Problem of Poverty in India
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Royal Statistical Scandal
Royal Statistical Scandal False and misleading claims by the Royal Statistical Society Including on human poverty and UN global goals Documentary evidence Matt Berkley Draft 27 June 2019 1 "The Code also requires us to be competent. ... We must also know our limits and not go beyond what we know.... John Pullinger RSS President" https://www.statslife.org.uk/news/3338-rss-publishes-revised-code-of- conduct "If the Royal Statistical Society cannot provide reasonable evidence on inflation faced by poor people, changing needs, assets or debts from 2008 to 2018, I propose that it retract the honour and that the President makes a statement while he holds office." Matt Berkley 27 Dec 2018 2 "a recent World Bank study showed that nearly half of low-and middle- income countries had insufficient data to monitor poverty rates (2002- 2011)." Royal Statistical Society news item 2015 1 "Max Roser from Oxford points out that newspapers could have legitimately run the headline ' Number of people in extreme poverty fell by 137,000 since yesterday' every single day for the past 25 years... Careless statistical reporting could cost lives." President of the Royal Statistical Society Lecture to the Independent Press Standards Organisation April 2018 2 1 https://www.statslife.org.uk/news/2495-global-partnership-for- sustainable-development-data-launches-at-un-summit 2 https://www.statslife.org.uk/features/3790-risk-statistics-and-the-media 3 "Mistaken or malicious misinformation can change your world... When the government is wrong about you it will hurt you too but you may never know how. -
POVERTY and REFORMS in INDIA T. N. Srinivasan1
December 1999 POVERTY AND REFORMS IN INDIA T. N. Srinivasan1 Samuel C. Park, Jr. Professor of Economics Chairman, Department of Economics Yale University 1. Introduction The overarching objective of India's development strategy has always been the eradication of mass poverty. This objective has been articulated in several development plans, ranging from those published in the pre-independence era by individuals and organizations to the nine five year plans, and annual development plans since 1950 (Srinivasan 1999, lecture 3). However actual achievement has been very modest. In year 1997, five decades after independence, a little over a third of India's nearly billion population is estimated to be poor according to India's National Sample Survey (Table 1). It is also clear from the same table that until the late seventies, the national poverty ratio fluctuated with no significant time trend, between a low of 42.63 percent during April-September 1952 to a high of 62 percent July 1966-June 1967, the second of two successive years of severe drought. Then between July 1977-June 1978 and July 1990-June 1991, just prior to the introduction of systemic reforms of the economy following a severe economic crisis, the national poverty ratio declined significantly from 48.36 percent to 35.49 percent. The macroeconomic stabilization measures adopted at the same time as systemic reforms in July 1991 resulted in the stagnation of real GDP in 1991-92 relative to the previous 1I have drawn extensively on the research of Gaurav Datt and Martin Ravallion of the World Bank in writing this note. -
Chapter III the Poverty of Poverty Measurement
45 Chapter III The poverty of poverty measurement Measuring poverty accurately is important within the context of gauging the scale of the poverty challenge, formulating policies and assessing their effectiveness. However, measurement is never simply a counting and collating exercise and it is necessary, at the outset, to define what is meant by the term “poverty”. Extensive problems can arise at this very first step, and there are likely to be serious differences in the perceptions and motivations of those who define and measure poverty. Even if there is some consensus, there may not be agreement on what policies are appropriate for eliminating poverty. As noted earlier, in most developed countries, there has emerged a shift in focus from absolute to relative poverty, stemming from the realization that the perception and experience of poverty have a social dimension. Although abso- lute poverty may all but disappear as countries become richer, the subjective perception of poverty and relative deprivation will not. As a result, led by the European Union (EU), most rich countries (with the notable exception of the United States of America), have shifted to an approach entailing relative rather than absolute poverty lines. Those countries treat poverty as a proportion, say, 50 or 60 per cent, of the median per capita income for any year. This relative measure brings the important dimension of inequality into the definition. Alongside this shift in definition, there has been increasing emphasis on monitoring and addressing deficits in several dimensions beyond income, for example, housing, education, health, environment and communication. Thus, the prime concern with the material dimensions of poverty alone has expanded to encompass a more holistic template of the components of well-being, includ- ing various non-material, psychosocial and environmental dimensions. -
Strengthening of Panchayats in India: Comparing Devolution Across States
