293

PARTD

DISCUSSION 294 295

Chapter 20:

MODELLING CHANGE IN NORTH PREHISTORY

Throughout this thesis, emphasis has been given to data that are relevent to an investigation of change and stability in north Queensland prehistory. In some classes of information, such as deposition rates of cultural materials, the temporal trends obtained are relatively secure, in that for most sites, sub-regions and regions, systematic increases can be shown to have taken place during the mid to late Holocene. For other evidence, the temporal trends observed relied principally on circumstantial evidence, as was the case for the dating of north Queensland's rock art. Nevertheless, a consistent pattem has emerged, despite differences in the reliability of the chronological frameworks constmcted for the separate sets of data (e.g. artefact deposition rates, beginnings of new site types, antiquity of cave paintings and so forth). The pattem indicates that significant changes in socio-cultural practices have taken place during the mid to late Holocene. It is now time to draw together these findings in order to investigate the dynamics of socio- cultural practices in north Queensland prehistory.

SOUTHEAST CAPE YORK PENINSULA: THE TRENDS In Part B of this thesis, considerable detail was presented to investigate whether or not temporal pattems could be identified at sites excavated in southeast Cape York Peninsula. The observed trends were rather coarse-grained, in that the exact chronological relationship of the various changes noted within and between sites suffered from poor temporal resolution. Nevertheless, significant increases in rates of site establishment and deposition, as well as the first appearance of 'burren adzes', were evident during the mid to late Holocene in all areas studied. Of importance is that these changes were not necessarily synchronous in the various sites and sub-regions. Furthermore, at Princess Charlotte Bay there is also evidence to suggest the commencement of new subsistence-settlement systems (systematic mound counstmction) during this time, with a specialised focus on mangrove resources. In aU areas, during the mid to late Holocene, there is also a significant increase in the number of cave paintings undertaken, with prior, 'earlier' art consisting predominantly of peckings. Generally similar changes have also been documented throughout eastern Australia. These include the beginnings of technologies involving the speciaUsed or intensified use of seeds, the systematic leaching of toxic plants, a broad range of new stone artefact forms and technologies, new site forms (e.g. earth mounds) and possibly large-scale water management and fishing installations in some areas (see Chapter 10; Appendix B). In some cases, these innovations or embeUishments may have enabled productive yields to increase, or to have been more effectively managed. Examples of this are what appear to be the increased numbers of 'complex' fishing installations in various parts of the Queensland coast, NSW and Victoria, and use of grass seeds in arid and semi-arid 296 areas. The modeUing of change in die prehistory of southeast Cape York Peninsula must account for these fundamental characteristics of the archaeological record. While it is recognised that the complexity of the observed diachronic trends has been obscured by the coarse-grained nature of some archaeological methods, it should also be appreciated that we are investigating the behaviour of human actors set within complex social and ecological fields. Because any given context of human behaviour will only involve a small part of the total behavioural range of a group of people, we should expect new strategies to display a broad range of archaeological expressions (see Chapter 1). Given the relatively coarse-grained temporalities of the archaeological record, contemporaneous social changes, therefore, need not be synchronous archaeologically. Therefore, it is not possible to say, at this stage, how the timing of changes (in the various sites) relates to that of social change. Nevertheless, I would argue that spatial behaviour is linked to territorial (that is, land owning and land using) networks. Spatially pattemed behaviour relates to the activities of people on the ground, and thus it is assumed that spatially pattemed traces of human activity are related to contexts of social praxis. For instance, the movement of people from one place to another (for example, from one country to another) implies that there is an openness that allows that movement to occur, whether that openness is a result of structured norm (e.g. via 'belonging' to a place or via the use of 'visas') or not (e.g. illegal immigrants). In either case, the degree of openness is contextual, in the sense that degrees of closure can emerge if the context changes. An example of the relationship between spatial behaviour, rock art and territoriality can be seen from Wardaman country, Northem Territory. I use this example not as evidence that the situation was the same in north Queensland in the past, but as an example of the way such a relationship can be operationalised. In this sense, I would argue that rock art, by virtue of its representation in spatial behaviour, articulates aspects of territorial space. Wardaman country is located to the southwest of Katherine. Wardaman people generally recognise matri-totems (the ngurlu), assign sub-section partly, though not exclusively, through the mother, and practice a matri-focal system of parent-child relationship. There exists a matrifdiative complementary relationship to land, witii patrifiUation being primary. During the recent past, Wardaman country was divided into various estates, each of which reckoned a cosmological identity with specific Dreaming beings. Some of these were traveUing beings (such as Gorondolnni, the Rainbow Serpent), whUe others concemed specific parts of the landscape only (e.g. Gandawaq, the moon, at Jalijbang). While the entire landscape thereby gained its identity and was made discontinuous by its affiUations with specific Dreaming beings and events, it was united into a cosmological whole by its common participation in a unified system of land and law expressed in the Dreaming. In this sense, the land is a humanised landscape (Rigsby, 1981), and the way in which the various estates are broken up and inter- Unked at various levels reflects die pattem of Wardaman land tenure and land use. The land's Dreaming identities are cential to the local belief system. It is in tiie Dreaming diat 297

Wardaman ontology is centred. Dreaming realities are expressed everywhere - in the mountains, rivers, trees and rock outcrops. As Merlan notes.

The Wardaman use the word lag Ian 'country, place, site' (and also camp) to refer to uacts of country and places within them to which they claim attachment, as in the phrase nganinggin laglan 'my country'. Each such counuy is composed of many different sites, at least some principal ones of which are associated with estate-linked buwarraja, that is, creator figures or 'dreamings' which are saliently or exclusively identified with that particular country. An example is the association of girribug 'pheasant coucal' with a particular country ... of which the Willeroo homestead and some neighbouring places are focal sites. In addition to these particular estate- linked and bounded dreamings, through each country there pass at least some mythological paths of other, long-range dreamings, many of which ... happen to come from the west and northwest, as far away as Port Keats and Westem Australia. Thus each country, or 'estate' (see Maddock 1982) is defined by a particular constellation of far-travelled and more local dreamings and sites. (1989b: 4- 9).

In short, the landscape consists of a complex patchwork of landed Dreamings crisscrossed by non-local, travelling ones, both of which give identity to the land and link Wardaman country with neighbouring lands. Individual places identified as of specific significance to Wardaman people take many forms, from features such as waterholes or hills, to smaller objects such as rocks or prominant trees, including individual or complexes of rockshelters. It is in the latter that rock art is most commonly found. Much of the 'art' located in Wardaman country is buwarrraja and was never created by people, but are (rather than represent) the Dreaming beings themselves which sit in the rock (cf Merlan 1989a; Frost et al. 1992). Such sites are imbued with the essence of Dreaming beings, whose identities often reflect the identities of the land in which the site (and hence paintings) occurs. In this way, the rockshelters at Nimji and Muming, near the Yingalarri waterhole, have important associations with gulirrida (peewees), and as such many painted figures at these sites are gulirrida to local Wardaman people. But there is an even more important way in which the rock art expresses contexts of openness and closedness in Wardaman country. Artistic conventions are widespread across areas where interaction is relatively unrestricted, such as throughout Wardaman country and in regions to the southwest, where important social and cultural links exist. To the north, however, major discontinuities in social interaction existed during recent times, and this is also where major changes begin to appear in the rock art. For example. X-ray paintings were common during the late Holocene in Amhem Land (to the immediate north of Wardaman country), but these are extremely rare in Wardaman country (Ta9on 1993). As Ta9on (1993) notes, regionalism in social behaviour tends to be expressed in the material attachments of social practice, including rock art. As noted in Chapter 1, however, any single aspect of the material record will rarely, if ever, be capable of expressing the full range of spatial (social) behaviour. This is because of the large number of social contexts operating. 298

A number of major archaeological changes have been documented from southeast Cape York Peninsula in this thesis. These changes include alterations to the spatial patteming of the rock art, and I would therefore argue that a major re-organisation of territorial networks may be involved. The presumed mid to late Holocene rock art of north Queensland is divided into two relatively distinct and discrete geographical sets, a nortiiem, predominantiy figurative tradition of paintings, and a southem, non-figurative. Within each of these two zones, rock art styles are highly regionalised. There is an important aspect of this regionalisation, however, that has not yet been addressed (as it lies largely outside die scope of this diesis). It concems the disdibution of faunal categories in the art, and its relationship with the hunted fauna. It has already been noted that a significant proportion of the excavated faunal remains from the Mitchell-Pahner sub- region consist of food debris dominated by macropods - Petrogale sp., Macropus spp. - and other marsupials (e.g. Trichosurus vulpecula) (see Chapter 4). The total absence of macropods from the paintings of this sub-region, and the general lack of agreement between the range and relative representation of fauna recovered from the excavations and those represented in the paintings, may thus be significant. The implications are that the animals painted on the cave walls were not just a reflection of dietary breadth, nor an indication of the past symbolic importance of the hunted and foraged fauna. On the contrary, the two sources of faunal representation - the painted animals and the animals represented in the food debris - represent two distinct information domains, each of which relates to a different set of socio-culmral principals. In other words, data obtained from the excavated food remains relate to subsistence behaviour and its associated symbolism, whereas the painted forms are an archaeological window into a totaUy different aspect of prehistoric life within a site and region. By investigating the latter we are investigating a system of visual forms stmctured by socio-cultural convention, a system of symbols whose investigation can reveal something about the nature of symbolic vocabularies but not about their related original meanings (cf Frost et al. 1992). Concerned here is the stmcttuing of socio-cultural imagery, the ordering of symbols as formal representations, and the pomayal of rock art forms in specific proportions. Hence, why are tiiere no recorded macropods in die MitcheU-Palmer rock paintings, especially given tiieir importance in tiie rock art of Laura to the immediate north? The implication is that spatial discontinuities may have existed in the distribution of socio-cultural conventions relating to symbolic behaviour as well as rock art. I would thus argue that it is by generating systematic research on past socio-cultural systems in southeast Cape York Peninsula - that is, on the relationship between resource stmctures, symbolic representations, technological conventions etc., and their continuities and discontinuities across space and tiirough time - that significant new inroads may be made into tiiis issue. This is a particularly intriguing aspect of north Queensland's rock art that, unfortunately, cannot be adequately addressed in this thesis, but which may prove a fmitful avenue for future research.

That the timing of intra-zonal regionalisation appears to cortespond to the genesis of the two­ fold, north-south separation implies that the two pattems may be part of one general historical 299 process. It is important to note here that I refer to the art's antiquity as 'presumed' because the evidence so far is largely circumstantial, and therefore interpretation is still to a large degree hypothetical. It is further noted here that I will begin to test the chronological framework presented in this thesis, as relates to rock art, in 1994. A grant has recently been awarded to obtain 30 AMS radiocarbon dates on paintings and engravings from southeast Cape York Peninsula. This dating program is not part of my PhD research, but was instigated in order to further investigate the temporal model presented here.

MODELLING CHANGE IN NORTH QUEENSLAND PREHISTORY The underlying assumption of this section is that an understanding of present socio-cultural practices are important for the study of the past. This is based upon the conviction that curtent socio-cultural systems, including the ontological stmctures upon which they are based, are the products of particular historical conditions whose trajectories are traceable archaeologicaUy. That is, contemporary societies and cultural forms are the 'end'-products of ever-changing historical conditions which have (and continue to) change through time as a result of specific choices made by people. This, in essence, is what we know as the historical process (David 1991f; Hodder 1986b; Sartre 1968; Shanks & Tilley 1987). In this sense, human history is the result of the process of decision-making, and of decisions made. The material manifestations of some of these cultural choices can be traced back through the archaeological record. The tack that I now foUow is somewhat different. I explore the ethnographic literature in the hope of identifying social processes that may have given rise to the regionalised landscape observed archaeologically. In doing so, I take as my starting point the assumption that societies are composed of networks of interelated systems and subsystems, and that, to understand such systems, we have to enquire as to how they emerged from prior historical circumstances. My aims here are not to impose particular social formations (as observed ethnographically) onto particular archaeological 'signatures' (contra Rosenfeld 1992). Rather, I am specifically exploring ways in which regionalised social landscapes might emerge (see Bender [1992], David [1991d] and Gosden [1989] for discussions of 'social landscapes'). Ideally, to do this would require an extensive survey of the anthropological and sociological literature. Constraints on time and space, however, do not permit me to do this. I have therefore restricted myself to ethnographic observations from the study region.

TOWARDS A PREHISTORY OF INTER-REGIONAL RELATIONS: EXPLORING THE NORTH-SOUTH DIVISION IN THE 'LATER' ROCK ART During his ethnographic enquiries in westem and southwestem Queensland, Roth (1897: 136) noted that 'it happens that ideas are interchanged, superstitions and traditions handed on from district to district, and more or less modified and altered in transit, that new words and terms are picked up, and that cortoborees are leamt and exchanged, just like any other commodities'. Stylistic conventions operate in relation to existing and interacting socio-cultural stmctures 300

(see Chapter 1). As 1 have shown in tiiis thesis, diere appears to have been a major change in the disttibution of such conventions relatively late in Cape York prehistory, a change that indicates a discontinuity in the contexts of artistic behaviour (in the sense of Conkey [1989, 1990]; see Chapter 1). The mid to late Holocene rock paintings can be divided into two relatively discrete geographical sets, but this was not the case for the 'earlier' art. The boundary between the northem and southem zones lies between the Mitchell and Walsh Rivers, and includes the Featherbed Ranges. Although very little is known of the Ufeways of Aboriginal peoples from the areas from which the rock paintings were recorded, it is interesting to note that interviews I conducted in 1984 with a number of early European settlers in Chillagoe indicated that ChUIagoe Aborigines (south of the Walsh River) had no significant contact with Aborigines to the north. Although these interviews were not directed at the types of questions posed in this thesis, Paddy Byrnes and 'Sugar-bag' George, two early European residents at Chillagoe, both independently noted that the Palmer (northem) Aborigines were 'hostile to Chillagoe Aborigines' (P. Byme, pers. comm. 1984; cf David 1987). Similarly, others have also reported differences in the ways Aborigines at Ngarrabullgan interacted with people from the south and the north. Hence Richards (1926: 249), a long-time resident in the area, noted that the Aboriginal people of Ngarrabullgan recognised an essential affinity and shared an 'almost identical language and customs' with the peoples of Rookwood, Mungana, ChUIagoe, Ootan and other areas to the south (Richards's 'Wakoora', 'Chunkunberry' and 'Wun-yurika'), but not with peoples to the north, such as the 'Kooka-minnies'. He noted:

These tribes were warlike and were often fighting among themselves and with neighbouring tribes. About 1893 a tribe of Mitchell River natives known as the Kooka-minnies raided the Hodgkinson Valley. The combined Wakoora, Chunkunberry, and Wun-yurika Uibes were outnumbered and stood no chance against the invaders. The Kooka-minnies took all the young women and the men were driven away. (Richards 1926: 255)

This geographical division of alliances matches the nortii-south division noted in the rock art (Ngarrabullgan is at die northem extremity of the 'southem' zone). Seventy-five years after the events reported by Richards, Edwards (1967) noted that the anthropomorphous paintings at Ngarrabullgan appeared to be very recent, and tiiat they did not resemble the 'typical' rock art of the area (resembUng rather the paintings of the MitcheU-Palmer region to tiie immediate north). He tiius concluded that 'I do not think that they can be regarded as belonging to the area, and there are no ttaces of human figures in die older paintings' (Edwards 1967: 7). The conclusions reached in this tiiesis support these views (see Chapter 17). Taken in conjunction with the information supplied by Richards, this may suggest that possibly long-standing enmity between people to the north and south of the Mitchell River has resulted in a recent influx of northem peoples into the Ngarrabullgan area. If this is so, the incursion mentioned by Richards is lUcely to have been faciUtated by post-contact events. This was probably the result of population decreases following intt-oduced diseases, massacres and so forth, coupled with a break-down of 301 traditional boundary zones through the installation of gold mines and cattle properties that employed non-local Aboriginal stockmen. Each of these factors cut across traditional Aboriginal territorial networks (see also Reynolds 1982; Richards 1926: 249; Rowley 1986), and unfortunately, no anthropological work has yet been undertaken to shed further light on these issues. One explanation for the archaeologically documented geographical north-south division involves formalised socio-cultural mechanisms that articulate inter-group contacts, such as the ttading and ceremonial networks observed during the immediate post-contact period. Although tittle is known of such networks in eastem and northem Queensland, enough has been recorded to attempt a preliminary sketch. I discuss these issues below, treating the northem (figurative) and southem (non-figurative) regions separately.

South of the Walsh River A number of authors have noted that, during ethnohistorical times, social interaction to the south of the Walsh River often involved extensive trading networks, resulting in the continued exchange of goods and ideas over enormous areas in westem Queensland, and, to a much lesser degree, in the east. Such exchanges often involved large numbers of people sharing innovative ideas (such as dances and songs, of which the Molonga ceremony is a good example [cf Mulvaney 1976]), thus acting against the development of distinct and geographically isolated StyUstic conventions. It is argued here that such a network of exchange behaviour may be responsible for the close similarities of rock art styles in those regions south and west of the Walsh River, including Ngarrabullgan, the Rookwood-Mungana-Chillagoe limestone belt, Ootan, the White Mountains, Agate Creek, Lawn HiU and Mt. Isa. In his detailed study of westem Queensland Aboriginal lifeways. Roth (1897) repeatedly sttessed the central function which extensive trading networks play in the life of westem and south-westem Queensland Aborigines. His records include over 100 separate references to the trading of goods between regions sometimes over 200km apart. Here, where traditional territories are located immediately south of the Gulf of Carpentaria and stretch south to the Lake Eyre region, pituri, the arid zone native narcotic, formed a central cog in the trading machinery. Pituri, goverment blankets, human-hair belts, bilbi-tails and other commodities were, for example, tiaded for shields, stone knives, possum twine, human-hair twine and spears by peoples of the Boulia district. Trading routes almost always followed natural watercourses, with pituri generally moving from the more arid westem regions to the east, where it did not grow naturally (Roth 1897: 132-8). Such exchange networks enabled extensive inter-group contacts through meetings between members of separate social and linguistic affiliations and set up the means by which exogamous marriage bestowals could operate. This resulted in the creation of an extensive network of kin- related individuals, a network often articulated by the coming together of large numbers of people through ceremonial gatherings. It is through such networks that ideas and conventions were 302

continually passed on, that cultural norms became standardised and maintained, and that deviant behaviour became either recognised as such or transformed and institutionalised into accepted socio-cultural frameworks. Examples of shared cultural traits, beyond ttade items and exchange goods, included variations of the four-class kinship system, with the eight-class system occurring to the immediate west of the region in question (Howitt 1904: 30; Peterson 1976). The huge distances covered by individuals who travelled to partake in such exchange/ceremonial networks are central to the present discussion. Thus, for example, Howitt (1904: 710-11) and Smyth (1878,11: 304; in Mulvaney 1976: 79) report people tt-avelling 320- 480km in the Coopers Creek region of the arid zone partly in order to participate in the trade of pituri and ochre. Similarly, individuals are known to have travelled over 400km to partake in ceremonies and/or trading networks in the Carpentaria-Lake Eyre region (Petrie 1904: 250), while ochre has been known to have been traded over distances of 480km in the Flinders Ranges (Bmce 1902: 83; in Mulvaney 1976: 79). Elsewhere, Stanner (1989) reports seeing a Wardaman man visiting the Port Keats region, 250km from Wardaman country, early this century, whilst Myers (1986: 27) simdarly reports tiiat Maantja, a Pintupi man, met with people from tiie PoUock Hills, 100 miles (160km) to the west of his home country. The same man is also noted to have travelled 280km in one series of joumeys associated with a single ceremonial gathering. Numerous other long distance treks have been reported from all parts of arid and semi-arid Austt-alia, and although die longer distances were normally associated with formalised exchange and/or cermonial gatherings, as Meggitt (1962: 52) states for the Warlpiri, 'small parties sometimes waUced long distances simply to see kinsfoUc and keep up friendships'. Maintaining relatedness was (and still is) the essence of many inter-group gatherings. Myers (e.g. 1986: 164) has repeatedly argued that, amongst the Pintupi, considerable energy was invested in maintaining contact between people, 'suppressing distinctiveness' (Myers 1986: 166) and reducing differentiation in the process of increasing one's network of social ties. Others, such as Meggitt (1962), have reported similar social processes among other arid and semi-arid Aboriginal peoples, while Roth (e.g. 1897) documented such behavioural characteristics for the peoples of westem Queensland, including those of Mt. Isa, Lawn HUl and other areas to the immediate east. I have plotted aU references to trade noted and pubUshed by Roth (1897-1910e) in his ethnographies in Figure 149. His emphasis on westem Queensland reveals extensive inter­ personal relations south of the Gulf of Carpentaria, while he hints at further interactions northwards through an extension of the western Queensland trading routes (linking with soutiiwestem Cape York Peninsula). If the distances tt-avelled by individuals mentioned above are any indication, then it would take only four individuals tt-aveUing 480km each to cover the entire 1830km distance between the Gulf of Carpentaria and the soutii Austt-aUan coast (that is, to ttaverse the AustraUan continent north to south). Even a smaller distance covered by each individual, say 280km, would requu-e only seven individuals to cover the distance. And if Gason's (quoted in Curr 1886, H: 70-71; in Mulvaney 1976: 90) observations are cortect that, in 303 the Flinders Ranges, people ttavelled 30km a day for distances of over 320km in any direction, it would then take only 61 days to cross the area between the Gulf and the south Australian coast. The point to be made here is that particular socio-cultural conventions can be expected to have been widespread in westem Queensland at least during the later stages of prehistory, given the open nature of interaction networks documented for ethnohistoric times (see also Yengoyan 1976). Accordingly, it comes as no surprise to discover that the 'recent' rock art found to the southwest of the Walsh River share many common conventions over fairly broad areas, such as the widespread predominance of non-figurative designs (e.g. circles, extended linear designs).

