and I was attending graduate school in London. For my dissertation research, I decided to revive this idea and return to New Mexico to conduct interviews and participant observation with a diverse group of local young people about hip hop, identity, race and place. Through a colleague I got in touch with Diego López (27yrs.) the coordinator of Hands across Cultures Teen Centre (HAC) which organizes art, recreation and prevention programs for area youth. Diego grew up in Española listening to hip hop, started making films in high school, and went on to study media arts at UNM in Albuquerque. He has chosen to return to the community he grew up in, and is dedicated to making a positive contribution to it through his work at the HAC Teen Centre. He has a talent with people and seems to be able to speak with administrators and youth with equal ease and grace. When I first met Diego (and each time thereafter) his manner was relaxed and open. He hugged me hello on our second meeting and listened intently as I spoke. When asked how he is, he responds simply with ‘chillin’. He is good at what he does and is respected and well liked by the youth with whom he works. Diego helped me to arrange a group interview with Donny (age unreported), Trent (16 yrs) and Jesse (19 yrs), all of whom spend time at the centre and are interested in hip hop culture. Diego made a point of coming and shaking hands with each of them before we began the interview. Their willingness to speak with me was due largely to their trust in him. From online research I found out about Youth Conservation Corps (YCC), a summer work program at Española Valley High School (EVHS). I dropped by the high school one day to enquire, and found the group at work on the school’s grounds. I explained my project to 6 the group leader: Lawrence Naranjo, and was permitted to spend time on the work site with the young people in the program. After a week’s time, I offered to teach the required but unpopular daily writing class as a means of engaging with youth in the program. It was clear that Lawrence enjoyed teaching writing about as much as the teens enjoyed sitting through a class after working all day. So, he was happy to have a break and I was happy to have an opportunity to engage with these young people in a more meaningful way. I had my students write about music: who listens to what, how musical taste relates to other life choices, how music and identity are intertwined. We then discussed what they had written. After I had taught a few classes I arranged interviews with Robert (17 yrs), Jesse4 (for the second time) and Stephen (17 yrs), who were the most engaged during class and the most interested in hip hop. I was connected with my remaining informants: Jeremy (19 yrs), Ángel (18 yrs) and Ryan (18 yrs) by Ellen Kaiper, the creator and director of a very successful video production program at the high school, which all three young men had been involved in. Incidentally, Diego López had been through the same program when he was a student at the high school, years earlier. I cold-called Jeremy, Ángel, and Ryan, and set up the interviews by telephone. Their willingness to meet with me sight unseen was premised upon the strength of their relationship with Ellen and the high school’s video program.
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