Strengthening of Panchayats in India: Comparing Devolution across States Empirical Assessment - 2012-13 April 2013 Sponsored by Ministry of Panchayati Raj Government of India The Indian Institute of Public Administration New Delhi Strengthening of Panchayats in India: Comparing Devolution across States Empirical Assessment - 2012-13 V N Alok The Indian Institute of Public Administration New Delhi Foreword It is the twentieth anniversary of the 73rd Amendment of the Constitution, whereby Panchayats were given constitu- tional status.While the mandatory provisions of the Constitution regarding elections and reservations are adhered to in all States, the devolution of powers and resources to Panchayats from the States has been highly uneven across States. To motivate States to devolve powers and responsibilities to Panchayats and put in place an accountability frame- work, the Ministry of Panchayati Raj, Government of India, ranks States and provides incentives under the Panchayat Empowerment and Accountability Scheme (PEAIS) in accordance with their performance as measured on a Devo- lution Index computed by an independent institution. The Indian Institute of Public Administration (IIPA) has been conducting the study and constructing the index while continuously refining the same for the last four years. In addition to indices on the cumulative performance of States with respect to the devolution of powers and resources to Panchayats, an index on their incremental performance,i.e. initiatives taken during the year, was introduced in the year 2010-11. Since then, States have been awarded for their recent exemplary initiatives in strengthening Panchayats. The Report on"Strengthening of Panchayats in India: Comparing Devolution across States - Empirical Assessment 2012-13" further refines the Devolution Index by adding two more pillars of performance i.e. -
Poverty and Fertility in India: Some Factors Contributing to a Positive Correlation
Global Majority E-Journal, Vol. 2, No. 2 (December 2011), pp. 87-98 Poverty and Fertility in India: Some Factors Contributing to a Positive Correlation Brittany Traeger Abstract India has diminishing population growth rates and fertility rates; however, they still remain high compared to the world average. The families living in poverty are those having the most children because they are consistently trapped in poverty from generation to generation with little opportunity. Poor families are typically larger because they use children as a source of generating income via child labor. Parents also have children for insurance purposes because they envision needing help when they get older. All children born into poverty, especially girls, have little opportunity to escape from it in adulthood because of the lack of education and power. Another cause for high fertility rates is the large unmet need for family planning among the poor. Investing in family planning amongst the poor would be efficient to reduce fertility rates and poverty. Furthermore, increases in school enrollments, (including for girls) result in more power for females and thus decreasing fertility rates. I. Introduction Currently, about one quarter of India’s population lives in poverty, i.e., on less than one dollar-a- day. 1 This is a sharp decrease from what the poverty rate was in previous decades but it remains high. India also remains to have relatively high fertility and population growth rates. Many consider high poverty and high fertility to be a vicious cycle poor people are caught in. The vicious cycle is that females of poor families get married at a young age and typically have many children. -
Rethinking Poverty Report on the World Social Situation 2010
ST/ESA/324 Department of Economic and Social Affairs Rethinking Poverty Report on the World Social Situation 2010 asdf United Nations New York, 2009 Department of Economic and Social Affairs The Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations Secretariat is a vital interface between global policies in the economic, social and environmental spheres and national action. The Department works in three main interlinked areas: (i) it compiles, generates and analyses a wide range of economic, social and environ- mental data and information on which States Members of the United Nations draw to review common problems and to take stock of policy options; (ii) it facilitates the negotiations of Member States in many intergovernmental bodies on joint courses of action to address ongoing or emerging global challenges; and (iii) it advises interested Governments on the ways and means of translation policy frameworks developed in United Nations conferences and summits into programmes at the country level and, through technical assistance, helps build national capacities. Note The designations employed and the presentation of the material in the present publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country or territory or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitations of its frontiers. The term “country” as used in the text of this report also refers, as appropriate, to territories or areas. The designations of country groups in the text and the tables are intended solely for statistical or analytical convenience and do not necessarily express a judge- ment about the stage reached by a particular country or area in the development process. -