Figure 149: All cases conceming social interaction in northern and westem Queensland, as document by Roth (1897-1910e). 304

North of the Walsh River. During the early years of the 20th century, Roth reported intensive but short-distance interactions between people to the north of the Walsh River. These interactions were operationalised in part through ttade, offering a means by which ideas and material items could be exchanged between the various peoples of these regions. By these methods, this region was unified, to some extent. The cave paintings of the MitcheU-Palmer limestone belt, Koolburra Plateau, Jowalbinna, Jackass Station, Laura River, Bonny Glen Station, Mt. Windsor and Mt. Carbine, Princess Charlotte Bay and the Flinders Island group, and Bare Hill all contain a predominance of monochrome infilled and bichrome outlined/infilled anthropomorphs and zoomorphs. Each of these sub-regions is located to the north or east of the 'southem' group of sub-regions identified in Chapter 19 and, as such, they constitute a discrete geographical set. I would argue that these two issues - intensive social interaction to the north of the Walsh River and shared rock painting conventions - are linked. This issue is further discussed below. Little is known of the prehistoric socio-cultural relations of the peoples from these sub- regions. Roth, who mainly visited areas to die west and east of the region, included the MitcheU- Palmer on his cultural map of north Queensland (1899b), but commented that there were 'no blacks here permanentiy' (Roth 1899b: Plate 30). However, this is unldcely to have l^een the case, at least for any significant duration of time during prehistory, given statements made in early explorers's joiuTials, the enormous wealth of prehistoric sites from the region, as well as its location near two permanent rivers. For example, both Leichhadt (1847) and Hann (1873) commented on the large numbers of Aborigines observed near die limestone karst outcrops of the Mitchell River. However, by die time Roth arri\ ed, some 60 years after Leichhardt and 30 years after Hann, the north Queensland gold mshes had taken their toll on local Aboriginal populations. Although die MitcheU-Palmer region was not centtal to Roth's studies (and it is possible that he never actuaUy entered die sub-region as no mention of it is made in his ethnographic texts, and it is located on die periphery of his map of north Queensland), other parts of the north are better documented by him. For instance, in addition to noting certain similarities in the tools and weapons of different north Queensland peoples, he also documents in some detail the nature of tt-ade items and tiieir destinies. Unless otherwise indicated, the following is taken from Roth's etiuiographies (Roth 1899a-1910e). The principal times for ttade throughout the region were during periods when food resources were plentiful, as was the case in other parts of eastem Austtalia. At Princess Charlotte Bay, reed spears, u-on scraps and European axes were given by the Kuku Rarrmul of the Morehead River (Princess Charlotte Bay and Flinders group) to the Gugu Warra of the Normanby and Deighton Rivers (Jowalbinna and Laura areas) during early contact times. In retum, the Kuku Rarrmul were given melo shells, grass-reed spears, nautilus sheU necklaces, stingray spears and fishing nets. 305

The coastal peoples of Princess Charlotte Bay and the FUnders group have been characterised by Chase and Sutton (1981) for their 'extteme sedentism', sharing related language dialects and a specialised marine technology. They saw themselves as 'beach people' (Hynes and Chase 1982), as opposed to 'inland people', although some coastal groups have been reported to have ranged considerable distances inland (e.g., Guugu Imudyi and Koko Kandji [original spelling]) (see also Beaton 1985; Hale and Tindale 1933-4). In spite of a recognised dichotomy between inland and littoral peoples, a number of authors have thus argued against a strict division of coastal and inland peoples. Roth, for instance, writing of Aborigines to the immediate north and west of Barrow Point in an unpublished report of his trip on the schooner 'Canomie', noted that 'there are no hiU-tribes anjrwhere in this hinterland (through which I ttavelled last November) the country beyond being more or less flat and occupied by blacks friendly and intermarriageable with the coastal ones' (Roth 1899a: 3-4). To the south of Princess Charlotte Bay, the peoples from the Endeavour and Bloomfield Rivers (Cooktown region) ttavelled in the direction of the Laura River, where they supplied the Gugu Warra of the Laura and Jowalbinna region with red ochre, white clay, grass ttee spears, and other items. In retum, the Gugu Warra repayed them with the same types of items which they gave to the Kuku Rarrmul of Princess Charlotte Bay and the Flinders group. Further to the south. Aborigines from Cape Bedford ttaded iron axes, iron digging sticks, nautilus shells, dilly bags, pearl shell chest omaments and melo shells for forehead bands, kangaroo-tail sinew, kangaroo bones, quartz-tipped spears, bark ttoughs, and a 'rough kind of fixed grind stone' (Roth 1910a: 18). Trading excursions took place along the northem coastUne to the Flinders River. Roth (1902-1910e) further noted that Aborigines from Cauns and Cape Grafton followed the coastUne between Port Douglas and the Mulgrave River in their ttading excursions, whUe people from the Barron River ttavelled as far as Port Douglas to the north, and Kuranda and inland to the west. Russell River Aborigines ttavelled to the Pyramid Mountain, the Mulgrave and Johnstone Rivers and Caims. Aborigines from the Johnstone River, in their tum, ttavelled to Clump Point and Liverpool Creek. Aborigines from Cape Grafton are reported by Roth (1910a: 19) to have ttaded bicomual dUly-bags to the Port Douglas, Mulgrave, River, Barron River, Mareeba and Herberton districts, while grass-bugle necklaces were destined for the Mulgrave and Russel Rivers, four-pronged fish spears for the Mulgrave, Upper Russel and Johnstone Rivers as well as Clump Point, sttaight spear-throwers without the shell-haft for the Mulgrave, Johnstone and Russel Rivers, bent or moon-shaped spear-throwers, single-handed swords and large fighting shields to the Barron River and northwards. From the north (mainly Barton River and Port Douglas), the Cape Grafton Aborigines would receive dilly bags, beeswax necklaces, sttaight shell-hafted spear-throwers, bamboo spears, nautilus shell necklaces and cockatoo top-knot head-dresses. From the south (Mulgrave River) came long swords, boomerangs, shields, possum-stting armlets, and pearl-sheU chest omaments which arrived via Atherton and Herbeton. These were 306

said to have arrived from further west. Further to the south. Roth documents other evidence for trade among coastal and rainforest peoples, accentuating ttading partnerships within the rainforest and coastal fringes, although extemal imports also took place. Along the eastem and southem coasts of Cape York Peninsula, Roth states that ttading was carried out on an individual basis, 'each doing business on his [sic] own account' (Roth 1910a: 19). Simdarly, along the central west coast of Cape York, 'the Pennefadier River Natives apparentiy do not carry on much in the way of ttade; they ttavel but a comparatively short distance up and down the coast-Une, and never to any great distance inland'. In short. Roth documents evidence for intensive but relatively short distance ttading networks in northem and northeastem Queensland. Trading routes followed river valleys and the eastem coastiine, with the region around and immediately south of Cooktown participating in a coastal- hinterland interaction covering most of southeast Cape York Peninsula north of the Walsh and Mitchell Rivers. Findings of coastal sea shell in a rockshelter site in the Upper Dainttee valley (see above) supports claims of close contacts between the coastal and hinterland regions of Cooktown and further west (M. David 1989). Similarly, an elderly Mt. Carbine man (Denis Ross) has reported that the Mt. Carbine Aborigines foraged along the Mitchell River earUer diis century (M. David pers. comm. 1991 & field notes). Dave Edwards and Charlie M^Cracken, long-term European residents at Dainttee and Mossman, also reported that the area between the coast and hinterland to the immediate soudi of Cooktown was criss-crossed by Aboriginal ttacks during the early contact period (M. David pers. comm. 1989; M^Cracken 1989). Such ttacks are reported to have gone through Mossman Gorge, onto die tableland, and along the McLeod and Mitchell Rivers to the west, while the rainforest itself was generally avoided. Referring to the peoples of the Bloomfield River to the immediate ooath of Cooktown, Anderson and Robins (1988: 187) thus write of intensive, short distance ttavels by coastal peoples: 'coastal movement in general was primarily north and south between the permanent camps along the coast, with forays inland up on die lower portions of the coastal ranges for inland resources. There was also clearly a great deal of ttavel up and down the Bloomfield River itself, and comings and goings between the upper riverine camps and the coastal ones were common according to early European accounts'. It is partly by referring to such a pattem of movement which has led them to claim that 'die people associated with the Bloomfield riverine and coastal area were ... part of a larger cultural and linguistic bloc which included most of southeast Cape York Peninsula' (Anderson and Robins 1988: 186). WhUe tiiere is very broad agreement in the works of Roth (1899a-1910e), Hale and Tindale (1933-4), Tindale (1974) and Sharp (1939) with respect to the location of socio-linguistic territories in southem Cape York Peninsula, die boundaries between these tertitories remain hazy and not uniformly defmed. Hence the Gugu Warra, Kuku Yawa and Kuku Mini speakers of the Laura region have been reported by Roth (1910a) to have often moved between the various tertitories, whilst informants of Trezise (1971) endorsed the presence of Gugu Warta in the vicinity of die Normanby River, but said that the Kuku Mini occupied the Laura sandstone and 307 the Kuku Yalanji had their camp not far from the present township of Laura. The above observations reveal important information about the geographical locations of interacting linguistic groups. As Rigsby (1980, 1981) has noted, however, it would be a mistake to treat the distribution of linguistic groups across space as representing the main stmcture of territorial networks. He thus argued that Tindale's (1974) 'dialectal tribe' confuses the nature of land/people/language relations in Cape York Peninsula, as here different types of social groupings should be recognised. For our purposes, two such groupings must be differentiated: the landowning group (patricians) and the land-using, residential group. At any point in time, a country will be occupied by individuals from many patricians, and hence from numerous 'language' groups. Because of his field methods, Tindale's (1974) 'dialectal tribe' masks the real issue of land/language/people relations. In effect his 'tribal' groups are neither an accurate distribution of linguistic groups, land owning groups (especially patricians), or land using groups, for they are an amalgamation, and thus a confusion, of various social categories. Tindale's identification of bounded linguistic units, suggesting distinct but interacting language groups, masks a system of social processes which is in reality both more subtle and more complex. Nevertheless, as people from a given language area tend to interact within a limited geographical area, the locations of Tindale's 'dialectal tribes' probably roughly agree with the locations of major networks of territorial (land owning) and land using groups (which consist of relatively bounded groups of affiUated and interacting people). The marked similarity in the dominant types of painting from Laura, Koolburta, MitcheU- Palmer, Cooktown hinterland. Princess Charlotte Bay and, to a lesser extent. Bare Hill, may reflect the close and continued ties documented for the inhabitants of these regions. The development of a single major artistic ttadition to the north of the Walsh River, expressed as variations of a common theme (figurative paintings undertaken in infilled monochrome), therefore may reflect a broadly unified system of inter-personal relations, such as documented by Rotii.

Regionalisation The second trend which appears in the rock art is the highly regionalised nature of painting conventions within the northern and southem zones during mid to late Holocene times. In addressing such regional networks, I thus now tum to the ethnographic literature to investigate social processes which may have given rise to regionalised social landscapes. To local Aborigines, the region is composed of a myriad of named countries owned by one or more patrician, and land-owning groups may have a series of non-contiguous territories (David & Cordell 1993; Sutton & Rigsby 1982: 167). Each patrician owns totems, songs, dances etc., which also identify and differentiate it from other patricians, other countries. Each patrician is also identified by its own language or, rather by its own language variation (only a few words may separate different patricians linguistically). Individuals of one patticlan, although multilingual, usually speak the language of the countty they are in (Rigsby 1981: 93) (see also Meggitt for a similar observation amongst centtal Australian Aborigines). Most languages or 308

language variations are named for the patticlans with which they are associated, as the 'language of such-and-such patticlan', but sometimes a language wiU have its own name. As noted above, at any point in time a country will be occupied by individuals from a number of patricians, and hence language groups (Rigsby 1981). A similar view has been voiced by Anderson (1984) for the Bloomfield River area of southeast Cape York Peninsula. Focusing on broader issues of inter-personal interaction, he argues that four primary social arrangements should be recognised: 1) the family unit, the most important primary unit of society (nuclear family), 2) the local descent group, bound to specific locations in the landscape, whose members are related by ties of descent and religious affiUation, 3) the clan, a more general and larger version of descent groups, which 'contain[s] a number of lineages Unked by descent and common religious association to a presumed ancestor' (Anderson 1984: 54), 4) the horde, which consists of men associated by descent plus their wives and children and unmarried sisters - the most important economic and poUtical unit, and clan based. The importance of these observations is that membership in any camp relies partly on the context of interaction. As Sharp (1934a: 31) noted, 'men of a clan are separated and do not live together in their own territory as a horde' (see also Sharp 1934b). Although individual affiliations may, to a large extent, be formally stmctured, inter-personal interaction in Cape York Peninsula is dynamic and also subject to choices that go beyond such sttnctures. To address this adequately it is necessary to tum to the active management of territorial stmctures - that is, land affiliation and land use - by individuals. It is this aspect of socio-political practice which may offer important clues regarding the emergence of highly rsgionaUsed bodies of rock art during the last few thousand years. For peoples on both sides of Cape York Peninsula, Sutton and Rigsby (1982) note that the conscious management of land affiliation actively organises people through the landscape. Both land owning and land using groups involve from approximately 25 to 50 individuals (Coombs et al. 1980 make a similar argument for other parts of AusttaUa). As the sizes of interacting populations increased, conflicts were noted to increase, and as a result groups spUt up into smaUer units. The net effect is a process of segmentation that re-organises people throughout the landscape via political manipulation of territorial concems: 'the political management of land divides over-sized land owning groups into smaller segments and ensures that lands of extinct land owning groups continue to be owned and used by successors' (Sutton and Rigsby 1982: 159). Along the southeastem coast of Cape York Peninsula, Anderson (1984: 94) sees geographical features - drainage basins and mountain ranges - as constraining forces that provided markers for social boundaries. Each patrician was noted to have a totem, although it was not tied to a specific location. Territorial networks in southeastem Cape York Peninsula, tiierefore, should not be viewed via static descent models based on patti- or matri-affiUation, but instead should be treated as dynamic, involving the manipulation of ties to land through political 309 play (Sutton and Rigsby 1982; see also Myers 1986; Sutton 1978). In this context, particular individuals are important in crystallising residence pattems, as weU as in determining the course of territorial sttnctures tiirough the process of history (Anderson 1984). I would thus argue that it is by tteating land use and ownership as dynamic that the regionalised nature of north Queensland's mid to late Holocene rock art can be best understood. If the fundamental differences outlined in Part C of this thesis - between an essentially homogeneous 'early' rock art ttadition, and regionally distinctive 'later' one - hold firm (as the chronological framework presented is refined), then it can be said that major, structural changes have taken place in the contexts of rock art creation during the last 3000 years or so. Given that rock art is embedded in the landscape by vutue of its creation in grounded locations, 1 would also argue that the geographical distribution of rock art styles cannot be treated independentiy of territorial stmctures (see Gamble [1982, 1986] and Jochim [1983] for European examples of a similar approach). I therefore propose that the relatively 'recent' regionalisation of rock art in north Queensland implies a contemporaneous regionalisation of territorial networks, which in tum can be viewed as resulting from social processes such as those outUned above. Having said this, it is recognised that some of the data upon which the above conclusions have been reached are problematical. I therefore now briefly outUne some of these issues.

PROBLEMS AND LIMITATIONS

Paintings Versus Peckings In Part C, I argued that fundamental changes have taken place in the distribution of rock art conventions sometime after 3000-2000BP. An important difficulty has been, however, in comparing an 'early' engraving technique with a more 'recent' one based on painting. It is possible that these two techniques have intrinsic limitations which are significant enough to consttain the artist in different ways. For instance, it is possible that engravings are more amenable to the creation of geometric designs, while the greater plasticity of the painting medium provides the artist with a broader range of formal choices. This is considered to be unlikely, however, for two major reasons. Firstly, in some parts of Australia (e.g. the Pilbara, Westem Australia, and Wardaman country, Northem Territory), engravings on hard surfaces are often figurative. Secondly, the unpatinated peckings of southeast Cape York are often figurative in form, unlike theu: more patinated counterparts. If the arguments presented here are correct, the rock engravings of the late Holocene, like the paintings, should therefore also be more regionalised than are those of the early Holocene and the late Pleistocene. There are hints that diis may indeed be so, as in the Amphitheatte Site where apparentiy recent engravings appear to follow similar conventions to tiiose of the paintings (see Chapter 14).

Temporal Definition The second problem concems the generally poor nature of chronological definition obtained for both the rock art and the excavated materials. In future, it is anticipated that a greater 310

understanding of the antiquity of the rock art will emerge via an increasing emphasis on AMS dates. This is now just a matter of time. The constmction of better temporal frameworks for the excavated materials, however, will require different solutions. As 1 have argued throughout this thesis, there has been a general lack of fine-grained, chrono- sttatigraphic data from southeast Cape York Peninsula. This has only been partially due to inadequacies inherent in the archaeological record (that is, poor sttatigraphic definition). It has also resulted from archaeological practices based on relatively coarse-grained techniques and methodologies, at times involving 10cm spits, excavation grid units measuring up to 2m2, and the failure to plot individual items in three-dimensions during the excavations. These shortcomings have severly limited our ability to identify and delineate adequate temporal units by which the data can be analysed (that is, poor temporal conttol). As a result of this, the very reliability of the data presented has been questioned at times. These shortcomings should not be attributed so much to the methods of individual archaeological practitioners, but to methodological problems common to particular time periods. Johnson (1979) identified a similar difficulty ahnost fifteen years ago when he called for a refinement of techniques. This is not an issue tiiat requu-es major technological advances, but one that asks for more care to be taken during excavation. This need was highlighted in Chapters 4-10 by my inability to present satisfactory fine-grained temporal data from any of die published excavations undertaken in the study region. It is tiierefore time for a second refinement (recognising that particular sites and questions wdl requu-e different methods). As a minimum requirement, a call is made for the use of maximum 50cm X 50cm excavation grid units (with as many squares being excavated from each site as necessary), excavated in maximum 2cm (or 5 litte) spits within sttatigraphic units, and with the plotting of cultural materials in three dimensions. Additional to this is a need to collect samples of sediments from every spit in each square, a practice now common in Austtalian archaeology. These procedures, or similarly detailed ones, are necessary if we are to refine temporal ttends in Austtalian prehistory, although it is recognised, as Bowdler (1990, 1991) has also noted, that our abiUty to rettieve chrono-sttatigraphic information is only partly a function of our rettieval metiiods. But unless our excavation methods are fmer-grained than they have been hitherto, we wiU not be in a position to exploit die fuU chrono-sttatigraphic potential of the sites we excavate.

The Problem of Scale The archaeological data presented in this thesis have been relatively coarse-grained due to the broad temporal frameworks used. For instance, the engravings perhaps relate to over 30,000 years of prehistory (aU we can say so far is that the majority are older than c.3000 years old), and die paintings to more tiian 3000 years. Divising this dual temporal division was necessary as a lack of sufficient fine-grained data did not wartant a closer definition. The archaeological data, tiierefore, covered lengthy periods of time, measured in hundreds, even thousands, of years. In conttast, the ethnohistorical details presented relate to periods of time shorter than an 311 individual's life span. In a way, social interaction here is viewed within a comparatively synchronic framework (see also Rosenfeld 1992). In examining the anthropological data to interprete the archaeological record, my aims were thus to identify causes of social fragmentation, processes of regionalisation which may be applicable to the pattems observed archaeologically. The above discussions were geared to explore possible social implications of the observed archaeological ttends, and to derive possible explanatory models, not to test them. I therefore now conclude by presenting such a model.

TOWARDS A PREHISTORY OF SOUTHEAST CAPE YORK PENINSULA: BROADER IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS I began this thesis (Part B) by arguing that the mid to late Holocene witnessed widespread cultural ttansformations in southeast Cape York Peninsula and beyond. This was a period of largely unprecedented change, involving the appearance of new artefact forms, new manufacturing technologies, increased painting activities, and changes in resource management sttategies, food processing procedures and settlement-subsistence systems. Importantly, these alterations were not haphazard, but consistently involved increases in the numbers of sites occupied and in deposition rates within sites, as well as an increase in the range of site types. Together, this information suggests an increase in the intensity of site and regional land use during the mid to late Holocene; a change in use of regional landscapes through time. These issues thus necessitated an investigation of socio-cultural (stmctural) concems, especiaUy as they relate to regional and inter-regional networks. In Part C, I addressed such concems by investigating stylistic behaviour in rock art in the study region and beyond, arguing that the largely quantitative changes dociunented in Part B also involved major stmctural changes, including a regionalisation of territorial networks. This regionaUsation in rock art was itself stmctured, in the sense that it was seen to occur at two levels at least. At one level, a major north-south discontinuity in stylistic behaviour was documented, and at a second level, within each of these major zones, the rock art was regionaUsed into smaUer units. Although space does not permit me to explore the issue more fully, I have argued elsewhere that this may imply a 'closing' of information exchange networks in north Queensland during the mid to late Holocene (David and Lourandos in prep.; Lourandos and David in prep.). As noted above, the increased regionalisation of styUstic conventions in north Queensland during the mid to late Holocene may imply an increase in population densities and sizes. As Lourandos (1993: 80) and Lourandos and David (in prep.) note, 'as degrees of social closure emerge ..., tiiey may be signaled socially by aspects of territoriality, boundary maintenance, and the Idee'. However, we also argue that this 'closure' does not merely imply a reduction in the sizes of interaction spheres via the imposition of formally recognised boundaries. Rather, it is the connections between regions that may have changed - that is, territorial units may have become increasingly differentiated and deUneated and, in die process, inter-regional interaction may have become more formalised. In the spuit of WilUams's (1982) 'a boundary is to cross', it is argued 312 that 'boundaries on land mark discontinuities', such as in access or ownership to land (Williams 1982: 148). Such sttnctures reflect 'institutionalized means for moving from group to group. So if we find boundaries in a given case, we should not commit the frequent ertor of assuming that they [necessarily] enclose a defended and exclusive territory' (Lee 1968: 157, quoted in WiUiams 1982: 150) . Given that the undertaking of rock art and the acquisition of rock art conventions were contexttial, it can be assumed that die documented changes in spatial behaviour also involved changes in associated social practices, perhaps including ceremonial networks, social interaction and inter-group congregations. Any model of change should consider points in time as resulting from immediate historical antecedents, as all change is historically positioned. The following scenario is therefore presented as a possible explanation of tiie archaeological record. This scenario takes into account not only the specific archaeological 'signatures' of particular time frames, but also the archaeological changes documented above. Again, it is sttessed that my aim here is not to test the model, but merely to present a possible framework of interpetation. The earliest evidence for occupation in the region dates to '>37,170BP' from Ngarrabullgan Cave. Here, as in other early sites, densities of occupational materials are sparse until the mid to late Holocene. Discard rates of all cultural materials are low, as are sedimentation rates. In most sites, charcoal and shell deposition rates are also low, although here there is the problem of preferential decay of older materials. Nevertheless, preferential decay alone does not explain the significant increases in sedimentation rates, nor in the discard of ochre and stone artefacts during the mid to late Holocene. Neither do taphonomic issues explain the increases in bone discard within the excavated limestone caves from this region, as here the bones from Pleistocene deposits show no evidence of preferential chemical or mechanical disintegration. On the conttary, early deposits often exhibit considerable amounts of non-anthropogenic bone, such as owl pellet material and cave-dwelling microfauna (e.g. smaU lizards, rodents). In addition to the above, new site types also make their first appearance during die mid to late Holocene, such as mounds at Princess Charlotte Bay. Rock painting activity appears to become widespread and comparatively 'intensive', while relatively distinct, sub-regional 'styles' emerge from a previously more or less 'homogeneous' engraving ttadition. Together, I would argue that these ttends may imply increasing intensities of land use and a regionaUsation of territorial networks. The emergence of increasingly bounded regional practices may signal the development of formally demarcated corporate groups, along with a formalisation of new territorial sttnctures. I would thus argue that around 3000BP, north Queensland began to witness a 'closure' of socio-cultural systems in association with an increase in population size and density (that is, overall demographic changes). Prior to the mid Holocene, socio-cultural systems may have been relatively open. Such systems may have been characterised by an absence of sttongly formalised means by which corporate landed groups recognised exclusive access to places. That is, I would argue that during the early Holocene and the late Pleistocene, access to land was more open than during later times - that is, territorial units (ttacts of land used 313 and/or owned) were larger. Relatively speaking, there may have been an absence (or smaller number) of pronounced and short-spaced 'boundaries', and therefore of essentially exclusive territorial sets, within any given area. Altematively, mechaiusms for inclusion may have been in place to ttenscend mles of exclusion, and these may have been commonly applied. Social and cultural variation through space, prior to the mid Holocene, was likely to have been expressed in clinal, rather than discontinuous (punctuated) space, with the existence of mechanisms enabling inter-group interaction and affiliation at multiple social levels. In effect, one could envisage a socio-cidtural system where the interconnections between social groups were at least as sttong as formally recognised principles of differentiation. Under such a system, innovations would be likely to spread rapidly across space, maintaining 'homogeneity' and restricting distinctiveness. This scenario is superficially similar to the situation presented by Myers (e.g. 1986) and others (e.g. Poirier 1993) for recent and current AusttaUan desert peoples such as Pintupi, Warlpiri and so forth. In such cases, innovations and inttoduced new ideas are quickly passed on, 'at once reinforcing sociopolitical bonds between neighbouring groups and creating new ones' (Poirier 1993: 769). As Poirier (1993: 769) further notes, this process does not deny social change, but testifies to a cultural dynamism that reveals intrinsic quaUties of 'openness' and 'flexibiUty'. It is perhaps for this reason that Dwyer (1990: 195; see also Dwyer & Minnegal 1992: 382) has elsewhere argued, as I have done here, that 'change in open systems occurs as they consolidate and replicate sameness'. In making these statements, however, I do not wish to make specific comparisons between north Queensland and centtal Austtalia, since the two regions were guided by their own, and potentialy separate, historical ttajectories. The emergence of relatively distinct regional networks around 3000 years ago may have signaUed an end to this conservatism. A 'closure' of territorial units may have ensured a relative acceleration of change, a feature characteristic of the late archaeological records of many parts of Australia (see above). Nevertheless, such a closure need not have restricted inter-regional interaction per se, but simply formaUsed, to some extent, the process of interaction. Such formaUsation, by definition, necessitated the creation of exclusive behavioural sets, including symbolic acts with probable material cortelates (e.g. rock art). Although it is unknown which aspects of social life - linguistic, kin and so forth - this regionalisation related to, it is nevertheless likely to have affected various stmctural and behavioural concems given the relatedness of the different dimensions of social life. In this way, we need to enquire further about the dynamics of society and how we can view these through time. If the above scenario is cortect, it implies that the mid to late Holocene witnessed broad demographic alterations. In saying this, it is also suggested that such changes were widespread, given the simdarities of the archaeological ttends in most parts of mainland Austtalia. By demography, I refer not only to population sizes, but also to the way people were organised on the ground - that is, to territorial and aUiance systems. Changes in social organisation need to be addressed directiy, for this will enable us to further enquire about the forces of change in Austtalian prehistory (see also Lourandos 1983, 1985a). frrespective of whether or not they are 314 associated with envu-onmental changes, such forces are situated within a historical context of decision-making and power relations (see Chapter 1). It is this context that is embedded within the system of social, territorial and adiance relations. And it is aspects of these relations that can be glimpsed via the sttncture of die archaeological record. Having said this, a number of authors have argued that highly regionalised rock art 'styles' appeared in Amhem Land during the mid to late Holocene (e.g. Lewis 1988; Ta^on 1993). As 1 have done in this thesis, these authors have argued that a regionalisation of social networks is implicated. Unldce the arguments advanced here, however, they argued that regionalisation was caused by an 'amelioration' of natural local envu-onments, enabling 'Aboriginal groups ... to subsist within the confines of territories that are much smaller' than in poorer environments (Ta9on 1993: 112). The implication is that the mid to late Holocene witnessed increases in the local biomass (that is, the potential food supply), leading people to split-off into different groups (with or without population increases). The end result was that 'people were associating themselves with territories smaller than in more ancient times' (Tagon 1993: 119) - that is, a regionaUsation of social networks. I would argue that this model does not apply to southeast Cape York Peninsula, although it is acknowledged that environmental change can lead people to modify their behaviour (that is, it can lead to social change) (for an ethnographic example of this, see Dwyer and Minnegal [1992]). It is thus worth re-iterating the fact that environmental conditions in north Queensland were at their richest, as far as biomass levels are concemed, during the wet phase of the early and mid Holocene (c.8000 and 3000 years ago). In this sense, the last 3000 years were not climatically optimal. If regionalisation of social networks were to take place during periods of environmental 'ameUoration', it should thus have taken place during the early to mid Holocene, not during the late Holocene. The fact that this was not so, and that there is no evidence for regionalisation during earlier episodes of environmental richness, suggests that an explanation for this social change should be sought elsewhere. In effect, I would argue further that even if environmental factors were involved, we would stUl have to enquu-e into the nature of historical, social conditions to adequately address the issue (see Chapter 1). I therefore see the changes that have been documented in different aspects of the archaeological records of many parts of Austtalia as indicating major changes in social and cultural factors, urespective of their ultimate 'stimuli' or 'causes'. Although the particular forms that these changes took must have been undertaken in the context of natural environmental conditions, I would argue that social conditions during die mid Holocene were already leading to major demographic alterations, and that this was a social dynamic not dkectiy attributable to environmental 'ameUoration'. I would further argue that we wiU probably never know the ultimate cause(s) for these demographic alterations (if there are any), and that identifiable 'stimuU', Idee 'missing links' in biological evolution, may not always be a fmitful way of looking at change. Although local envu-onmental conditions should be tt^eated as a cu-cumstance in which social change takes place, we should not automaticaUy tteat tiie former as causing the social or cultural changes observed in the archaeological record. Rather, 315 the nature of change may lie in the dialectics of existing social conditions, with their potential to give rise to a broad range of social actions made possible by the nature of historical precedents (see Chapter 1). In accounting for the 'recent' regionalisation of symbolic behaviour in north Queensland, it is thus acknowledged that the material record is directly related to social concems. Such concems involve temporal and spatial issues, although the latter have often been ignored (or regarded as subordinate) in Australian prehistory. When spatial concems have been taken into account, changes are often presented as involving processes of integration or processes of fragmentation (regionalisation). The approach presented here thus departs from previous frameworks in a significant way, for it is based on the premise that social change at once involves processes of integration and fragmentation. That is, it involves both the way that people sub-divide socially into different sets (identities), and the way that these sets are Unked into a broader whole. It is in the nature of the connections between social categories, and between contexts of behaviour, that we may have a window through which to better understand changes in Australian prehistory. For it is in those links, in the mediation between stmctural phenomena and in the formaUsation of stmctured behaviour through time, that we may best enquire into the socio-cultural forces that led to stability and change in the prehistory of north Queensland and beyond. It has been this concem which first gave rise to this thesis. 316 317

APPENDICES 318 319

Appendix A: GLOSSARY OF TERIVIS

Glossary of terms used in Part B.

Term Definition

Artefact 'Type' Formal artefacts whose morphologies have been reported to occur repeatedly in archaeological sites. •Backed Blade' A flake of either geometric ('microlith') or asymmettic ('bondi point' and 'juan knife') form possessing steep secondary flaking along one margin. These edges are typically 0.90^, and often referred to as 'backing'. 'Backed Flake' Similar to a 'backed blade^ in that they are 'backed', but the general shape of the artefact tends to be amorphous. The shapes of backed flakes tend not to be repeated, and therefore what characterises them as a 'type' is their backing. •Blade' A sub-parrallel-sided flake whose length is equal to or greater than twice its width. 'Burren adze' A flake characterised by a convex venttal surface, relatively steep edges (usually between 60^ and 80°), and with a striking platform and/or bulb of percussion located laterally to the working edge. These artefacts sometimes possess evidence of having been hafted, in the form of gum. 'Burren adzes' date to the last c.3000 years in Austtalian prehistory, and tend to occur in northem AusttaUa only. Bucket Spit Excavation Unit undertaken in maxunum 101. buckets. Deposition Rates The rates of deposition of cultural materials, calculated in standardised units of time and space. These standardised units are usually reported as amounts of materials deposited within a site per square mette per 100 years. Depth-Age Curve A graph constmcted from a site's radiocarbon dates and depth measurements. Usually, the X axis represents years BP, and the Y axis represents depth below the ground surface. The available radiocarbon dates are plotted against their depth below the ground level. The ground surface is usually taken to represent OBP, or, in the case of very recent sites, to represent the year in which the excavation was undertaken. The curve is constructed by joining the individual points on the graph. From such a curve, it is possible to estimate the number of years represented in each excavation unit. Note, however, that such estimates are calculated purely for heuristic purposes, to enable deposition rates to be computed. They should not be taken Uterally, but as approximates, or models allowing comparisons to be made between spits. These models should then be compared and contrasted against other models created from independent data. In this sense, the temporal models created in this thesis should be tteated as a process of investigation, subject to refinement and testing. Excavation Square The basic grid unit of excavation. Excavation squares represent the size of the individual 'squares' excavated. These tended to be Im x Im during the 1960s and 1970s, 320

but are now mostiy 50cm x 50cm. Excavation Unit Unit of arbittary depth used to excavate a site. Excavation Units are of pre-determined depths, but vary between researchers and sites. They are usually employed within Sttatigraphic units. This term is used interchangeable with 'spit' and 'XU'. Holocene - Early For the purposes of this thesis, taken to represent the period from 10,000 to 6500BP. Holocene - Mid For the purposes of this thesis, taken to represent the period from 6500 to 3500BP. Holocene - Late For the purposes of this thesis, taken to represent the period from 3500 to OBP. Horizontal Excavation Excavation methods used to reveal the spatial distribution of archaeological deposits across a site. Such excavations tend to open-up large areas of a site, instead of pits. The only 'horizontal' excavation undertaken in southeast Cape York Peninsula has been Pillar Cave, although Walkunder Arch Cave has recentiy converted from a 'vertical' to a 'horizontal' system (see Chapter 6). Johnson Method Excavation method using bucket spits following the 'natural' sttatigraphy, and where individual artefacts are plotted in three dimensions. This method was reported in Johnson (1979). Layer The stratigraphic layers present within a site's deposits. This term is used interchangeably with 'stratigraphic unit' and 'SU'. Modification Secondary retouch and/or use-wear. Sedimentation Rates The rates at which sediments have accumulated within a site. Such rates usually change during the course of a site's history, and have been calculated by reference to a depth-age curve. Sedimentation rates are usually reported as centimettes of sediment per 100 years. Spit See 'excavation unit'. Stone 'Implement' Unless otherwise defined through the text, stone 'implements' are stone artefacts possessing either secondary retouch or evidence of use-wear. Stone 'Tool' See stone 'implement'. Sttatigraphic Unit See 'layer'. SU See 'layer'. Technological Analysis An analysis of stone artefacts that focuses on the way artefacts were manufactured, maintained, modified and/or reworked, rather than on thefr functional or typological properties. Test Pit An excavation pit, usually of small size, undertaken to determine the nature of a site's cultural deposits. Unless otherwise stated, test pits have been excavated in the same manner as larger excavations. Tower A limestone karst bluff, of tiie type found in the MitcheU- Palmer and Rookwood-Mungana-Chillagoe limestone belts (see Chapters 4 & 6). 3-D Recording/Plotting Excavation method where stratified materials are recorded in three dimensions and plotted on a master map. Vertical Excavation Excavation method focusing on recovering iiiformation about the vertical distribution of materials within a site. This is usuaUy done to obtain information on temporal trends. Most excavations in Austt^aUa have adopted such methods. XU See 'excavation unit'. 321

Glossary of terms used in Part C.

Term Definition and Notes

Abraded Grooves Grooves created through abrasion (see below). Anthropomorph Picture formaUy resembling a human being. Biomorph Picture formally resembling an animal (including human), plant or other life-form. Bird Track A three- or four-pronged design, where the meeting point of the prongs is singular and well-defined. The individual prongs tend to be sttaight (in conttast to those of a 'trident'). Circle Variant Picture consisting of a circle with intemal embeUishments. Composition The way individual pictures are organised on a rock surface. Design The way Unes and areas are used to create a form. Design Element Specific attributes of a design, such as cross-hatching, stippling, dotting and so forth. Determinate An attribute or picture that can be identified by virtue of its adequate degree of preservation or visibility. Figurative A picture that appears formaUy simUar to an object to the viewer. Hand Variants A hand stencil or print that contains either extta elements (e.g. an arm), or fewer ones (e.g. fingers missing). Image Synonymous with 'picture'. Indeterminate An attribute or picture that cannot be identified because of its poor preservation or visibility. hifdl A picture consisting of a solid (infiUed) design. A picture containing internal embellishments (e.g. stripes, dashes, Intemal Decoration pendants). An individual mark, such as a paint sttoke, or a chisel mark. A picture is Mark usually made-up of a large munber of marks. A picture type. Two pictures of the same form would constitute a single Motif motif A pictiu"e portraying something in natural pose. In this sense, the way an NaturaUstic item is portrayed relates to the way it can be seen in nature. The concept of naturalism is thus relative, as something can be portrayed in a more naturalistic way than sometiiing else. Non-Figurative A picture that does not appear formaUy simUar to an object to the viewer. Non-Indeterminate See 'determinate'. Ochre Any natural 'earth' pigment that can be used to draw, paint, stencd or print with. Ochres were identified from excavated sediments by virtue of their ability to make a mark on paper when dry. For the purposes of this thesis, the term 'ochre' is taken to be synonymous with 'pigment'. Outline A picture containing a painted, drawn, stencilled, printed or engraved outline. Picture A painting, drawing, stencd, print or engraving. A picture is usually made-up of a series of marks. Each picture consists of a combination of design elements. Each picture represents a relatively imified set of marks, lines, areas and spaces, which are relatively independent from neighbouring pictures. A number of pictures may be liiiked to form a composition. Picture Type See 'motif. Pigment See 'ochre'. Rock Art 'Marks or pictures painted, drawn, stencilled, imprinted or engraved on a rock surface' (Flood 1987: 120). Style 'The sum total of the technique, form, motif, size and character of a figure or group of figures' (Maynard 1976: 143, quoted in Flood 1987: 120). The concept of style refers to the conventions used to create a picture. Note here that in using the term 'style', I am not concerned with describing its function in the broader scheme of things, but purely with 322

describing its technical properties. Theriantiu-ope A picture with the formal properties of a human and an aiumal or plant. Track A picture with the formal resemblance of an animal (including human) ttack (print). Trident A three- or four-pronged design, with some resemblance to a 'bird ttack'. In a trident, however, the meeting point of the 'prongs' is curved. Zoomorph A picture of animal shape.

Glossary of rock art techniques mentioned in this thesis.

Technique Definition and Notes

Abrasion Abrasions are created by repeated mbbing (usually to and fro) of a rock wall witii a hard object. Abrasions are usually recognised as being of two principal types, abraded grooves and abraded siufaces. The former are usually created by a sharp instmment, such as a stone tool with an acute edge, whereas the latter are usuaUy created with a blunter tool. Composite Any combination of techniques. Note that these are rare in all parts of north Queensland. Drawing Freehand picture created by the adding dry pigment onto a rock surface. Note that drawings and paintings are not differentiated in this thesis, principaUy due to die fact tiiat few researchers have differentiated between die two techniques. Unless otiierwise specified, the term 'painting' will be used throughout this thesis to refer to both drawings and paintings. Painting Freehand picture created by adding wet pigment onto a rock surface. Pecking Picttu-es created by the exttaction of rock from a rock surface, via the repeated action of localised percussion against the rock surface. It has been suggested by some autiiors (Flood 1987; Maynard 1977) tiiat tiie focused marks evident in peckings are created via die use of a hammer and pimch. Pounding Similar to peckings, except that poundings are usually more shallow, and perciissioii marks are more dispersed (less focused) on the rock wall. Because of this, it is often stated that poundings are the results of direct hammering of the rock wall (Flood 1987; Maynard 1977). Print 'The mark made by pressing an object such as a hand, which has been dipped Stencd in wet paint, against a rock surface' (Maynard 1977: 393). Picture created when an object is held against a rock surface and paint is sprayed around it This creates a negative impression. 323

Appendix B: COIVIPARATIVE REGIONAL STUDIES

I have argued that north Queensland's mid to late Holocene prehistory witnessed changes unprecendented in scale or character. In the following pages, I wiU review a number of regional studies to see whether or not the temporal ttends documented for southeast Cape York Peninsula are also evident in other regions. It is sttessed here that my aims are to outline regional ttends as they have been reported by others, not to re-analyse the primary data in any detaded fashion.

THE CENTRAL QUEENSLAND HIGHLANDS The antiquity of processing and management of toxic plant foods was addressed by Beaton (1977) for the Centtal Queensland Highlands. Here, a relatively consistent pattem of change appears. Of the nine excavated and dated sites, the earliest is Kenniff Cave, dating to c.l9,000BP (Beaton 1977; Morwood 1979, 1981; Mulvany & Joyce 1965). A major characteristic of aU sites is their tendency to exhibit punctuated, rather than gradual, change. This is most marked by the relatively sudden addition of new tool 'types' C.5000BP (the 'Small Tool Tradition'), although the precise nature of technological and functional continuity between these and the earlier 'Core Tool and Scarper Tadition' has never been investigated. A similar discontinuity took place even more recently, with the advent of the 'Recent Tradition' (Mulvaney & Joyce 1965; Morwood 1979). The 'Core Tool and Scraper Tradition' is represented in the Centtal Queensland Highlands mainly by a predominance of 'amorphous' flakes ('scrapers') and 'core tools', as well as by a low proportion of 'blades'. Occupational intensities, as measured by artefact densities and sedimentation rates, are lower than for the subsequent 'Small Tool Tradition'. These pattems have been reproduced at all four sites covering this time period - Kenniff Cave, The Tombs, and Native Well 1 and 2. Variations in the the timing of changes between sites are minimal, a point noted by both Mulvaney and Joyce (1965) and Morwood (1979, 1981). Not one of the main site reports records a gradual change from the earlier 'Core Tool and Scraper Tradition' to the later 'Small Tool Tradition', although it has been repeatedly noted tiiat items of die former continue in the latter (e.g. Mulvaney and Joyce 1965). The 'SmaU Tool Tradition' is represented in the Central Queensland Highlands by the appearance of a wide range of new tool 'types', including 'backed blades', 'eloueras', unifacial 'points' (including 'pirris'), 'ground-edge axes', and the systematic production of 'grindstones'. There is a concomittant increase in artefact densities, a peak in ochre deposition rates, and the appearance of technological innovations based on systematic platform preparation. In spite of die initial appearance of some of these traits c.5000 years ago, they are most marked after 3500BP, during die period which Morwood (1979) caUs die 'late' phase of the 'Small Tool Tradition'. This is also die time when cycads begin to appear in the archaeological record. Cycads fu-st 324 appear in the deepest levels at Wanderer's Cave (4300BP), Rainbow Cave (c.3600BP) and Cathedral Cave (3500BP) (Beaton 1977), implying their systematic exploitation and the beginnings of complex leaching technologies at that time (Beaton 1977). Nevertheless, it is important to remember tiiat Beaton (1977) did not excavate any site spanning both a pre-cycad and a cycad period. Although Morwood (1979, 1981) obtained longer cultural sequences, his excavations did not contain any evidence of cycads, making it difficult to determine the precise antiquity of their initial use in the region. After 2500-2000BP, major changes continued to take place throughout the Central Queensland Highlands, witii the disappearance of a number of stone artefact 'types' (e.g. 'backed blades'), and a decrease in artefact discard and sedimentation rates (Morwood 1979). Morwood (1979) argued that these changes may have been associated with contemporaneous alterations in territorial networks, as changes in the distribution of rock art styles were also observed.