Rural Poverty, Social Development and Their Implications for Fieldwork Practice*
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Journalof Social Development in Africa (1987), 2, 75-85 Rural Poverty, Social Development and their Implications for Fieldwork Practice* PATRICK J. MUZAALE+ ABSTRACT A most unsettling observation is that rural poverty is on the increase, despite decades of rural development. The blame is currently being placed on modes of designing and implementing development programmes, which are seen to have failed to take the basic needs of the poor into account. Further blame is placed on historical factors together with the social structures that have developed from them. The paper examines a selection of current ideas about rural poverty and their implications for the practice and teaching of fieldwork in social development, and points out the issues involved, giving suggestions on how they might be dealt with. Introduction A most unsettling current observation about poverty, particularly rural poverty in Africa, is that it is on the increase, both in incidence and intensity, despite the wide variety of national and international measures undertaken to eradicate it during the last two decades. The failure of these measures has been attributed to a multiplicity of causes, of which the following are the most frequently mentioned and emphasised: inadequate conceptualisations of development and poverty; a failure to identify and to emphasise the true underlying causes of the problem; wrong programmatic prescriptions; a lack of organisational requirements for programme implementation, and various combinations of these shortcomings. -
A History of the University of Manchester Since 1951
Pullan2004jkt 10/2/03 2:43 PM Page 1 University ofManchester A history ofthe HIS IS THE SECOND VOLUME of a history of the University of Manchester since 1951. It spans seventeen critical years in T which public funding was contracting, student grants were diminishing, instructions from the government and the University Grants Commission were multiplying, and universities feared for their reputation in the public eye. It provides a frank account of the University’s struggle against these difficulties and its efforts to prove the value of university education to society and the economy. This volume describes and analyses not only academic developments and changes in the structure and finances of the University, but the opinions and social and political lives of the staff and their students as well. It also examines the controversies of the 1970s and 1980s over such issues as feminism, free speech, ethical investment, academic freedom and the quest for efficient management. The author draws on official records, staff and student newspapers, and personal interviews with people who experienced the University in very 1973–90 different ways. With its wide range of academic interests and large student population, the University of Manchester was the biggest unitary university in the country, and its history illustrates the problems faced by almost all British universities. The book will appeal to past and present staff of the University and its alumni, and to anyone interested in the debates surrounding higher with MicheleAbendstern Brian Pullan education in the late twentieth century. A history of the University of Manchester 1951–73 by Brian Pullan with Michele Abendstern is also available from Manchester University Press. -
Poverty, Participation and Choice: the Legacy of Peter Townsend
REPORT POVERTY, PARTICIPATION AND CHOICE THE LEGACY OF PETER TOWNSEND Emanuele Ferragina, Mark Tomlinson and Robert Walker This report revisits and extends Peter Townsend’s idea that poverty is less about shortage of income and more about the inability of people on low incomes to participate actively in society. The research draws on original analysis of three large- scale UK datasets: Understanding Society, the Family Spending Survey and the Millennium Cohort Study. The analysis points to the existence of two social worlds divided by income. The poorest 30 per cent of the population have to choose between basic necessities and participation in social activities. For this group, additional income does not seem to improve living conditions or change lifestyle. In contrast, for the rest of the population, extra income translates into greater social participation and more evident consumption – the key to a ‘good life’. The report illustrates: • that participation generally reduces as income falls, but stops doing so among the poorest 30 per cent of the population; • that participation varies according to education, age, gender, employment status, ethnicity and region of residence; • the ways in which lifestyles vary among the British population; • the impact of poverty on the level of participation of young children; and • the continuing importance of Townsend’s insights for the public understanding of poverty. 2013MAY WWW.JRF.ORG.UK CONTENTS Executive summary 04 1 Introduction 06 2 Townsend’s ‘breakpoint’ 08 3 Mapping diversity in participation -
Historical Roots of Mass Poverty in South Asia