THE AUSTRALIAN ARID AND SEMI-ARID ZONE Immediately to die west of die Centtal Queensland Highlands, die terrain loses elevation, rapidly changing to semi-arid and arid plains and dunefields sttetching to centtal Austtalia and beyond. Research by M. Smith (1988, 1989) has revealed over 20,000 years of occupation in tiie arid zone, but it was not until C.3000BP tiiat major changes took place in the pattem of arid- land occupation (see also Veth 1989). A new suite of stone artefact 'types', including the systematic production of seed 'grinding stones' (Allen 1986; Smith 1986) and 'tula adzes' (contta Gould [1977]; see Hiscock and Veth [1991]), made theu- appearance at this time. Associated with these changes are significant increases in stone artefact discard rates in a number of sites, as well as in the numbers of sites occupied, implying increases in occupational intensities of parts of the arid zone. Smith (1988) argued that these changes were stimulated by increasing aridity of the broader region during the late Holocene, creating new opportunities which led to the development of new technologies (e.g. systematic seed grinding), which in tum increased production and thus overall Aboriginal populations. However, the coincidence of systematic seed grinding in the arid zone and changes elsewhere in AusttaUa may imply that these changes were part of a broader trend, requiring explanations which go beyond the region's particular environmental context This is so especiaUy given that the changes documented from the arid zone cannot be said to precede simUar changes in other parts of AusttaUa. I would also argue that the above point is compounded by the absence of seed-grinding during previous times of aridity (e.g. during the terminal Pleistocene). I would thus suggest that broad alterations in Aboriginal population sttuctures may be impUed from the late Holocene changes observed in the AustraUan arid zone, but that these caimot be understood by tteating the arid zone separately from the rest of AustraUa (see below). 325

MORETON BAY AND SOUTHEAST QUEENSLAND The Moreton Bay region, located to the south and east of the Centtal Queensland Highlands, is situated in a different environmental setting. Given the proximity of the sea to coastal sites, the influence of changing sea levels on site survival has to be considered before occupational ttends can be inferred from the archaeological record. Similarly, it is also important to ask whether observed changes reflect broader alterations in socio-cultural sttategies, or whether they merely reflect the movements of people following the migrating shoreline (Hughes & Lampert 1982). These issues are relevent to southeast Queensland, where HaU (e.g. 1982) and others (e.g. McNiven 1990; Neal and Stock 1986; Walters 1989) have undertaken detaded research on settiement systems and foraging behaviour in a broad suite of environmental zones (see also Morwood 1987). The above authors have argued that, in spite of over 20,000 years of occupation, major changes occurred especially during the mid to late Holocene, and that diis was evident in significant increases in artefact discard rates and in rates of establishment of new sites throughout the region. Furthermore, as Walters (1989) demonsttates, it is only during the last 3000-2000 years that complex stone fish ttaps make their appearance in the archaeological record (see also Frankland 1990). Walters (1989) argues tiiat tiiis pattem is Ukely to be a tme indication of changes in socio-cultural practices given a stabdisation of sea levels c.60(X) years ago. The number of known occupied rockshelters increases during the last 3000 years in southeast Queensland, with occupation in sites such as Bishop's Peak and Brooyar Rockshelter commencing at that time (M«=Niven 1990). In addition. Hall and Hiscock (1988) also note that important increases in artefact discard rates took place in rockshelters throughout the region. At Bushrangers Cave, Platypus, MaindenweU and Gatton rockshelters, Hiscock and Hall (1988) and Morwood (1986) report initially low discard rates, increasing significantly after c.4000- 3000BP (see also Mowat 1989; Novello 1989). The numbers of coastal sheU middens also increase during the late Holocene (Hall and Hiscock 1988: 8). Changes in sea levels and the post-depositional attrition of sites, however, make it difficult to determine the precise implications of these increases. This problem is particularly acute in the Moreton Bay region, where active sand dunes and exposed beach lines can result in the rapid burial or destmction of archaeological resources. Until further information is presented by Hall and others, the pattem in the Moreton Bay region is thus tentatively characterised as indicating increases in tempo of site formation and discard rates of cultural materials after C.4000BP (with this trend possibly beginning C.6000BP). This is followed by further changes (mainly increases) in discard rates during more recent times (2500-lOOOBP), although this ttend is more difficult to interpret given that very recent (post-European) sediments are often included in the upper units (Hall and Hiscock 1988; Mowat 1989; Novello 1989). The probable establishment of new energy hamessing techniques (e.g. large, stone fish ttaps) during the mid to late Holocene is considered by some to be an important component of these changes (Walters 1989; see also Morwood 1987). 326

HUNTER RIVER VALLEY In the Hunter Valley (NSW), Hiscock (1986) documented major changes during the mid to late Holocene. At Sandy Hollow, a mid Holocene period of intensified site use may have been followed by subsequent decreases during the last 820 years or so. Artefact deposition rates and rates of site estabUshment decreased during the latter period. More recentiy, Hiscock (1993) has also argued that a new stone artefact reduction sttategy, which he terms the 'Redbank A Sttategy', began C.1300BP (and possibly earUer). This technological innovation was associated with tiie systematic manufacture of 'backed blades', in particular 'bondi points'. As he noted (Hiscock 1993: 71), however, 'stratigraphic uncertainties, and in particular suspicions of a hiatus at the base of level 4 [at the Sandy Hollow 1 rockshelter], make the estimate of 1300 years BP a minimum one for the appearance of this manufactiuing sttategy'.

SOUTHEASTERN HIGHLANDS Johnson (1979) has noted a conspicuous increase in intensities of site use in the Blue Mountains sometime after 4000-3000 years ago, an increase directly associated with the beginning of the 'SmaU Tool Tradition'. Bowdler (1981) has argued that the highlands bordering the coastal regions of southeastem Australia began to be systematicaUy used by Aboriginal people only during the last c.5000 years, with a continued increase diuing the last 3000 years or so. As Bowdler (1981: 108) notes, 'Aboriginal occupation of any intensity can only be dated to within the last 5000 years, concomitant with the inception of the AusttaUan Small Tool ttadition of "Bondaian" (i.e. backed blade) facies'. This period also witnessed the management of new resource bases, including the exploitation of some toxic plants such as cycads, which require speciaUsed and complex processing procedures (leaching technologies). Using ethnographic documents to generate her model, Bowdler (1981) concluded that the systematic use of the eastem highlands (southeast Queensland highlands, New England Tablelands, Blue Mountains and Southem Uplands) during the mid to late Holocene was associated with ceremonial activities made possible by the advent of new methods for managing and processing high yielding and dependable (staple) food resources (e.g. cycads, daisy yams and bogong moths). More recentiy, excavations at Birrigai yielded clear occupational deposits dating back to c.l6,000BP, and less concrete evidence to c.21,OOOBP (Flood et al. 1987; David 1987). For the first time, pre-mid Holocene occupation levels in the region had been excavated. The temporal ttends at Birrigai showed major increases in sedimentation rates, charcoal concenttations and artefact deposition rates after C.3000BP, with further increases after C.500BP. Significant increases in the number of occupied rockshelters were also documented for the region after C.3000BP. These ttends were interpreted by David (1987) and Flood et al. (1987) to reflect an increase in occupational intensities after C.3000BP, involving increases in the use of individual sites (Birrigai), marginal environments (die highlands), and estabUshment rates of new sites. A 327 late Holocene emphasis on southem highland occupation is consistent with Bowdler's earUer claims.

MANGROVE CREEK CATCHMENT Attenbrow (1982, 1986) has demonsttated broadly similar ttends for the Upper Mangrove Creek catchment area. Her investigations are important because, for the first time, she systematically investigated differences in the timing of changes which had, until then, usually been assumed to have been closely inter-related. She concluded that while increases in the rates of site establishment and use occurred during the last 2000 years, around lOOOBP artefact discard rates decreased significantiy. She argued that there was a 'non-correspondence between typological phasing and points of change' (Attenbrow 1986: 13) in the region, implying that the observed changes were not a function of pettological, technological or typological changes. Two major periods of change at Upper Mangrove Creek were identified, the frrst dated to 5000- 3000BP, and the second to 2000-lOOOBP. Given these issues of, on the one hand, multiple, episodic change and, on die other, non-synchronous, mtdtivariate change, Attenbrow argued that 'complex' interpretations were needed, rather than general models or those based on single variables.

THE SOUTH COAST OF NSW Hughes and Lampert (1982: 16) noted an 'obvious contrast' between the numbers of documented Pleistocene and mid to late Holocene sites in the south coast of New South Wales, as well as significant increases in stone artefact and sedimentation rates within sandstone rockshelters (Hughes 1977; but see Hiscock 1986). They interpreted these ttends as indicating gross increases in the occupation of the current southeastem seaboard sometime during the mid to late Holocene. Given that the investigated sites and landscapes are located on stable landforms not subject to destmction by Holocene eustatic fluctuations, the documented increases were taken by Hughes and Lampert (1982) to reflect demographic expansions which probably gained momentum during the course of the late Holocene. The approximate - but not exact - coincidence, on the one hand, of numerical increases in the numbers of sites occupied, stone artefact and sedimentation rates, and, on the other, of qualitative changes in artefact 'types' and exttactive technologies (e.g. beginnings of line fishing and of the 'Bondaian' stone industry), suggested to Hughes and Lampert that the changes were systemic, involving increases in the intensities of use of individual sites and of the regional landscape. Their conclusions were further supported by evidence for increased slope instability and by increases in numbers of charcoal particles in sediments from southem NSW valley systems, indicating increases in firing practices of the broader landscape c.4000 years ago (Hughes and Sullivan 1981). To Hughes and Lampert (1982), the implications were a rise in absolute Aboriginal populations. 328

SOUTHWESTERN VICTORIA Lourandos (1980a, 1980b, 1983) argued that systemic changes took place in southwestem Victoria during die mid to late Holocene. More specificaUy, he argued that at Bridgewater South Cave, untd recentiyth e only pre-mid Holocene site reported from soutiiwestem Victoria, rich and finely sttatified culttu-al deposits dating to die last 500 years succeeded a generalised sttatigraphic sequence containing low-density cultural deposits. There was an increase in the range of artefacts used at this time, including a significant increase in the proportions of modified flakes ('tools'). Increases in amounts of charcoal and faunal Minimum Numbers of Individuals (MNIs) also took place, along with increases in stone artefact deposition rates. Additionally, a broadening of the resourcebas e may be indicated by a recent (post-500BP) increase in the use of marine resources, although, as Lourandos (1983: 84) noted, this may 'merely document the site's proximity to the sea (perhaps less marked in ... [the early phase])'. He concluded that the late Holocene period witnessed increases in intensities of human occupation at Bridgewater South Cave, and noted that this was matched by a simdar, though not exactiy contemporaneous, late Holocene increase in occupational intensities at the Seal Point midden site at Cape Otway nearby. As these changes were associated with major increases in the numbers of rockshelters, earth mounds and other site 'types' used after C.4000-2000BP in the region, Lourandos (1983) argued that the observed pattems may indicate the establishment of systematic, semi-sedentary occupation of the region after c.4000-20(X) years ago. In formulating this conclusion, he also noted diat

an examination of the nature of these sites indicates that the most complex sites (in terms of size and economic aspects) were established late in the sequence. For example, all the earth mounds are less than 2500 years old together with some of the larger shell middens and open sites. (Lx)urandos 1983: 86).

More recent investigations have generally supported the trends originally outlined above, although interpretations differ significantiy (e.g. BUd & Frankel 1991). The late Holocene antiquity of earth mounds in northem and westem Victoria has been well demonstt-ated by die works of Coutts (e.g. 1982), WiUiams (1988) and Downey and Frankel (1992). Similarly, excavations by Lourandos (1980a, 1980b) at Toolondo, where large-scale, specialised water management networks were constmcted to divert water flow from swamp systems to a maze of fish-tt-appinginstaUations , revealed diek probable late Holocene antiquity, altiiough their dating is problematic and reUes on a single date obtained from the base of sUted ditches fomung part of die Toolondo system. Lourandos (1980a) argued that the drainage of swampy ground tiirough tiie consttnction of large artificial channels heralds a late Holocene amplification of a speciaUsed exploitative sttategy - fishing - by taking advantage of die migratory mns of eels (Anguilla australis occidentalis). He concluded that the beginnings of systematic swamp management, as evidenced also by the late Holocene antiquity of the earth mounds (generally located in wetiands), enabled the penett-ation and habitation of wetiands by hunter- gatiierers during times of flood, in particular the humid winter mondis. 329

The above points imply that the changes which took place during the last c.4000-2000 years in southwestem Victoria may have been broad and multi-facetted. Loittandos (1980a, 1983) argued that these changes may have involved increases in occupational intensities within both individual sites and the broader region, as weU as the commencement of artificial manipulation of resource zones, and an expansion of ecological niches. Such changes seemed to signify an increase in degrees of energy hamessing during the late Holocene. It is this process of mid to late Holocene change which Lourandos (1983) coined an 'intensification' of socio-economic variables for the later stages of Austtalian prehistory. In summary, Loiu-andos argued that the changes observed in southwestem Victoria involved five major components: 1) an increase in the use of individual sites (measured by increased deposition rates of cultural materials within individual sites); 2) an increase in the establishment of new sites (measured by increases in the number of sites occupied within the region); 3) an increase in the use of marginal environments (measured by the relatively recent beginnings for the systematic use of some environments, such as wetlands and rainforests); 4) a diversification and increase in the complexity of resource management sttategies (evident in the recent development of extensive water management installations targetting at high fish yields); and 5) the beginnings of intensive and extensive communication networks (including formalised trade relations), linking various parts of mainland Australia into a complex set of alliance networks mediated via ritual and cermoiual activity. 330 331

Appendix C: NITROGEN AND SEDIMENT THIN SECTION ANALYSES, FERN CAVE by John Magee and Bruno David ([M: Department of Geomorphology and Biogeography Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies Australian National University)

NITROGEN The concenttations of nitrogen (N) in the sediments were calculated for each spit of Test Pit 4 by Alan Watchman (A.N.U., pers. comm. 1991). Nitrogen concentrations may be useful in investigating the sttatigraphic integrity of sediments. The reason for this is that concenttations of nittogen tend to decrease with time, as it gets carried away by percolating water and other means. Nittogen concenttations should decrease with depth if sediments have not been disturbed.

Nitrogen concentrations. Test Pit 4, Fem Cave (A. Watchman, pers. comm., 1991).

XU Nitrogen (ppm)

1 3783.21 2 1679.13 3 1247.75 4 987.99 5 1041.09 6 978.67 7 897.65 8 803.93 9 748.45 10 490.88 11 445.43 12 423.15 13 442.97 14 420.79 15 374.30 16 405.58

The nitrogen analysis shows that concenttations decrease systematicaUy down the sequence. This impUes that the sediments have a significant degree of sttatigraphic integrity, in the sense that they have not been inter-mixed (distmrbed); the Fem Cave sediments can be treated as possessing depth-age integrity, in the sense tiiatsedunent s get older with depth. It is interesting in this sense to note tiiatther e is a major change in nitrogen concenttations between XUIO and XU9. This is also die change-over from the pre-cultural to the cultural levels. This major change in nitrogen concentrations may indicate a considerable time hiatus between XU9 and the older, pre- 332 occupation XUIO. That is, die floor surface tiiat used to exist immediately before XU9 sedunents were deposited may have been exposed for a considerable period of time. The high amounts of flowstone detritus recovered from XUIO (see Chapter 6) is consistent witii this scenario. At tiie time when humans first arrived at the site, the surface of tiiis part of the site may have been a flowstone floor, or at least may have contained secondary limestone formations. Given that such formations tend to form under relatively humid conditions, die initial use of the site by humans may have taken place during a relatively wet palaeocUmatic phase. The dating of tiiis level to sometime shortly before 29,000 BP is consistent vritii tiiis interpretation.

THIN SECTION ANALYSIS Upon completion of tiie 1989 excavation, five oriented sediment samples were collected for thin section analysis. The provenance of these samples is presented in Chapter 6 (Figure 36). The analysis was undertaken by J. Magee, and the results are presented below.

Layer 3: Thin Section C (East Section) Layer 3 consists of skeleton grains embedded in a dense orange-brown matrix.

Skeleton Grains Quartz (-30%): Sub-angular to sub-rounded, mostly monocrystaUine strained grains 0.04- 0.9mm in size (occasionaUy up to 2nim). PolycrystalUne grains occur rarely. Grains are floating in the matrix. Sesquioxide grains: Dark, rounded, sUghtly reddish dark-brown, probably reworked sod nodules. Carbonate grains: Many isolated rounded micritic carbonate grains often with smaU quartz grains or matrix patches included within them, probably reworked secondary carbonate grains. Bone or shell: VirtuaUy absent, one piece of probable bone, poorly preserved and obscured by secondary carbonate was observed. Charcoal: Absent.

Matrix The matrix is a dense orange-brown mass containing an opticaUy unresolvable mixttire of clay, iron oxide, organic material and some secondary carbonate. There is considerable evidence of pedogenic matrix reorganisation as oriented zones widiin the maoix and associated widi skeleton grains and voids. Some dense oriented zones are associated with sttess planes.

Secondary Features Carbonate: Associated with large sub-horizontal voids there are some complex patches of secondary carbonate with rounded and sub-rounded micritic secondary carbonate grains recemented by subsequent secondary carbonate. Probable flowstone occitts as large patches of sub-laminar secondary carbonate of variable density. Secondary carbonate, with a suggestion of 333 concentric stmcmre, infdls round voids, probably formed by rootlet holes. Sesquioxides: Dark reddish-brown to black elongate and irregular, some apparently dendritic. They are probably in situ secondary nodules. Cracks: One large sub-horizontal crack up to 3mm wide and smaUer sub-vertical to oblique cracks occur.

Interpretation Layer 3 contains features typical of archaeologicaUy sterile cave-shelter sediments. The matrix is dense and shows evidence of secondary organization and deposition of secondary materials indicative of a considerable period since its deposition. Features typical of archaeological deposits such as bone, sheU, charcoal, shelter waU material and disturbance of the sediment matrix are absent.

Layers 2c and 2d: Thin Section D (West Section) Oriented sample D, as plotted on the section diagram, crosses the boundary between Layers 2c and 2d, with 2d in the lower third of the sample. In the thin section there is no obvious break except at the very base of the section, where an irregular but sharp contact occurs. Below this contact the layer, presumed to be 2d, varies from 5 to 12mm and consists of small (1mm or less) aggregates. The material is apparently less dense than the overlying layer but this could be an artefact of thirmer grinding at the edge of the sUde. In thin section the texture is very open and irregular with a 'scmffy' appearance. There are many interconnecting voids and no dense closed matrix.

Skeleton Grains Quartz: Grains are similar in size and shape to the quartz of Layer 3 but with large rounded poly-crystalline grains more common. Most grains are not free grains but are included within aggregates of reworked matrix material. The largest grains can occiu- separately but have irregular coatings of matrix material. Matrix Aggregates: Aggregates are very common, reddish orange-brown in colour, irregular in size (up to 2mm) and shape but commonly rounded. They usuaUy contain fme sand and silt sized (0.04-0.08nim) rounded quartz grains and isolated rhombs of carbonate giving a calciasepic fabric. Carbonate: Reworked secondary carbonate grains are common and often large (up to 2mm). They are variable in density and shape but often roimded. Some grains show a concentric stmcture with a hollow centte and some have dense black secondary manganese impregnating dieir matrix. Some complex grains with secondary carbonate coatings on bone or quartz occitt. Rock fragments: Coarsely crystalline carbonate grains usuaUy with adhering matrix. Probably derived originaUy from the limestone shelter waUs or roof Bone: Rare, generally smaU, fragments of bone (up to Imm) typicaUy with some adhering matrix. 334

Charcoal: One large grain of charcoal witii well preserved plant tissue stmcmre.

Interpretation This unit has many features typical of archaeological shelter deposits including disturbed mattix aggregates, shelter wall material, bone and charcoal. U is not clear, however, where die matrix aggregates have been reworked from. The quartz is similar to that of Layer 3 but tiiere appears to be a significant increase in tiie amount of polycrystalUne quartz. The calciasepic matrix in the aggregates is different to the in situ matrix features developed in Layer 3. It seems unlikely that the aggregates in Layer 2c have been derived by disturbance of Layer 3. However, the materials are sufficiently simdar to suggest a common original source. There is no evidence of secondary modification of Layer 2d in thin section D.

Layer 2b: Thin Section E (South Section) Layer 2b appears to be more dense and massive than Layer 2c. Some very large (typically 1cm but some up to 3cm) clasts, including rock fragments. Irregular elongate intercoimecting voids occur.

Skeleton Grains Quartz: In the size range 0.04-0.8mm, quartz is generally rounded to sub-rounded and occasionaUy sub-angular. All grains have coatings of matrix, generally almost complete, aUhough thicker in grain hoUows than on promontories, where it is occasionaUy absent. This indicates minor transport and abrasion. Some grains have adhering large rounded lobes of matrix. Rock fragments: Some very large (2-3cm) angular, coarsely crystalline calcite with blocky cleavage. Grains have adhering matrix. Carbonate: Many rounded secondary carbonate grains, occasionally compound and widi matrix coatings. SheU: Some large fragments of shell occur which do not show evidence of recrystalUzation. Some fragments are poorly preserved. Bone: A number of large (up to 2-3mm) variable fragments. Fragments vary from fresh to partiaUy recrystaUized and occasionaUy very degraded. Intemal cavities commonly have dense secondary carbonate.

Matrix and Structure The unit has a generaUy scmffy appearance, most of the matrix occurs in variably sized rounded aggregates, which contain various skeleton grains. Matrix also surtounds large and medium sized skeleton grains. Some large (up to 5mm) very weU rounded voids, probably invertebrate burrows, have an infill of simUar material to the rest of the imit, suggesting they are contemporaneous witii it. The waUs of these voids are denser matrix (0.5-1mm) and impregnated with secondary carbonate. Secondary carbonate occurs commonly as isolated rhombs in the 335 matrix.

Interpretation This unit has characteristics typical of an archaeological shelter deposit including disturbed matrix aggregates, shelter wall material and common bone and sheU. There is some evidence of post-depositional secondary modification in the form of invertebrate burtowing and deposition of secondary carbonate.

Layer 2: Thin section D (West Section) Layer 2c covers most of tiiin section D and overlies Layer 2d. It is dense, irregular and patchy with large complex sub-horizontal voids. Very well rounded complex infilled invertebrate burrows occur. The unit is very similar to Layer 2b, but denser. AU components are the same but many of the matrix aggregates are compressed or compacted, at times forming a dense matrix. Degraded bone fragments and some polycrystalUne quartz grains occur. There are no large rock fragments but smaUer fragments are common, with adhering matrix.

Layer 2a: Thin Section A (West Section) Layer 2a in thin section A has a dense orange brown matrix but with no large voids. It is similar to 2c in thin section D in terms of the nature of the components but there are some differences in the size and character of those components. Large (up to 2cm) irregular rock fragments and large (0.5-1cm) shell fragments, both gastropod and mussel, occur frequently. Some of the sheU fragments appear to be partially recrystalUsed. Variable fresh bone fragments occur commonly. There are some large (5mm), well-rounded, equant, very dark red-brown to black, reworked sesquioxide rich sod nodules and some very large (up to 2cm) dense, red-brovm matrix-rich, rounded, reworked, sod aggregates. As in thin section D the matrix consists essentiaUy of rounded calciasepic matrix aggregates and as relatively thick and continuous coatings on the larger skeleton grains. Elongate interconnected voids are not present and there is no evidence of secondary stmcture or reorganisation of the mattix except for micritic secondary carbonate which occurs in all matrix aggregates and in the interstices between grains.

Layer 2a: Thin Section B (East Section) Layer 2a in diin section B has a simUar density and lack of elongate voids to thin section A but is markedly paler in colour. This might be due eitiier to the sUde being ground to a slightly thinner thickness or, as is more likely, to the presence of a greater abundance of micritic secondary carbonate. There are no very large rock fragments and bone and sheU fragments are rarer and smaUer. In general the fabric is simUar but the components are more uniform in size. The matrix is simUar to thin section A but the aggregates are more uniform in size and in some dense zones they are compacted and very rich in secondary micritic carbonate. Large (up to 8mm), very weU-rounded invertebrate burtows occur, infiUed with simdar material to the rest of 336 the unit and with walls of denser matrix (0.5-lmm). The unit is very rich in micritc secondary carbonate.

Interpretation Layer 2a is similar to Layer 2b and has characteristics typical of an archaeological shelter deposit including disturbed matrix aggregates, shelter waU material and common bone and sheU. There is some evidence of post-depositional secondary modification in the form of invertebrate burrowing (in thin section D oidy) and deposition of secondary carbonate. The thin sections do not establish conclusively whether the three sections are sampling the same unit. The major components and fabric elements are certainly the same in all three sections but there are differences in the characteristics of those elements. It is not possible to determine if the differences noted are typical of the variation within Layer 2, or akematively suggest that the samples might be from sttatigraphicaUy distinct layers. 337

Appendix D: ANALYSIS OF CARBONATE MINERALOGIES, FERN CAVE by John Magee Department of Geomorphology and Biogeography Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies Australian National University

INTRODUCTION Carbonates of Calcium and Magnesium can form as inorganic precipitates or be secreted by various organisms. The foUowing minerals occur commordy: Aragonite: CaCOs Calcite (low Magnesium): Ca(Mg)C03 (<3% Mg) Calcite (High Magnesium): Ca(Mg)C03 (5-8% Mg) Dolomite: CaCOs.MgCOs (50% Mg)

The most interesting feature of this series is that, whUst low-Mg calcite and dolomite are the stable species in equUibrium at normal temperature and pressure, aragonite and high-Mg calcite are the most commonly formed species, especially as secreted by Uving things. These are meta- stable and wiU evenmaUy revert to the stable minerals, but sometimes this can take considerable periods of time especiaUy at low temperatures (e.g. some aragonitic sheUs have survived from the Permian). The physico-chemical conditions which conttol these mineral transitions are very complex. For instance aragonite boded in water wiU quickly (few hours) revert to calcite but if held at lOO^C in a dry atmosphere wiU require much more time (perhaps months) to do the same. It is essential to appreciate that this process is a complete recrystalUzation to a new crystal stmcture i.e. aU tiieC a and CO3 ions of the aragonite are released before recombing in a new mineral - calcite, die ions are free to exchange witii any stray CO3 ions during this process. For this reason shells known to have an original aragonitic mineralogy are commonly checked, prior to dating, for signs of recrystaUization by X-Ray Diffraction, which can detect the presence of even low levels of calcite. The presence of calcite, even in smaU amounts, indicates probable contamination. It is likely that the temperatures experienced by a sheU thrown into a fire would be sufficient to quickly convert aragonite to calcite.

X-RAY DIFFRACTION RESULTS, FERN CAVE AU samples were pretteated widi a hot 10% acetic acid leach in an ulttasonic bath, to clean and remove any adhering secondary carbonate. The following samples represent the main range of 338 carbonates from Fem Cave (as supplied by B. David).

1. Modem Land Snails (Xanthomelon pachystylum). This sample is a modem specimen of tiiis species (obtained Uve). Carbonate minerals: 100% aragonite. This estabUshes tiiat tiiis species secretes its shed as aragonite and makes routine checking for recrystaUization an easy task.

2. Stratified old X. pachystylum from Test Pit 6. Carbonate Minerals: 100% aragonite. No evidence of contamination. Good material for dating.

3. Stratified old X. pachystylum, bumt. Carbonate Minerals: 100% low-Mg calcite. Buming has promoted complete recrystaUization.

4. Sttatified mussel sheU, bumt. Carbonate minerals: 100% low-Mg calcite. Biuning has promoted complete recrystalUzation.

5. Sttatified bone. Minerals: Carbonate-hydroxyl-apatite widi low-Mg calcite. Normal bone mineralogy.

6. Concretions from Test Pit 6. Carbonate minerals: Low-Mg calcite with minor quartz. Mineralogy consistent with inorganically precipitated secondary carbonate by pedogenic processes. Quartz grains from the sediment matrix have been incorporated.

7. Secondary carbonate from Test Pit 6. Carbonate minerals: Low-Mg calcite with minor quartz. Mineralogy consistent with inorgaitically precipitated secondary carbonate by pedogenic processes. C^artz grains from the sediment matrix have been incorporated. The included quartz is probably inconsistent with an origin on the cave waU, except perhaps as dust as the limestone fragment (sample 10) does not contain quartz.

8. Secondary carbonate replacing rootlets. Test Pit 6. Carbonate minerals: Low-Mg calcite. Mineralogy consistent with inorgaitically precipitated secondary carbonate by pedogenic processes. No quartz detected.

9. Limestone fragment. Test Pit 6. After cleaning during pretteatment it was evident that this 339 fragment was a piece of flowstone. Layering and included grains were evident. Carbonate minerals: Low-Mg calcite with minor quartz. Mineralogy consistent with inorganically precipitated secondary carbonate as flowstone. Quartz grains from die sediment matrix have been incorporated.

10. Limestone fragment. Test Pit 6. Cleaning during pretreatment confirmed that this was a carbonate rock fragment. Carbonate minerals: Low-Mg calcite. Mineralogy is consistent with this being a carbonate rock fragment.

GENERAL COMMENTS Unfortunately the limestone that the cave is developed in is evidently low-Mg calcite. As this is the same mineralogy which would be expected in any uiorganically precipitated secondary carbonate (pedogenic or flowstone), XRD caimot be used as simple diagnostic test. The land snad Xanthomelon pachystylum has an original aragonite mineralogy and is therefore well suited to examination by XRD for evidence of recrystalUsation and thus contamination. In the samples examined the only evidence for recrystaUization was in bumt sheUs. Thus the recrystaUized specimens noted in thin section are probably bimit. I was not certain as to what the unpUcations were for dating bumt sheUs, as tiie recrystaUization happens so quickly tiiat exchange with contaminating carbon might not occur. I discussed it with John Head and he confumed that notion and said that wherever they have dated paired bumt and unbumt sheUs they find no evidence for contamination in the recrystaUized sheds. In fact he suggested that as the sheds are recrystaUized to the stable mineralogy and thus cannot recrystalUze any further, they might be more reUablefo r dating. It appears from this Umited XRD checking that the mtegrity of the land snail dates is not questioned. 340 341

Appendix E:

LAND SNAILS FROM ECHIDNA'S REST

Bruno David and John Stanisic (JS: Queensland Museum)

PubUshed in 1991 as Land snails fromarchaeologica l sites: initial results fromEchidna' s Rest (north Queensland)', in r/ieArte/iic? 14: 19-24. 342 343

The Artefact 1991 Volume 14 - B. DAVID and J. STANISIC 19 KEYWORDS: Land snails - Palaeoclimate - Palaeoenvironment - Dating - North Queensland

Land snails in Australian archaeology: Initial results from Echidna's Rest (north Queensland)

BRUNO DAVID and JOHN STANISIC

Abstract. Whilst analysing the faunal remains from an archaeological site in north Queensland, the authors observed a large number of land snail shells. The site, Echidna's Rest, is a large rockshelter located amongst the limestone karst towers of the Chillagoe region. In this paper we report on the recovery of land snails from the Echidna's Rest excavated deposits and attempt to reconstruct local palaeo-environments to determine whether or not land snails obtained from Australian archaeological sites can be useful for palaeo-environmental reconstructions. It is concluded that land snails are a useful source of information which could enhance Australian archaeological interpretations but which have received little attention in this country.

Introduction interstitial spaces between boulders may result in the Australian archaeological site reports typically contain burying of shells in a way not representative of living site descriptions, faunal lists, and a usually more detailed populations (i.e. contamination). As Evans (1972) notes, analysis of stone artefacts (e.g. Barker 1989; McNiven this results in the creation of a death assemblage, which 1988; Mulvaney and Joyce 1965). In rare instances a involves the tendency for most above-ground dwelling passing note is made of the fact that land snails occur species to accumulate on the ground surface upon death, somewhere in the excavated deposits (e.g. McNiven altering the structure of resulting populations. This is 1988). Generally, however, land snails are not identified, distinct from the subfossil assemblage, being the popula­ nor are they used in any way in ensuing archaeological tion excavated by archaeologists after various taphonomic discussions. This tendency is perhaps surprising, given the factors have further modified the land snail assemblage. importance of land snail analysis in European archaeolo­ The latter is important as land snails buried from the gical and palaeo-environmental reconstructions (e.g. ground surface will have been affected by abrasion and Castell 1963; Evans 1969; 1972). But the precedence for acidity differently to those who died below the ground land snail analysis was set in Europe many years ago (e.g. (Evans 1972; Shackley 1981: 126-7). Because of these Connah and McMillan 1964; Evans 1972; Kennard 1897, prob^^.ns, land snail analysis must include an adequate 1923; Sparks 1969), whereas Australian archaeologists assessment of the behaviour of each species and of the have been deprived of a parallel history. taphonomic status of excavated samples. Nevertheless, as The use of land snails in archaeological analysis is Evans (1972: 310-1) notes, based on the principle that they can be accurate indicators in spite of these difficulties ... the molluscan faunas of of palaeo-environments, given their sensitivity to envi­ cave ronmental changes (Shackley 1981). Such changes may deposits deserve more attention than they have yet reflect broad climatic factors or shifts in local micro-envi­ received. Future work may show them to be without ronmental regimes, which may or may not be due to value in environmental reconstruction in some cases due human activities. Crucial to the application of land snail to the difficulties outlined above, but until this has been analysis to archaeological endeavours are a number of demonstrated cave faunas must be considered an factors which must be addressed before interpretations are untapped source of information. attempted. Evans (1972: 17-8) notes that variations in the Twenty years on Evans' observations remain as valid as horizontal and vertical distribution of living land snails in when first written. soil profiles may skew death assemblages in a way not In this paper we wish to present initial results of inves­ truly reflective of past populations. For example, some tigations of land snails found in one archaeological site in land snails live on rock surfaces, others live in leaf litter, south-east Cape York Peninsula. Echidna's Rest is a large and others yet live at varying depths underground. This limestone rockshelter located in the Queenslander Tower, results in the presence of different but contemporary 20 km north-west of Chillagoe (see David in press for a species of land snails at different vertical levels. In open detailed site report) (Figures 1 and 2). Excavations were sites, the problem is often mulriplied by the activities of undertaken in 1985 in deposits located inside the dripline. predominantly subsurface-dwelling land snail species, The ground surface is flat and devoid of limestone boul­ worms and other invertebrates which have been shown to ders in the vicinity of the excavations. The main excava­ significantly disturb soil profiles (Carter 1990). Many tion was set as a 4.5 m trench, excavated in a series of 50 land snails have a limited humidity and temperature tole­ cm X 50 cm squares. Excavation methods employed 5 cm rance range, which may also lead to a microhabitat bias in arbitrary Excavation Units (XUs) within natural Strati­ their distribution within any locality. In limestone rock­ graphic Units. All excavated sediments were sieved in 1 shelters, where land snails often occur in high numbers mm wire-mesh sieves and subsequently sorted. Conse- due to the calcareous environment (land snails need a quendy land snails smaller than 1 mm were not collected, constant intake of calcium carbonate for shell develop­ although these may have been present. Nevertheless, most ment), localised places such as detrital deposits with north Queensland species are larger than 1 mm minimum 344

20 TheAnefacI IWI Volume N - B. DAVID and J STANISIC between detrital blocks. With the possible exception of Xanthomelon pachystylum, individuals excavated from any given level are taken to be contemporaneous as they are all either litter (surface) dwellers, or rock surface dwellers which fall onto the ground upon death. As X. pachystylum burrows below ground it may not be contemporaneous with other shells excavated from the same levels. Seven radiocarbon dates were obtained (see David in press). The dates are consistent with each other, although in some cases they do not reflect fine chronological differences because samples were obtained from different parts of the site. SU3 could not be dated due to an absence of in situ charcoal from the lower Excavation Units. By extrapolation from the depth-age curve, however, the following chronological sequence has been calculated:

SUl: 0-720 BP SU2: 720-3020 BP SU3: 3020-? (7770 BP?)

The dating for the beginning of SU3 is only a very gross estimate. It is extrapolated from the depth-age curve, in which regular sedimentation rates are assumed between dates and below the basal date. Given relatively intense human occupation of the site during SUl and SU2 times (greater sedimentation rates?) it is probable that the base of SU3 dates to pre-7770 BP times, and possibly to the late Pleistocene. Figure I. Queensland, showing location of Echidna's Rest. The land snails: ecological notes A total sorting of the excavated sediments revealed 573 size. (MNI) land snails measuring between 1 mm and 10 mm in Three main Stratigraphic Units (SUs) were revealed in length. Most of them were whole, with very few shells the Echidna's Rest excavations: showing any signs of chemical or mechanical damage, additional to this are 3.0 kg of larger snail species, most SUl: a dry, loose surface sediment, containing recent of which were too fragmented to attempt accurate MNI macropod faeces and a small amount of leaf litter as determinations. The latter consists almost entirely of well as archaeological materials. Maximum thickness Xanthomelon pachystylum (Pfeiffer) fragments, although of unit is 4.1 cm. some fragments of Melostrachia glomerans (Iredale), SU2: a fine, ashy sediment of moderate compaction. Tarocystis antiquus (Odhner) and Spurlingia dunkiensis Human occupation materials common. (Forbes) were also present. The shells measuring less than SU3: the boundary with overlying SU2 is very well 10 mm maximum length were identified and are enumer­ defined. This unit is slightly more gravelly and much ated in Table I. All species enumerated consist of MNI less ashy than SUs I and 2 above. It has a small counts except for the four larger species identified above, amount of cultural material, implying lower intensities for which presence/absence is indicated. of human occupation than during SU I and SU2 times In areas such as Chillagoe, which is mainly a dry area, (see David in press). SU3 was excavated in three XUs, limestone outcrops (or for that matter any rocky outcrop) each of which was approximately 5 cm in depth. It is are refuge zones for snails (Stanisic 1990). The rocks trap important to note here that although eleven squares moisture and litter and provide cool shelter in an other­ were excavated, excavation was discontinued at vari­ wise hot, dry environment. Limestone has the additional ous levels within SU3 in each square. Consequently, benefit of supplying high calcium levels, an important although proportions of different species excavated consideration given the necessity for constant calcium from the different XUs remain directly comparable, it intake for shell formation. These factors attract snails of is not possible t& compare absolute numbers excavated the surrounding dry forest and. assuming that the area was from SUl and SU2 with those found in SU3 (given once wetter than today, also preserve a range of species different excavation sample sizes). which exist solely on the outcrop. On this basis the species obtained from the Echidna's Rest excavations can The pH values in all excavated units ranged from 7.5 to be divided into two groups as follows (cf. Stanisic 1990): 9.5. Each of the three Stratigraphic Units contains rela­ tively fine .sediments devoid of large limestone blocks, A. Eremopeas tuckeri (Pfeiffer). Pupoides pacificus and each appears to have been deposited over a previous, (Pfeiffer), Succinea sp.. Xanthomelon pachystylum. Taro­ relatively flat surface. Consequently the excavated land cystis antiquus, Spurlungia dumkiensis and Melostrachia snail assemblage is not believed to reflect the presence of glomerans. localised surface micro-habitats under shaded interstices 345

The Artefact 1991 Vuliime 14 - B. DAVID and J, STANISIC 21

Figure 2. Echidna's Rest, excavation in progress.

B. Charopid sp., Pleuropoma extincta (Odhner), Georissa It has a large, thick shell and consequently can be sp., Gyliotrachela australis (Odhner) and Hadra bipartita expected in relatively high numbers in limestone sites (Ferussac). where it could probably mature more quickly. It is often found in large numbers under such conditions. The first group represents species also generally present in surrounding areas while the second includes Tarocystis antiquus - described from the Chillagoe area, those that occur only on the limestone outcrop. Some of but with a much wider distribution in the region. It the group B species are also found on other limestone appears to prefer rocky outcrops. Related to a semi-slug outcrops to the north and south, while others are found in group, it may require enhanced moisture content of the moist forests to the east but never in dry open forest. They rocky outcrops for long-term survival. It is usually found are refugial species in this context. attached to the underside of rocks. Within group A the species can be segregated ecologi­ cally and geographically as follows: Spurlingia dunkiensis - dry-adapted species which prefers rocky outcrops but can also be found in open forest. Eremopeas tuckeri - a litter dweller, common in dry vine Confined to the region between the Herbert and Palmer thickets in eastern Queensland. Rivers. Found under rocks and in hollow trees or logs.