Historical Roots of Mass Poverty in South Asia A Hypothesis Tapan Raychaudhuri The contemporary phenomenon of underdevelopment is not a continuation of the traditional economic order of pre-modern times. The patterns of economic organisation and levels of economic performance in the traditional societies of Asia, before they were enmeshed into the international economy created by first the merchant and later the industrial capitalism of western Europe, were significantly different from their contemporary counterparts. In the case of India, the pre-colonial economy in its normal functioning did not generate large groups of half starving people. The author traces the roots of mass poverty in India, as we know it today, to the new institutional framework of agriculture introduced after 1813 which deprived small holders, both tenants and proprietors, of nearly all their surplus, if it did not actually reduce them to landlessness. Not only the new institutional arrangements, but even the positive developments in agriculture augmented the tradi- tional disparities of India's agrarian society. Thus development of a market for cash crops implied a change in the ratio of non-food crops to food crops until, with increases in population, the output of foodgrains per head of population declined quite sharply. And where irrigation provided the means of increasing productivity, those in control of large holdings tried and increased their holdings, often at the cost of the poorer agriculturists. The all-too-familiar phenomenon of today's mass poverty was thus already an established fact of life by the time population began to increase at a steady pace. -
Rural Poverty Alleviation Progammes ======For
TFYP WG REPORT No.81/2001 REPORT OF THE WORKING GROUP ON ======================================= RURAL POVERTY ALLEVIATION PROGAMMES ======================================= FOR THE TENTH FIVE YEAR PLAN (2002-2007) PLANNING COMMISSION GOVERNMENT OF INDIA DECEMBER-2001 Government of India Ministry of Rural Development Krishi Bhawan, New Delhi Contents Page Chapter - 1 Background 1-2 Chapter - 2 Poverty Alleviation Initiatives in Rural India in Retrospect 3-5 Chapter – 3 Programmes for Self-Employment 6-10 Chapter – 4 Programmes for Wage-Employment 11-26 Chapter – 5 Other Programmes of Rural Development 27-41 Chapter – 6 Review of Programmes by the Sub-Groups 42-60 Chapter – 7 Poverty Alleviation Programmes – Strategy for the Tenth Five 61-67 Year Plan Chapter – 8 Recommendations of the Working Group 68-78 Annexure - I Composition of the Working Group Annexure – II Composition of the Sub-Group-I Annexure - III Composition of the Sub-Group-II Annexure-IV Composition of the Sub-Group-III Annexure- V Financial and Physical Progress Under IRDP since inception (1980-81-1998-99 Annexure- VI TRYSEM since inception Annexure- VII Financial and Physical Progress Under DWCRA since inception Annexure- VIII Financial and Physical Progress Under SITRA Annexure- IX Financial and Physical Progress Under GKY Annexure- X Financial and Physical Progress Under JRY/JGSY since inception Annexure- XI Plan wise/year-wise resources allocated/utilised, wells constructed under MWS Annexure- XII Financial and Physical Progress Under EAS/SGRY since inception Annexure- XIII Plan-wise/Year-wise financial and Physical Progress Under IAY since inception 1 Chapter-1 Background 1.1 The Planning Commission, vide their letter No. M-12018/1/2000-RD dated December 15,2000 constituted a Working Group under the Chairmanship of Secretary, Rural Development, Government of India on Poverty Alleviation Programmes for the formulation of the 10th Five Year Plan for the Country. -
Minority Group Theory
2 Theories of Poverty In the social sciences it is usual to start with conceptions or definitions of a social problem or phenomenon and proceed first to its measurement and then its ex- planation before considering, or leaving others to consider, alternative remedies. The operation of value assumptions at each stage tends to be overlooked and the possibility that there might be interaction between, or a conjunction of, these stages tends to be neglected. What has to be remembered is that policy prescriptions permeate conceptualization, measurement and the formulation of theory; alternatively, that the formulation of theory inheres within the conceptualization and measurement of a problem and the application of policy. While implying a particular approach to theory, Chapter 1 was primarily con- cerned with the conceptualization and measurement of poverty in previous studies. This chapter attempts to provide a corresponding account of previous theories of poverty. It will discuss minority group theory, the sub-culture of poverty and the cycle of deprivation, orthodox economic theory, dual labour market and radical theories, and sociological, including functionalist, explanations of poverty and inequality. Until recently, little attempt was made to extend theory to the forms, extent of and changes in poverty as such. Social scientists, including Marx, had been primarily concerned with the evolution of economic, political and social inequality. Economists had devoted most interest to the factor shares of production and distribution rather than to the unequal distribution of resources, and where they had studied the latter, they confined themselves to studies of wages. Sociologists had kept the discussion of the origins of, or need for, equality at a very general level, or had confined their work to topics which were only indirectly or partly related, like occupational status and mobility, and the structure and persistence of local community.