Pupoides pacificus - a widespread, dry-adapted species Melostrachia glomerans - dry-adapted species which which is found under logs and rocks in both thicket and prefers rocky outcrops. It lives in the litter and soil under woodland situations. It ranges from northern New South logs and rocks. Occurs only in the Chillagoe region. Wales to Cape York (in eastern Queensland) and then across the top end to the Kimbedey. Species such as 5. dunkiensis and M. glomerans, which are large and globose, do not live between the large lime­ Succinea sp. - a member of a family of snails that is stone slabs as a rule. They are usually found at the fringe poorly known in Queensland. It usually lives next to water of the outcrop among smaller clasts. courses and also inhabits dry open forest; found under the The numbers of Echidna's Rest specimens of group A bark of trees or under logs and rocks. species, with the exception of X. pachystylum, are unfor­ tunately too low for accurate predicfive use. They proba­ Xanthomelon pachystylum - a dry-adapted species which bly reflect habitat preferences of these species - more ranges from to Chillagoe in eastern Queensland. open country. In this respect, X. pachystylum is an It burrows into the soil (up to 30 cm in relatively soft enigma. In the context of environmental change, the sediments) and prefers open country surrounding thickets. sudden (in a geological time frame) relative proliferation 346

22 TheArufact I9VI Volume 14 • B DAVID and J STANISIC and reduction in numbers of X. pachystylum in soil especially in cool, shady, moist places such as in cracks in profiles probably reflects long-term seasonal change the rock or in recesses along driplines. On the other hand, (similar yearly fluctuations in numbers of the species have both G. australis and X. pachystylum can be expected in been noted in central Queensland). drier environments. Changes in the proportional represen­ Group B species are refugial. Three, Gyliotrachela tation of each species may reflect changes in the moisture australis, Pleuropoma extincta and Georissa sp., live on availability on rock surfaces, in dripline location and in the surface of the limestone rocks. A fourth, Hadra bipar­ regional rainfall regimes. tita, was found living in the cracks of outcrops at Palmerville, to the north of Chillagoe (Stanisic, pers. obs.). The charopid is a litter species. Both P. extincta and Georissa sp. are prosobranch gastropods, i.e. they have an open pallial cavity (compared to the almost closed lungs of pulmonates) and operculum. Hence they are considered to be more sensi­ tive to moisture changes. This can be reflected in both their numbers over time and by size change over time, i.e. in drier conditions, individuals would mature at a smaller size. They are probably good 'moisture indicator' species and inferences can be drawn, especially if their temporal distribution correlates with that of the other species for which good data are available - e.g. X. pachystylum. Ecological and geographical data on the group B species are as follows:

Gyliotrachela australis - this species is also known from the Palmerville limestones to the north and the Broken River/Clarke River limestones west of Townsville. The species is found on the limestone rock along driplines in cool crevices and overhangs. Its microhabitat preference suggests that, even though it (as a pulmonale) is theoreti­ cally less moisture-sensitive than prosobranch species, it still may be a good indicator species for moisture changes. Interpretations should be drawn in relation to data from other species. % % Pleuropoma extincta - lives on rock surfaces, also occur­

Georissa sp. - largely a limestone-associated genus; the ^. Chillagoe species lives also at Palmerville. » [

Hadra bipartita - a large rainforest species which prefers CM n cn m the moist forests of the coastal and sub-coastal region X X CO CO between Tully and the Torres Strait. Its occurrence at CO D Chillagoe is refugial and indicates a previous moist corri­ c/) dor to the east. Figure 3. Vertical distributions of land snails at Echidna's Rest. Charopid sp. - in general charopids are wet-adapted species which live under logs and rocks in the rainforest During the late stages of the deposition of SU3, the litter zone. This species has probably been isolated in this Echidna's Rest land snails show relatively high propor­ (and the Palmerville) outcrop by climate-induced mesic tions of species with preferences for moist conditions: P. habitat regression (Stanisic 1990). extincta, Georissa sp. and the Charopid sp. The reverse situation is apparent for the relatively dry-adapted species, Discussion X. pachystylum, P. pacificus and G. australis (Figure 3), The land snails excavated from Echidna's Rest are although the presence of X. pachystylum should be treated typical of the Chillagoe region. Some 'rare' species which with caution given that it commonly burrows under­ are known from the region were not found, but this is not ground. The implications are that the period immediately surprising given the sample size (Stanisic 1990). The preceding 3000 BP was relatively wet, although it is not Echidna's Rest collection includes a number of species known how long this wet period lasted, given that no mdicative of relatively high humidity (Table 1). Foremost radiocarbon dates are available for SU3. Nevertheless, amongst these are Charopid sp., P. extincta and Georissa there is evidence for a gradual increase in humidity from sp. Charopids are more typically found in rainforest eariiest times (SU3 XU3) to 3000 BP (SU3 XUl), conditions, whilst both P. extincta and Georissa sp. prefer followed by a major and relatively rapid decrease in humid locales. The latter two dwell on the surfaces of available humidity around 3000 BP. No major changes limestone walls, in areas of relatively high humidity are apparent since that time, although there is a possible 347

The Artefact 1991 Volume 14 - B. DAVID and J. STANISIC 23 slight increase in aridity during the last 700 years (as sp., and the slight increase in G. australis, during SUl shown by the slight decreases in P. extincta and Georissa times).

SUl SU2 SU3 XUl SU3 XU2 SU3 XU3 TOTAL

<720 BP 720- >3020 BP 3020 BP

'DRY' ADAPTED SPECIES

Gyliotrachela australis MNI: 126 106 16 52 28 328 %: 73.3 54.1 23.9 52.5 71.8 Pupoides pacificus MNI: 3 2 5 %: 1.7 I.O Xanthomelon pachystylum WEIGHT (kg): 1.18 1.33 0.32 0.13* 0.02* 2.98 Melostrachia glomerans P Spurlingia dunkiensis P

'WET' ADAPTED SPECIES

Charopid sp. MNI: I 3 3 1 a %: 0.6 4.5 3.0 2.6 Pleuropoma extincta MNI: 11 29 19 11 1 71 %: 6.4 14.8 28.4 ILI 2.6 Georissa sp. MNI: 26 55 26 29 8 144 %: 15.1 28.1 38.8 29.3 20.5

OTHER SPECIES

Eremopeas tuckeri MNI: 4 4 2 4 1 15 %: 2.3 2.0 3.0 4.0 26 Succinea sp. MNI: T 1 %: 0.6 Hadra bipartita MNI: I 1 %: 1.5 Tarocystis antiquus P P

P = fragments present * = excavation of SU3 XU2 and SU3 XU3 consisted of fewer excavation squares than for other excavation units, and comparisons with other XUs should therefore be restricted to proportions of species represented rather than to absolute numbers.

Table 1. Distribution of land snails. Echidna's Rest. Percentages refer to proportions of each species in each given SU/XU.

Conclusion with those of other studies, although we have not been Numerous authors have previously argued that the able to date the beginnings of the wet phase in the present period from approximately 8000 BP to 3000 BP saw an study. However, given that an extrapolated date of 7770 increase in precipitation in northem Australia (Nix and BP was suggested for the beginnings of SU3 at Echidna's Kalma 1974; Kershaw 1970, 1975; Chappell and Rest, and that sedimentation rates are likely to have been Grindrod 1983). Support for this pattem has been under-estimated for SU3, it is likely that the Echidna's observed from pollen analysis (Kershaw 1975), amounts Rest analysis covers a period beginning sometime during of oolites in cave deposits (David 1987), sea level studies the terminal Pleistocene. This is again consistent with (Chappell 1983; Belperio 1979; Hopley 1983) and simu­ other research (Chappell and Grindrod 1983), where it has lation studies based on eustaric fluctuations (Nix and been claimed that the last glacial maximum (21 000 - Kalma 1974). The results presented here are consistent 17 000) witnessed relatively arid conditions in northem 348

24 The Artefact IWI W'hwi.N • B DAVID jnvl J STANISIC Australia. The Echidnas Rest land snails contained rela­ REFERENCES tively high proportions of the arid species' G. australis BARKER. B. 1989. Nara Inlet 1: a Holocene sequence from the during the early stages of SU3 (Excavation Unit 3). as Whitsunday Islands, central Queensland coast. Queensland well as lower proportions of the 'wet species'. Charopid Archaeological Research 6: 53-76. sp.. P. extincta and Georissa sp. The implication is that BELPERIO. A. P. 1979. Negative evidence of a mid-Holocene when the lower (eariier) parts of SU3 were deposited, high -sea level along the coastal plain of the Great Barrier humidity levels were lower than what they were immedi­ Reef province. Marine Geology 32: M1-M9. ately prior to 3000 years ago. That time could correspond CARTER. S. P. 1990. The stratification and taphonomy of shells to the period soon after the last glacial maximum, perhaps in calcareous soils: implications for land snail analysis in 13 000 to 10 000 years ago. archaeology. Journal of Archaeological Science 17: 495-508. Although we have interpreted the Echidna's Rest land CASTELL, C. P. 1963. The excavation of the Willerby Wold snails in terms of broad regional changes, it is emphasised Long Barrow. East Riding of Yorkshire, England: Appendix V: land molluscs. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 29: that the land snails also reflect micro-environmental 173-205. changes. It is possible that the changes in land snail spec­ CHAPPELL, J. 1983. Sea level changes 0 to 40 KA, In J. tra reflect local conditions only, but the directional Chappell and A. Grindrod (eds.), CLIMANZ: Proceedings of changes in proportions of snail species imply broader first CLIMANZ. February 1981, pp. 121-2. Department of trends. The presence of parallel findings in other palaeo­ Biogeography and Geomorphology, R. S. Pac. S.. Australian climatic studies further supports our interpretations National University, Canberra. regarding broad palaeo-environmental conditions. CONNAH. G. and N. F. McMILLAN 1964. Snails and archae­ Nevertheless, the presence of refugial species at Echidna's ology. Antiquity 38: 62-4. Rest suggests that the snails found at Chillagoe reflect DAVID, B. 1987. Chillagoe: from archaeology to prehistory - micro-environmental conditions as well as the broader contributions to a late Holocene prehistory of the Chillagoe regional picture, and as such it is possible that they under- region, north Queensland. Unpubl. MA thesis. Australian emphasise the extent of the palaeo-environmental changes National University. DAVID, B. in press. Echidna's Rest: a Holocene sequence from noted. As a refuge, the limestone karst country of the Chillagoe, southeast Cape York Peninsula. Queensland Chillagoe region may not have registered broader envi­ Archaeological Research. ronmental changes as sensitively as other regions. EVANS, J. G. 1969. Land and freshwater Mollusca in archae­ In conclusion we wish to emphasise the great potential ology: chronological aspects. World Archaeology 1: 170-83. that land snail remains can have for archaeological EVANS, J. G. 1972. Ixmd snails in archaeology. Seminar Press, enquiries in Australia. They are a source of palaeo-envi­ London. ronmental information which has been neglected for too HOPLEY, D. 1983. Evidence of 15 000 years of sea level long. change in tropical Queensland. In D. Hopley (ed.), Australian sea levels in the last 15 000 years: a review. Occasional Paper 3, Geography Department, James Cook University of Acknowledgments North Queensland, Townsville. We would like to thank Brigid Cassidy. Bryce Barker, Sarah KENNARD, A. S. 1897. The post-Pleistocene non-marine Colley and an anonymous referee for comments on an earlier draft. Mollusca of Essex. Essex Naturalist 10: 87-109. KENNARD, A. S. 1923. The Holocene non-marine Mollusca of Bruno David England. Proceedings of the Palaeontological Society of Department of Anthropology London 15: 24\-59. University of Queensland KERSHAW. P. 1970. A pollen diagram from Lake Euramoo, Brisbane. Qld 4072 northeast Queensland, Australia. New Phvtolith 69: 785-805. Australia KERSHAW, P. 1975. Stratigraphy and pollen analysis of Bromfield Swamp, northeast Queensland, Australia. New John Stanisic Phytolith 75: 173-91. Queensland Museum McNIVEN, I. 1988. Brooyar Rockshelter: a late Holocene P.O.Box 1(K) seasonal hunting camp from southeast Queensland. Queens­ South Brisbane. Qld 4101 land Archaeological Research 5: 133-60. Australia MULVANEY, D. J. and E. B. JOYCE 1965. Archaeological and geomorphological investigations on Mt. Moffat station. MS received lOJanuarv 1992 Queensland, Australia. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Soci­ ety 31: 147-212. NIX, H. A. and J. D. KALMA 1974. Climate as a dominant Resume. Durant I'analyse des debris animaux d'un site control in the biogeography of northem Australia and New archeologique au nord du Queensland. les auteurs ont remarque Guinea. In D. Walker (ed.). Bridge and barrier: the natural un grand nombre de coquilles d'escargots re r rest res. Le site. and cultural history of Torres Strait, pp. 61-93. Department Echidna's Rest, est un grand abri situe parmi les tours de of Biogeography and Geomorphology, R. S. Pac. S., calcaire karstiqiie dans la region de Chillagoe. Dans cet article Australian National University, Canberra. nous presentons un rapport sur le recouvreinent d'escargots SHACKLEY, M. 1981. Environmental archaeology. George terrestres des fouilles ii Echidna's Rest et nous essayons de Allen and Unwin. London. reconstituer les ancients environnemenis locaux pour determiner SPARKS. B. W. 1969. Non-marine Mollusca and archaeology. si les escargots terrestres obtenu de sites archeologiques In D. Brothwell and E. Higgs (eds.). Science in archaeology. australiens peuvent etre utiles aiix reconstitutions des environ­ pp. 395-406. Thames and Hudson, London. nemenis anciens. II est conclu que les escargots terrestres sont STANISIC, J. 1990. Systematics and biogeography of eastern une source d'information utile qui pourrait ameliorer les inter­ Australian Charopidae (Mollusca, Pulmonata) from the pretations archeologiques australiennes bien qu'ils aient re^'u subtropical rainforests. Memoirs of the Queensland Museum peu d'attention dans ce pays. 30(1). 349

Appendix F: OBSIDIAN ARTEFACTS FROM ECHIDNA'S REST AND SOURCE MATERIAL FROM NOLAN'S CREEK ty Bruno David, Roger Bird, Richard Fullagar and Lana Little (RB: ANSTO, Lucas Heights; RF: The Australian Museum; LL: QNPWS, Chillagoe)

Published in 1992 as 'Glassy obsidian aitefacts from north Queensland: the Nolan's Creek source and some archaeological occurrences', in The Artefact 15: 25-30. 350 351

The Artefact 1992 • Volume IS - B. DAVID. R. BIRD. R. FULLAGAR and L. LITTLE 25 KEYWORDS: Obsidian - Sourcing - PIXE/PIGME analysis - North Queensland

Glassy obsidian artefacts from north Queensland:

The Nolan's Creek source and some archaeological occurrences

BRUNO DAVID, ROGER BIRD, RICHARD FULLAGAR and LANA LITTLE Abstract. A recently rediscovered obsidian source from south-eastern Cape York Peninsula is described, and an elemental fingerprint identified. Flaked obsidian artefacts from two sites located 25 km and 38 km from the Nolan's Creek source are also described, along with an attempt to determine their source. It is concluded that most, if not all, of the archaeological specimens probably originated either from the Nolan's Creek source or from source(s) close to it, and that further systematic research into the occurrence of obsidian in the broader region may reveal further source locations. Preliminary technological observations are also made, although detailed discussions of this issue are beyond the aims of this paper.

Introduction obsidian occurs as large blocks in a roughly two-tiered The presence of obsidian artefacts has for long been an exposure. A large section of the site has been blasted and important source for the investigation of pre-Historic many tonnes of obsidian removed for commercial use. exchange networks, due to the easily provenanced nature This makes it extremely difficult to securely identify any of obsidian. In many parts of the world, and especially in pre-Historic extraction or related activity in the source westem Asia, the Americas and the Pacific, extensive area. However, purely from visual inspection, samples programs of elemental 'fingerprinting' of obsidian sources collected from the source and obsidian artefacts identified and artefacts have enabled accurate determinations of the from archaeological sites in the broader region are similar. provenance of obsidian artefacts, and reconstructions of The source obsidian has a greenish-grey colour and the trade routes and alliance networks by which they were relatively thin pieces (2-3 mm) are sufficiently transparent scattered through extensive territories. Until recently, to be able to read print through them, showing a slightly however, Australia has been deprived of a similar oppor­ ribbed or irregular undulating surface. No inclusions are tunity to investigate aspects of the pre-Historic past by the obvious by hand lens inspection of thin pieces but some near-total absence of confirmed obsidian artefacts from surface and intemal structure affects transparency. Many the continent, as well as by the absence of glassy obsidian pieces grade from good quality glass to increasing degrees sources. In the few, isolated cases where obsidian arte­ of crystallisation and finally to cmmbly material. Rocks in facts have been reported (e.g. Gariwerd/Grampians, the Nychum volcanics are of the order of 100 million or south-eastern Queensland - north-eastern N.S.W.), source more years old and the presence of high quality glass locations are unknown. implies unusual magma properties. Obsidian is also During archaeological surveys in northem Queensland in 1984, one of us (BD) recorded and collected a single green, glassy artefact from an open site located 25 km north-west of Chillagoe (site CM7). In 1985, excavations by David (1990) at Echidna's Rest, located 13 km south­ east of CM7, revealed further stone artefacts of similar material (Figure 1). In neither case did the raw material resemble any of the local rock types. Initially it was tenta­ tively identified in the field as obsidian and this was confirmed later by W. Ambrose (pers. comm.). Since that time, the authors were informed of a nearby occurrence of obsidian and have obtained samples from that source for comparison with the artefacts.

The Nolan's Creek obsidian source Numerous volcanic features (eroded caldera, lava tubes etc.) are found along the western slopes of the Great Dividing Range in Far North Queensland. A few very localised patches of volcanic glass are found at the surface and amongst commercial mining debris in the Nychum volcanics and neighbouring regions near Chillagoe. The Nolan's Creek source is an obsidian exposure on the upper slopes of a 50 m-long ridge between Elizabeth J and Nolan's Creek, 47 km north-west of Chillagoe (Grid Figure I. Map of north Queensland showing locations of Reference lOOE 396N, Bellevue Sheet, 1 : 100 000) the Nolan's Creek obsidian source and archaeological (Figure 1). The site has a southeriy aspect and the sites mentioned in text. 352

26 The Artefact 1992 • Volume 15 B DAVID. R BIRD. R. FLLLAGAR and L. LITTLE SU YEARS # OBSIDIAN # Obsidian artefacts 16- BP ARTEFACTS PER 100 YEARS A

1 0-720 15 2.08 12- 2 720-3020 23 1.00

3 >3020 6 MM 8-

Table I. Obsidian artefacts excavated from Echidna's 4- A Rest: distribution by Stratigraphic Unit. Duration of D each stratigraphic unit was determined by a sequence " a A -C O < • 1 1 ' 1 ' 1 ' 1 ' " of seven radiocarbon dates obtained on in situ 0 4 ' 12 16 2( charcoal, and by reference to the depth-age cun'e. Increased deposition rates during SUl and SUl times yiEHGTH X WIDTH ("•"'I are evident for all cultural materials. These trends are also reproduced if calculations are made by weight rather than by numbers of artefacts (see David 1990 B for greater detail of excavated materials). ta- known elsewhere in the Chillagoe area but, as yet, no samples have been obtained for analysis. MM8' The Nolan's Creek obsidian analysed in the present paper consists of seven samples randomly collected from 4- • the source, plus fourteen samples systematically collected • from the source surface. The latter were collected along Q, Gi 11 — ^m» A two parallel transects located four metres apart. Source 1 • 1 ' 1 1 1 ' 1 ' 1 ' • 1 ' 1 • C) 16 2( samples AU631, 641, 651, 661, 671, 681 and 691 (cf. 4 8 12 Table 3) were taken at five metre intervals up the slope, yiENGTH X WIDTH and samples AU632, 642, 652, 662, 672, 682 and 692 were collected along the parallel, downhill run. Analysis of the collected raw materials will be presented below.

Artefacts Site CM7: Site CM7 is a small artefact concentration containing 40 stone artefacts, including a single green obsidian flake (sample 3184). The site is located 25 km south of the Nolan's Creek source, near a medium-sized limestone karst tower. All stone materials apart from the obsidian flake are available in the immediate vicinity of the site, and all artefacts are surface occurrences. Echidna's Rest: Echidna's Rest is a large, sky-lit rock­ shelter located in the Queenslander karst tower, 38 km PLATFORM THICKNESS ("-ml south-east of the Nolan's Creek source. Archaeological excavations at Echidna's Rest were undertaken by David Figure 2. Echidna's Rest obsidian: (1990), who identified rich cultural deposits dating to the a. Plot of all whole flakes (n=4)for all test pits, last 3000 years BP, and which were preceded by very low showing Stratigraphic Unit (SUl) (triangles) and SUl density cultural deposits which remain undated due to a (squares). lack of sufficient charcoal. b. Plot of all flakes (n=44)for all test pits, showing During excavations at Echidna's Rest, forty-four pieces SUl (triangles), SUl (squares) and SUS (circles). of glassy material were found, five of which were c. Plot of all whole flakes (n=4)for all test pits, submitted for PIXE/PIGME analysis together with the showing SUl (triangles) and SUl (squares). source material and the CM7 sample. Analyses relating to function and flaking technology were also undertaken. tions. No pieces of obsidian showed any evidence of use Table 1 presents the distribution of obsidian pieces in the in the form of use-wear or residue. Echidna's Rest deposits. As with other cultural materials, Following the approach of Witter et al. (in press), a artefact densities in Stratigraphic Unit 3 (>3000 BP) are series of technological variables were identified and relatively low (cf David 1990). measured for each artefact, including axial length (point of impact on bulbar surface to distal end along axis of Technological and functional analysis symmetry), axial width (maximum width at right angles to The Echidna's Rest obsidian artefacts were examined axial length), block length and block width (two dimen­ under both a stereomicroscope (12 x - 60 x) and a metal- sions at right angles to each other, which estimate the lographic microscope (50 x - 500 x). Subsequently, each surface area), maximum flake width, platform thickness artefact was measured and certain attributes were (from the point of impact on the bulbar surface to the recorded in order to make basic technological descrip- ventral surface at right angles to the bulbar plane), and platform length (maximum distance along platform at 353

The Artefact 1992 • Volume IS - B. DAVID. R. BIRD. R. FLLLAGAR und L. LITTLF. 27 AL AW BL BW MT C PL PT FLAKE BL.BW AL\AW VOL

6 4 2 0 4.90 0.05 6 8 8 6 3 0 5 1 6.93 0.75 0.14 8 4 8 4 1 0 5.66 2.00 0.03 4 4 1 0 4.00 0.02 8 3 1 0 4.90 0.02 5 3 5 3 1 0 1 1 3.87 1.67 0.02 6 7 7 6 2 0 5 2 bending 6.48 0.86 0.08 2 2 1 0 2.00 0.00 3 3 1 0 3.00 0.01 13 5 13 5 1 0 8.06 2.60 0.07 8 8 8 8 3 1 3 2 8.00 1.00 0.19 4 2 1 0 2.83 0.01 7 4 7 4 2 0 2 1 5.29 1.75 0.06 6 6 6 6 1 1 4 1 bipolar 6.00 1.00 0.04 4 2 2 0 2.83 0.02 2 2 1 0 2.00 0.00 15 9 15 9 3 0 bipolar 11.62 1.67 0.41* 9 10 10 9 2 1 6 1 bipolar 9.49 0.90 0.18* 3 2 1 0 2.45 0.01 3 3 1 0 • 3.00 0.01 5 3 1 0 3.87 0.02 7 3 2 0 4.58 0.04 13 6 4 0 8.83 0.31* 8 6 3 0 6.93 0.14 3 3 1 0 3.00 0.01 8 5 2 0 6.32 0.08 5 5 1 0 5.00 0.03 6 6 2 0 6.00 0.07 7 5 3 0 5.92 0.11 9 9 9 9 2 0 9.00 1.00 0.16* 7 5 1 0 5.92 0.04* 5 3 1 0 3.87 0.02 7 7 7 7 3 0 7.00 1.00 0.15 5 4 2 0 4.47 0.04 4 3 1 0 3.46 0.01 5 6 6 5 3 0 2 1 5.48 0.83 0.09 7 9 9 7 2 0 3 1 free 7.94 0.78 0.13 4 2 4 2 1 1 1 1 2.83 2.00 0.01 4 3 2 0 3.46 0.02 .5 ^ 2 1 0 3.16 0.01 VV5.' 5 1 0 5.00 0.03 1 5 5 1 2 0 2.24 0.20 0.01 6 3 6 3 1 0 4.24 2.00 0.02 5 5 5 5 1 0 5.00 1.00 0.03

AL = axial length (mm); AW = axial width (mm); BL = block length (mm); BW = block width (mm); MT = maximum thickness (mm); C - completeness (0 = broken. 1 - whole); PL = platform length (mm); PT = platform thickness (mm); FLAKE = flake type; BL.BW = square root of (BL x BW); AL\AW = AL x AW; VOL = BLxBWxMT/1000; * = PIXE/PIGME analysis undertaken

Table 2. Recorded measurements from the Echidna's Rest obsidian artefacts. right angle to platform thickness). Information on whether Only four complete flakes with platform dimensions artefacts were broken- or whole as well as flake type were present. The reduction chart (Figure 2a) shows that (freehand percussron, bipolar, bending or not determined) the flakes are at the late stages of reduction, with little were also determined. Calculated variables include a variation of flake cross-section. A plot of whole and measure of flake cross-section (the square root of [block broken flakes (Figure 2b) and the presence of small bipo­ length X block width]), 'bladedness' (axial length divided lar pieces suggests that most of the little flakes are by­ by axial width), and volume, which is directly propor­ products of tool manufacture. The focused platform thick­ tional to weight for any given raw material (block length ness distribution (Figure 2c) can be mainly attributed to X block width x maximum thickness). All measurements the small size of the flakes, as well as to their similar are presented in Table 2. stage in the reduction process. A single blade was 354

The Artefact 1992 • Volume 15 B. DA\ ID. R. BIRD. R. FL LLAGAR and L LITTLK 28 Sample No Na Al F Si K Ca Mn Fe Rb Sr Y Zr Nb % % ppm % % % ppm % ppm ppm ppm ppm ppm AU601 4 2.86 6.52 289 32 2.46 0.89 252 0.83 250 94 7 58 10 AU602 6 2.72 6.29 329 33 2.52 0.88 264 0.75 252 81 11 54 6 AU603 4 2.92 6.34 285 34 2.39 0.88 244 0.76 233 77 9 51 6 AU604 2.45 6.16 395 28 2.48 0.76 194 0.68 219 80 13 46 5 AU605 2.51 6.03 312 32 2.62 0.84 26 0.72 230 59 6 45 9 AU606 2.82 6.11 296 31 2.60 0.79 223 0.71 213 58 7 46 9 AU607 2.48 6.04 370 26 2.28 0.72 221 0.68 222 58 10 53 7 AU631 2.67 6.44 342 34 2.71 <3.«8 242 0.77 219 61 9 50 10 AU632 2.63 6.53 309 32 2.63 0.88 246 0.74 234 151 7 57 0 AU641 1.19 6.61 221 27 2.91 0.89 211 0.65 302 442 4 38 4 AU642 2.20 6.52 295 23 2.27 0.67 283 0.57 231 211 14 45 5 AU651 2.22 5.19 248 24 2.17 0.61 191 0.55 189 53 4 39 9 AU652 2.26 5.45 205 21 1.51 0.72 204 0.60 187 89 7 50 0 AU661 2.78 6.64 303 28 2.44 0.78 225 0.74 228 73 0 52 7 AU662 2.86 6.65 322 32 2.76 0.86 252 0.75 232 59 10 48 0 AU671 2.78 6.36 282 32 2.83 0.85 236 0.74 237 80 14 46 0 AU672 2.78 6.48 1158 30 2.50 0.87 228 0.72 245 75 3 50 8 AU681 1.34 6.96 723 33 3.67 0.91 214 0.82 365 270 31 47 6 AU682 2.61 6.63 280 31 2.78 0.77 255 0.76 227 67 13 49 4 AU691 2.52 6.12 182 34 2.90 0.89 226 0.73 254 146 11 59 4 AU692 2.75 5.91 390 25 1.81 0.68 220 0.66 209 53 7 48 4

Artefacts 3184 2.82 6.51 463 34 2.49 0.88 306 1.01 279 70 13 66 4 3185 1.61 6.13 370 28 4.20 0.97 228 0.87 212 216 13 80 7 WNB522 2.35 6.80 239 36 4.09 1.18 272 1.02 259 94 14 81 5 WNB523 2.47 6.77 326 36 3.60 1.49 293 1.09 235 198 14 124 8 WNB524 2.34 6.76 289 34 3.69 1.35 238 0.97 242 218 12 132 7 WNB525 1.46 6.69 304 36 5.88 1.22 251 0.93 255 191 10 86 7 WNB526 1.44 6.77 319 35 5.42 1.08 270 0.97 231 137 8 84 7 WNB528 0.01 0.38 59 66 0.24 0.87 58 0.22 6 8 2 2 0 WNB529 0.04 1.04 111 46 0.54 3.29 176 0.41 13 27 10 17 0

Table 3. PIXE/PIGME analyses of Cape York obsidian. produced, but again this must be interpreted in the context MeV protons, 100 nA beam, pinhole X-ray filter and of the late stage of reduction from which it was probably electron flood). An exposure of 200 |J.C was used for each made. Blade-like flakes are probably coincidental to the sample and repeat measurements were made for a number technology of very small obsidian flakes associated with of the samples. The system was calibrated using Wekwok resharpening and platform preparation. The single bend- obsidian as a standard and the results were converted to ing-type flake may be associated with pressure flaking concentrations and element ratios for use in statistical (Cotterell and Kamminga 1990: 133). analysis. Measurements were also made on the artefacts Preliminary analysis of non-obsidian artefacts from with repeat measurements being made for some. The Echidna's Rest have failed to identify significant differ­ results are presented in Table 3. ences between raw materials (David 1990). Most artefacts made on all raw materials are small, non-bipolar, amor­ PIXE/PIGME: multivariate analysis phous flakes, although all of the burren adzes were manu­ The first test was to compare the source results (Table factured on indurated mudstones (n=9). Preferential 3) with measurements from other known obsidian sources retouching of fine-grained chert and indurated mudstone (the Nolan's Creek source samples have been prefixed artefacts is evident, possibly implying greater curation of AU6 below). Given a lack of comparative data from stone with high flaking-quality which is not as readily Australia, a series of Melanesian sources were chosen. available as limestone and quartz. It is difficult, however, Three principal components calculated by correspondence to determine rationing practices relating to obsidian, given analysis are plotted in Figure 3 for a data set consisting of the low numbers of obsidian artefacts and the total nine element ratios (Al/Na, F/Na, K/Fe, Ca/Fe, Mn/Fe, absence of known large artefacts and obsidian tools from Rb/Fe, Sr/Zr, Y/Zn and Zr/Fe). Points for the previously the region. These issues require considerably more atten­ known obsidian sources are all located at the bottom of tion beyond the aims of this paper. the figure, showing that the Nolan's Creek source samples are distinct in composition from those from Melanesia. PIXE/PIGME analysis of source and artefact samples The implications are that the Nolan's Creek obsidian can Twenty-one source samples were analysed using be 'fingerprinted' according to elemental composition, PIXE/PIGME techniques with standard conditions (2.5 and that at least on a gross scale they can be distinguished 355

The Artefact 1992 - Volume IS - B. DAVID. R. BIRD. R. FLLLAGAR and L. LITTLE 29 AU603 Correspondence Analysis AU661 MJ"MA ^A Nolan' Nolan'ss (>eek AU601 AU606 AU671 AU691

AU662 AU682 AU602 AU632 AU605 AU631 AU692 Fergusson , | Axis 2, AU651 AU652 Indonesia °Ferqusson/ -, -s^ o ° o ° ,- ^ ^ ^^o o AU607 0 QO o o -jU \, -^ ^^New Britain 3184 - \ ^A Vanuatu c?o^^ AU641 3184 AU604 o Melanesian Sources 3184 Indonesian A Nolan's Creek Source WNB522 WNB523 D Artefacts WNB524 Figure 3. Plot of three principal components calculated by Correspondence Analysis of results for Cape York 3185 Peninsula, Melanesian and Indonesian obsidian. WNB526 WNB525 from other sources. The obsidian is different from sources 3185 overseas, but this need not mean that Cape York obsidians 3185 can be internally differentiated. More research is needed AU642 to determine whether or not the Nolan's Creek source can be distinguished from other reported, but yet unconfirmed AU672 sources in north Queensland. AU681 Points for the Nolan's Creek source, including repeats, mostly cluster at the upper left of Figure 3. However, Figure 4. Cluster Analysis of Cape York Peninsula some of the results are scattered over a considerable area -obsidian. away from this cluster. For some results, this arises from variability in the measurement process since some how many groups are represented, or if variation is samples were measured a number of times and results continuous. These conclusions are consistent with those were not identical. The ribbed fracturing of the samples is from a correspondence analysis of the Chillagoe data. The one likely cause of such variability since a sloping sample situation is similar to that observed in other obsidian surface causes varying self-absorption of X-rays used for studies in which early results revealed variations which the PIXE measurements. In other cases, the differences later were shown to define separate compositional groups are likely to be due to the fact that some samples are crys­ once sufficient sampling of the source material had been talline rather than good quality glass and are affected by carried out. In the present case, however, the Nolan's processes additional to the original volcanic flow. Even Creek obsidian pieces which separate out as most differ­ so, the extent of the variations suggests that more than one ent from the bulk of the source samples (samples AU642, compositional group is represented by the samples which 672 and 681) were not found in a single area of the have been measured. source, but appear to be widely dispersed along the slope Results from the Chillagoe samples on their own (the beneath the ridge-top. Furthermore, most source samples source samples plus the CMS- and-Echidna's Rest archae­ exhibited considerable, although at times localised, ological samples) are shown in Figure 4 using a dendro­ evidence of surface chemical weathering. It is therefore gram from a cluster analysis program. Figure 4 confirms possible that variation is relatively high due to the rela­ the presence of a major group containing most of the tively advanced stage of weathering which many of the source measurements, with a small separation from a source pieces exhibit. second group containing three source results and four artefacts (3184, WNB522, WNB523 and WNB524). Conclusions Whether this separation is statistically significant requires Overall, the technology employed by the pre-Historic further investigation. The remaining source samples and inhabitants of Echidna's Rest suggests very frugal use of three artefacts (3185, WNB525 and WNB526) are widely small cores, probably involving their initial manufacture separated and further information is needed to establish from large blocks of obsidian at the quarry, and further curation of transported, smaller pieces at sites such as 356

30 The Artefact 1992 - Volume IS - B. DA\ ID. R. BIRD. R FLLLAGAR and L. LITTLE Echidna's Rest. Comparison of the Echidna's Rest assem­ specimens archeologiques. proviennent probablement du gise­ blage with Melanesian ones (such as the WNB obsidian ment de Nolan's Creek ou d'une ou de plusieurs sources source areas) suggests a common steep fall-off in obsidian voisines, et que des recherches additionnelles systematiques sur I'existence d'obsidienne dans la region pourraient riviler size at even short distances from the source areas (Specht d'autres sources. Nous fai.ions aussi des obserx'ations tech- in prep.). This may have been affected by the intensive nologiques preliminaires, bien qu'une discussion approfondie rationing of obsidian, an issue obviously related to social sur le sujet depasse les limites de cet article. factors such as exchange networks and territorial struc­ tures as well as to the mechanical properties of the raw Zusammenfassung. Eine kUrzlich wiederentdeckte material. These issues are beyond the aims of this paper, Obsidian-Quelle in Sudosten der Cape York Halbinsel wird but may offer a fruitful avenue of enquiry with respect to beschrieben. und ein Fingerabdruck elementarer Zusam- an understanding of the region's pre-contact history. This mensetzung identifiziert. Bearbeitete Obsidian Artefakte von is especially so given that a number of researchers are zwei Fundstellen, 25 km und 38 km von ihrer Quelle Nolan's currently undertaking long-term archaeological research Creek, werden beschrieben, zusammen mit einem Versuch, ihren in southem Cape York Peninsula (cf Campbell 1982; Ursprung zu ermitteln. Die meisten, wenn n'lcht alle, der David 1989; Morwood 1989). In at least two cases archdologischen Exemplare scheinen entweder von Nolan's (Morwood and David) this research focuses on the nature Creek herzustammen. oder von dortigen nahen anderen Quellen. und weitere systematische Forschung in das Vorkommen von and antiquity of land use strategies on both a local and Obsidian in der weiteren Umgebung mag weitere Ursprungs- regional scale, involving investigations of the stmcture of fundorte zutage bringen. Vorldufige technologische Beobach- inter-regional relations and alliance networks through tungen werden erwdhnt. doch eine detaillierte Besprechung time (e.g. David 1991; David and Cole 1990). Until now, dieses Themas liegt ausserhalb des Rahmens der gegenwdrtigen there has been a focus on the distribution of stylistic forms Abhandlung. through time and space in order to investigate changes in inter-regional relations and territorial concerns (e.g. David Resumen. Una fuente de obsidiana recientemente descu- and Cole 1990). The identification of easily traceable bierta en la Peninsula de Cape York es descrita, y una elemental stone materials in the region may prove highly significant huella digital identificada. Artefactos de obsidiana provenientes in developing and testing information exchange models de lascas de dos situos ubicados a 25 v 38 Kms. de la fuente de for north Queensland and beyond. Further sampling and Nolan's Creek son tambien descritos, junto con un intento de measurements of both the Nolan's Creek obsidian source, determinar su origen. Se concluye que la mayoria, si no son and other reported but unconfirmed sources, are now todos, los especimenes arqueologicos probablemente se origi- naron ya sea en Nolan's Creek o enfuentes cercanas, y que mds needed to establish the range and composition of the vari­ investigaciones sistemdticas relacionadas con la existencia de ous obsidians from the Chillagoe region. obsidiana en toda la region podrian revelar la ubicacidn de fuentes adicionales. Observaciones tecnoldgicas preliminares Bruno David son tambien realizadas, aunque discusiones detalladas sobre Department of Anthropology and Sociology este tema estdn mds alia de los objetivos de este articulo. The University of Queensland, Qld 4072 Australia Roger Bird REFERENCES Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation Private Mail Bag 1 CAMPBELL, J. 1982. New radiocarbon results for north Menai, N.S.W. 2234 Queensland prehistory. Australian Archaeology 14: 62-7. Australia DAVID, B. 1989. Prehistoric rock art of southern Cape York Richard Fullagar Peninsula. Rock Art Research 6: 153-5. Division of Anthropology DAVID, B. 1990. Echidna's Rest: a site report. Queensland Australian Museum Archaeological Research 1: 73-94. P.O. Box A285 DAJ/ID, B. 1991. Fem Cave, rock art and social formations: Sydney South, N.S.W. 2000 rock art regionalisation and demographic models in south­ Australia eastern Cape York Peninsula. Archaeology in Oceania 26: 41-57. Lana Little DAVID, B. and N. COLE 1990. Rock art and inter-regional Queensland National Parks and Wildlife Service interaction in northeast Australian prehistory. Antiquity 64: Chillagoe, Qld 4871 788-806. Australia MORWOOD, M. 1989. The archaeology of Aboriginal art in S.E. Cape York: a research proposal. Rock Art Research 6: Final MS received .^1 July 1992 71-2. SPECHT, J. in prep. Obsidian economising and exchange in Resume. On decrit un gisement d'obsidienne recemment southwest New Britain, Papua New Guinea. redecouvert au sud-est de la Peninsule du Cap York, et on iden- WITTER, D., R. FULLAGAR and C. PARDOE in press. The tifie une empreinte elementaire. On decrit aussi des pierres Terramungamine incident. Records of the Australian d'obsidienne taillees provenant de deux sites situes a 25 km et a Museum. 38 km du gisement de Nolan's Creek; on essaye aussi de deter­ TA 15^)08 miner leur source. Nous concluons que la plupart, sinon tous les 357

Appendix G: ROCK ART OF REGIONS LOCATED TO THE SOUTH AND WEST OF THE STUDY REGION

WHITE MOUNTAINS

The southem section of the North Queensland Highlands is a mgged area of dissected tablelands, scarps, deep gorges, hills and plains ranging from 500-1000 metres A.S.L.. Located some 340km inland from Townsville, the region is drained by 5 major river systems - the Burdekin to the east; the Thompson to the south; and the Flinders, Norman and Gilbert to the west. (Morwood & Godwin n.d.: 1).

Until Moi^ood's (1990b, 1992) major surveys for rock art sites, the White Mountains of the Flinders River basin was poorly known archaeologically. As Morwood & Godwin (n.d.: 1) note, a number of authors had previously identified a 'predominance of stencil art and pecked engravings in the region', although little systematic work had been attempted until Morwood's research. Although the latter (Morwood & Godwin n.d.) recorded 81 rock art sites from the region, the recording forms from only 38 sites were located from the files of the Department of Environment and Heritage (Brisbane), where the files are stored. The following descriptions, and the lists presented in Chapter 19, are the results of my own analysis of these forms. The rock art of the White Mountains consist of paintings, stencils, prints, peckings, abraded and composite designs (Table Gl). StencUs are the most common technique, with both peckings and abrasions also being important. Paintings contribute a mere 1.3% of the rock art. Two pecked and abraded human feet, one pecked and abraded geometric design, and a single pounded geometric figure, were also identified from the White Mountains surveys reported by Morwood. As Morwood & Godwin (n.d.) have suggested, the White Mountains rock art would not be out of place among a Central Queensland assemblage (see Morwood 1979). This is so of both the relative proportions of techniques employed, and the range and proportions of motifs in each technique.

Table Gl: Proportions of pictures by technique: White Mountains (calculated from Morwood's individual site recording forms).

Technique # of Pictures % of Pictures Paintings 18 1.3 Stencils 854 60.3 Peckings 378 26.7 Poundings 1 0.1 Abrasions 162 11.4 Composites 3 0.2 358

Paintings Only 18 paintings were recorded. Of these, non-figurative designs, and especially geometric forms such as circles and single lines, predominate (Table G3). Other linear forms are present, as are bird tracks and what appear to be macropod front paw tracks. Most paintings are in red or white, and all are monochrome Unear designs.

Table G2: Colours and modes of painting (percentages): White Mountains (calculated from Morwood's individual site recording forms).

Colour Linear Designs

Red 27.8 Pink 5.6 White 61.1 YeUow 5.6

Table G3: Painted motifs: White Mountains (calculated from Morwood's individual site recording forms).

Motif # of Paintings % of Paintings

Tracks Bird 3 16.7 Macropod (firont paws) 1 5.6 Non-Figurative Geometric 7 38.9 Other linear 6 33.3 Sets of Dots 1 5.6

Stencils 818 of the 854 stencils recorded (95.8%) are of hands. Of those, 13 are hand stencil variants, including seven with the litde finger or a joint from the little finger missing, one with the thumb missing, one with the two outer fingers concealed, one with the mid-fingers joined, one with all fingers joined, and one of a fist. Some or all of these could represent mutilated fingers, or, altematively, they could indicate the practice of bending certain fingers during the making of stencils. Hand stencil variants are also present in the Central Queensland Highlands (Morwood 1979). Other objects stencilled are feet (0.7% of stencils), boomerangs (1.1%), axes (0.4%), shields or coolimans (0.1%), sticks (0.4%), unidentified objects (1.5%), and blown sets of dots (0.1%). These objects follow closely the distribution of stencils in central Queensland to the south, although the latter contain a broader range of objects probably as a result of a much larger sample set. Colours used are red (81.7% of stencils), white (7.5%), orange (7.4%) and yellow (3.0%), with some rare brown stencils also present (0.4%). 359

Engravings Peckings, poundings and abrasions are all found in the region. Peckings are the most common form of engraving, contributing 26.7% of the art, with abrasions contributing 11.4% and poundings 0.1%. The range of pecked motifs is similar to the paintings, with non- figurative designs, and especially circles and other geometric forms, other linear motifs, and bird and macropod tracks being predominant (Table G4). Many of the peckings were very patinated, but this could not be quantified because not enough detail was available from the recording forms.

Table G4: Pecked motifs: White Mountains (calculated from Morwood's individual site recording forms).

Motif # of Peckings % of Peckings

Figurative Anthropomorph 7 1.9 Snake 1 0.3 Tracks Bird 74 19.6 Macropod 22 5.8 Human Foot 7 1.9

Non-Figurative Geometric 217 57.4 Other linear 22 5.8 Sets of Dots 4 1.1 Grid 15 4.0 Radiating Designs S 2.4

162 abraded designs were identified. The most common forms were grids (including sets of parrallel lines), geometric figures (including circles), sets of dots and bird tracks. This distribution closely follows that for peckings and paintings. No figiu'ative abrasions, apart for tracks, were identified (Table G5).

Table G5: Abraded motifs: White Mountains (calculated from Morwood's individual site recording forms).

Motif # of Abrasions % of Abrasions

Tracks Bird 40 24.7 Macropod 5 3.1 Non-Figurative Geometric 30 18.5 Other linear 2 1.2 Sets of Dots 27 16.7 Grid 56 34.6 Radiating Designs 1 1.2 360

AGATE CREEK Agate Creek is located some 75km south of Forsayth . Cole (n.d.) has undertaken limited surveys along Agate Creek and its tributaries, exploring associated sandstone formations bordering the creek system. Most sites occur 'near the edges or bases of eroded escarpments, or on plateaus behind escarpments. Around half of the recorded sites occur within eroded clifflines; the rest are situated within large detached blocks' (Cole n.d.: 2). The individual recording forms from 19 of the 32 rock art sites recorded by Cole (located in the Department of Environment and Heritage office, Brisbane) were analysed for the purposes of this thesis (results presented below). Recording forms for a further five partially recorded sites were also present, but because the forms did not contain full motif counts, they were not included in this analyis.

Table G6: Proportion of pictures by technique: Agate Creek (calculated from Cole's individual site recording forms). Technique # of Pictures % of Pictures Paintings 46 8.1 Stencils 400 70.3 Prints 10 1.8 Peckings 113 19.9

Paintings

Table G7: Colours and modes of painting (percentages): Agate Creek (calculated from Cole's individual site recording forms).

Mode of Painting

Colour 1 2 led 76.1 6.5 Orange 13.0 Yellow 4.3 l=Linear:Desig n 2=InfiU

Table G8: Painted motifs:: Agate Creek (calculated from Cole's individual site recording forms).

Motif # of Paintings % of Paintings Figurative Anthropomorph 3 6.5 Tracks BW If 41.3 Non-Figurative Geometric 12 26.1 Other linear 8 17 4 Grid % 43 Radiating Designs 2 4.3 361

Painting is not a major technique at Agate Creek. Most of the paintings are red linear designs, and all paintings are monochrome. Non-figurative paintings predominate (52.2% of paintings), with most consisting of circles and their variants. Bird tracks are also common (41.3%), with figurative designs (anthropomorphs) being rare (6.5%). No zoomorphs were observed.

Stencils and Prints The most common technique is stencilling. Stencils occur in all of the sites recorded by Cole (n.d.: 3). Stencilled objects include hands, feet, boomerangs, spearthrowers and sticks. Hands account for 94.0% of stencilled objects. No other object accounts for more than 3.0% of stencils. Stencils are usually undertaken in red (96.8%), with yellow (2.3%), orange (0.5%) and white (0.5%) also present Ten hand prints were also recorded, all of which were done in red.

Peckings 113 peckings were recorded, accounting for 19.9% of the art (Table G9). They appear both in patinated and unpatinated forms. Cole (n.d.: 3-4) notes:

engraving is also a major technique at Agate Creek, and around 1/3 of recorded sites contain engravings. Preliminary analysis of tracings reveals that engravings are most commonly variations on the form of a circle: e.g. pits, dots and rings. These can occur m clusters, series, or scattered 'randomly'. Clusters of rings and dots may consist of a few or many motifs. Some dots series contain over 100 separate pecked marks. Circle-type motifs may also be incorporated within other 'designs', which also usually feature meandering lines. Sometimes the arrangement of curved lines gives a maze-like effect to designs. ... pits and bird tracks tend to be fully patinated ... whereas dots, circles, and meandering linear designs appear to have less patination and are frequently sh^ow and fresh-looking.

Table G9: Pecked motifs: Agate Creek (calculated fromCole' s individual site recording forms).

Motif # of Peckings % of Peckings

Tracks Bird 3 2.7 Macropod (front paws) 1 0.9 Macropod (hind feet) 1 0.9 Non-Figurative Geometric 87 77.0 Other linear 2 1.8 Sets of Pits and Circles 19 16.8

LAWN HILL Lawn Hill is located near the northwestern comer of Queensland. It contains both sandstone and limestone outcrops. The rock art of Lawn Hill has been studied by Morwood (pers. comm. 1991) and Border (pers. comm. 1990), each of whom has undertaken systematic surveys of selected bluffs. Neither of these studies has yet been published. The following analysis is based on Border's recordings (his recording forms were obtained straight from him). Twenty rock art sites were recorded by Border. Painting is the predominant rock art 362

technique, accounting for 80 of the 123 pictures documented (Table GIO). Abraded grooves, hand stencils and prints were also present, but neither peckings nor poundings were recorded. Although this could be a function of sample size, this is surprising given the known abundance of peckings in rock art sites to the immediate south and southwest (e.g. Morwood 1985).

Table GIO: Proportion of pictures by technique: Lawn Hill (calculated from Border's individual site recording forms).

Technique # of Pictures % of Pictures

Paintings 80 65.0 Stencils 1 0.8 Prints 2 1.6 Abrasions 40 32.5

Paintings Most of the 80 paintings were undertaken in red monochrome, and the majority are linear designs. Some bichrome and polychrome paintings are also present. The latter is unusual for such a small assemblage, as they are particularly rare in all parts of north Queensland described in this thesis. Nevertheless, they only contribute 1.3% of paintings at Lawn Hill.

Table Gil: Colours and modes of painting (percentages): Lawn Hill (calculated from Border's individual site recording forms).

Mode of Painting

Colour 12 3 4 5

Red 61.3 15.0 White 2.5 YeUow 6.3 Black 2.5 Red and White 2.5 3.8 RedandYeUow 1.3 13 YeUow and White 1.3 Black and Grey I.3 Red, White and YeUow 1.3

l=Linear Design 2=InfiU 3=0utline/Inmi 4=InfiU/hitemal Decoration 5=OutUne/Infm/IntemaI Decoration

The Lawn Hill paintings consist of a broad range of non-figurative designs, consisting principally of geometric and linear motifs, such as circles, irregular sets of lines (both angular and curvilinear). Few motifs occur more than once, although bird tracks are common (fifteen [18.8% of paintings] have been observed, making this the most common form amongst the Lawn Hill paintings). Long, single lines, some of which are outiined and infilled, also occur more than once, but tiie general impression is of a broad formal range characterised by linear forms and a general lack of figurative designs (with the exception of bird tracks, a human hand and a boomerang shape). There is a lack of standardisation of dominant painting forms, with a broad range of designs who for tiie most part consist of a small number of lines arranged into 363 structurally 'simple' non-figurative motifs. Table G12: Painted motifs: Lawn HiU (calculated from site recording forms suppUed by Border). Motif # of Paintings % of Paintings Figurative Boomo^ng 1 1.3 Tracks Bird IS 18.8 Human (hand) 1 1.3 Non-Figurative Geometric 11 13.8 Other Unear M 30.0 Grid i 10.0 Radiating Designs 5 6.3 Area 15 18.8

Other Techniques Forty abraded designs have been recorded, mostly consisting of grids, including sets of parrallel lines (42.5% of abrasions), radiating lines (5.0%), geometric forms (12.5%), sets of dots (5.0%), other non-figurative linear designs (27.5%), bird tracks (5.0%) and one human figure (2.5%). These are, for the most part, shallow incisions undertaken in a relatively soft rock matrix. The only other form of art recorded by Border were one red hand stencil and two red hand prints.

MT. ISA Mt. Isa is located in northwestern Queensland, south of Lawn Hill. The only systematic recordings of art sites from the area appear in Morwood (1985), who presents a motif break­ down of paintings and engravings from two major sites. One site - Saxby Waterhole - contains 67 determinate paintings in monochrome red, white and in red and white bichrome. Morwood's (1985: Table 2) report contains a complete recording of the site's motifs. The second site - Carbine Creek - is an open site near the base of the Carbine Creek gorge:

This is an extensive engraving site at the head of Carbine Creek near Dajarra... From the bed of the gorge rugged talus slopes of varying length rise steeply up to the walls of the gorge which are sheer. The rock matrix is a vertically bedded, stressed sandstone, with quartzite in places. Engravings usuaUy occur on rock faces which are transversed to the schistose structure which is ver stable ... At the eastem end water enters the gorge via a waterfall about fifteen metres in height. At the base of the faU there is a scoured-out waterhole while at the top there is a large rock hole, four metres deep, in the bed of the creek. This is probably a permanent water source. (Morwood 1985: 141-142).

The Carbine Creek engraving site was divided into eight sections, six of which were systematically recorded (Morwood 1985: 142). The following analysis is therefore based on a complete recording of delineated sections of the site only, and tiie absolute numbers of 364 engravings at the whole site is therefore greater than that presented below. Given that only two sites have been systematically recorded and published from the Mt. Isa region, the following analysis is presented as a general indication only of the nature of the art in the area. As sample size is very small, numbers should be used with caution.

Saxby Waterhole Although most of the paintings at Saxby Waterhole are monochrome, Morwood (1985) does not present data identifying the numbers of different colours used. Nevertheless, we are told that red and, to a lesser degree, white pigments predominate.

Table G13: Painted motifs: Saxby Waterhole (Mt. Isa) (after Morwood 1985: Table 2).

Motif # of Paintings % of Paintings

Figurative Anthropomorph 12 17.9 Tracks Bird 4 6.0 Non-Figurative Geometric 35 52.2 Other linear 6 9.0 Grid 10 14.9

The principle motif forms are non-figurative geometric and grid designs. All are linear, with a total absence of infilled paintings except for the anthropomorphs (some of which are bichrome). This is similar to the situation further north around Lawn Hill, and to a lesser degree it is also reminiscent of the Rookwood, Mungana, Chillagoe and Ootan paintings (see Chapter 18). Nevertheless, an important difference is the numerical importance of radiating designs in the latter sub-regions, whereas such figures are totally absent from Saxby Waterhole. The overall impression is one of a broad range of linear non-figurative designs from all these areas, with differences in predominant motif forms.

Carbine Creek 715 determinate engravings were recorded from the Carbine Creek site (Morwood 1985: Table 1). Although Morwood (1985: 143) notes that 'the most recent engravings at the site have been lightiy battered through the rock patina to expose the underlying bright-yellow sandstone and... many of the older motifs have been deeply pecked into the rock', he does not differentiate between pounded and pecked engravings. The most common motif types are non-figurative designs - geometric, grid, radiating and other linear figures. Tracks are also common, especially bird tracks. Figurative motifs are rare and restricted to anthropomorphs and lizards. As was the case with the Saxby Waterhole paintings, non-figurative designs include a broad range of motifs. As Morwood notes. 365

the majority of identifiable motifs ... are of geometric designs - circles, dots, stars, arcs, line series and grids ... These may be shown individually but are often elements in elaborate composites connected by line mazes and making quantification difficult and arbitrary. Despite Roth's comment regarding the use of circles on local omaments and implements, simple, barred, gridded, concentric, linked and spiral circles are the most commonly represented designs (forty-one percent) while figurative engravings of 'human', Uzards etc. comprise a mere three percent. (1985: 142).

Roth's comment referred to above is his statement that 'the representation of a circle is only met with on omaments and implements coming from and to the west of the upper Georgina district'(Roth 1897: 116). In general, the range and proportions of engraved motif forms from the Mt. Isa region appear to be similar to those of paintings, although it must be remembered that the sample size is extremely small. Table G14: Engraved motifs: Carbine Creek (Mt. Isa) (after Morwood 1985: Table 1). Note that in Morwood (1985: Table 1), total numbers of engravings (including indeterminate pictures) total 809, whereas in the text he notes that the recordings yielded 'a total of 806 engravings' (Morwood 1985: 142). 1 have used 809 as the figure (minus 94 indeterminates) as this is broken down into a motif-by-motif count

Motif # of Engra^thing s % of Engravings Figurative Anthropomorph m 1.7 Lizard 6 0.8 Tracks Biid 75 10.5 Macropod la 1.7 Dog .« 1.1 Human (hand) s 1.3 Non-Figurative Geometric 198 27.7 Other linear 109 15.2 Grid 185 25.9 Radiating Designs 56 7.8 Sets of Dots 45 6.3 366 367

Appendix H: MULTIDIMENSIONAL SCALING AND CLUSTER ANALYSIS: DISCUSSION ¥ David Chant and Bruno David (DC: Department of Social Science University of Queensland)

Any statistical analysis of more than a descriptive nature is predicated on certain assumptions about the substantive and distributional nature of the underlying raw data. From the start, there is the question of the representative nature of the data: is it in any sense close to the 'random sample' assumption at the heart of statistical sampling? Put another way, is the data plausibly just one of a larger set of possible samples forming a statistical 'population', each such sample being equally likely to be chosen by the researcher. Altematively, is the data to hand the 'population' itself, with no further samples ever being available. The tmth probably lies in between; the data used here is a sample (rather than the population), in the sense that further field-work would provide further data. It may be close to a random sample, if we feel that discovery in field-work is a random phenomenon. Altematively, it is more likely that there is a substantial systematic effect present in the sampling, given that all of the data analysed was collected systematically. Because of this, it is therefore assumed, rather than shown, that the data presented in Part C of this thesis are representative of the various sub-regions analysed. This assumption will not be tested here. The descriptive statistics for the attributes analysed are presented at the end of this appendix for both weighted and unweighted analysis (that is, minimum, maximum, mean and standard deviation for each set of variables analysed). The weighted analysis takes into account the number of observations used in calculating percentages, while the unweighted does not Once there is agreement on the substantive nature of the sample (that is, how representative and hypothetically replicable it is), distributional problems arise. Should the analyses be weighted or unweighted? The weighted analyses favour those sites where many observations were taken. If the number of observations taken reflect tiie population distribution of the attribute in qoestibn, then weighted analysis is appropriate. However, if the number of observations taken is, at least in part, a reflection of the availability to tiie researcher (or ease of collection) of the attribute, then the weighted analysis favours the happenstance of field-work rather than the underlying incidence of the attribute. Given tiiat a number of surveying strategies were used to collect tiievariou s sub-regional sample sets, the data have not been weighted, although tiie data were in all cases collected systematically. 368

At tiie next level, the nature of the formal statistical analyses of weighted or unweighted data depends on the mathematical nature of the sample data. Is the sample reasonably consistent with normality? Is variation within a given sub-region fairly constant? Clearly, this is not tiie case. The percentage distributions have variability dependent on magnitude (formally, the variance is a function of the mean). The distribution of any one aspect of an attribute (for example, any one colour) contains outiiers (observations discrepant from tiie body of tiie data) which nulUfy tiie usual inferences derived from statistical analysis. Nevertheless, the outiiers are valid, substantively interesting outcomes; there is no sense in removing them from the data base. Furthermore, applying statistical analysis of variance (ANOVA) to tiie variables used to generate a set of clusters is frowned upon, as, essentially, tiie ANOVA capitalises to a misleading extent on the clustering process (capitalising on chance) (see Aldenderfer & Blashfield 1984: 64-65). Because of tiiese issues, the following analyses have been restricted to tiie mapping processes of MDS and cluster analysis, which do not depend on formal statistical modelling. Before discussing these methods, we outline the variables analysed by them.

FIGURATIVE, NON-FIGURATIVE AND TRACK FORMS The first analysis undertaken compares proportions of figurative, track and non-figurative designs. These are geared to a broad characterisation of sub-regional motif/<9A7/W.

SPECIFIC MOTIF FORMS The pattems obtained from the above analysis are further explored by differentiating the rock art into more specific forms. Faunal categories (including animal tracks) are identified where possible, and non-figurative designs are sub-divided into recurrent themes. The aims of this analysis are to further investigate the various formal conventions used in the different sub- regions.

OUTLINING, INFILLING AND INTERNAL DECORATIONS In this test, the use of line and space is analysed with respect to proportions of outlined, infilled and intemaUy decorated pictures. Various combinations are also identified. The aims of this analysis are to determine spatial patteming in the artistic conventions used in the creation of individual images. These variables are independent of motif forms. MONOCHROME, BICHROME AND POLYCHROME The numbers of colours used in each painting are analysed here. Proportions of monochrome, bichrome and polychrome paintings are identified from each sub-region.

COLOURS USED It is recognised that the natural avaUability of colours within each sub-region may have influenced the distribution of colours in the art. This will be taken into account when the statistical results are interpreted. Nevertheless, some colours are available throughout the region (e.g. black charcoal), and, in such cases, tiieir use (or lack of) cannot simply be attributed to 369 differences in avaUability.

The Multivariate Statistics: Descriptions of Methods Used The aims of the statistical analysis are to determine the statistical relationship of each sub- region, by treating each variable as a discrete data set. To do tiiis, a measure of the dissimilarities (or distances) between the sub-regions is established for each attribute of interest (e.g. the colours used in the paintings). Kruskal and Wish (1978: 5, quoting Shepard 1962) describe Multidimensional Scaling (MDS) as 'set of mathematical techniques tiiat enables a researcher to uncover the hidden stmcture of data bases', a description that applies also to Cluster Analysis. MDS locates points (in our case, the sub-regions) in a spatial configuration or 'map'. Having located the sub-regions in multidimensional space, tiie hidden stmcture, or theoretical meaning of tiie spatial representation of the sub-regions, can be determined. The spatial representations in Cluster Analysis are either 1), a hierarchic tree-structure, caUed a dendrogram, showing the separation of dissimilar sub-regions and the closeness of similar ones, or 2), a given number of clusters of sub-regions that are as similar as possible within a cluster and as different as possible between clusters.

MEASURES OF DISSIMILARITY This section draws extensively on Davison (1983: 2-3 & 85-87). MDS and Cluster Analysis are procedures for studying the stmcture of objects (sub-regions, in this case), specifically by estimating the parameters in, and assessing the fit of spatial distance models for, proximity data. Proximity is measured by dissimilarity, a concept analogous to distance, which makes three basic assumptions: 1) if two objects are identical, their dissimilarity is zero, and that if they differ, their dissimilarity is positive; 2) an object is identical to itself; and 3) an object a must be as dissimUar from an object i? as 6 is from a. The measures used to operationalise dissimilarity - such as Euclidean distance - satisfy these three conditions and usually satisfy a fourth condition called the 'triangle inequality', which states that the distance from object a to object c is at least the sum of the two distances between objects a and b, and objects b and c. These four conditions thus define a distance in what mathematicians call a 'Metric Space', and dissimilarity is analogous to this concept. The MDS plots and Cluster Analysis dendrograms presented in this study were obtained using tiie MDS and CLUSTER modules in SYSTAT statistical software (WUkinson 1990), employing Euclidean distance as the measure of dissimilarity, and KruskaVs Stress Formula 1 as the measure of fit (in MDS). A brief description of these two concepts is now presented, preceded by some remarks about co-ordinate systems. 370

CO-ORDINATE SYSTEMS Let x^ and Xjj^ be the co-ordinate (in this instance, either a raw or derived score) of attribute k for sites i and j. The values of x^ also vary with the two contexts in which they occur. These are: 1) In the first case, the co-ordinates represent the input data itself, that data being the percentage distribution of the attribute within a sub-region. For example, the percentage distribution of the colour attribute across 19 colour combinations at Koolbmra Plateau is 61.1 (red), 16.6 (white), 0.7 (black), ..., 0.0 (black and grey). The respective proportions at Jackass Station are 55.6, 9.3, 0.0,..., 0.0 (see Tables 60 & 63 and Chapter 19). 2) Within the MDS and clustering algorithms, the co-ordinates no longer represent the input data itself, but rather forms of standardised co-ordinates whose distances (in MDS) reproduce the rank order of the dissimilarities as closely as possible, and (in Cluster Analysis) are used in conjunction with a linkage method to form clusters of sub-regions.

DISSIMILARITY: EUCLIDEAN DISTANCE The Euclidean distance djj between sites i and j is the root mean squared distance between the sites. For the example in 1) above, the Euclidean distance between Koolburra Plateau and Jackass Station is based on 19 colours and is given by

V(((61.1-55.6)2-»-(16.6-9.3)2-(-(0.7-0.0)2-i-...+(0.0-0.0)2)719) = V(414.12/19) = 4.67.

FIT MEASURE: KRUSKAL'S STRESS FORMULA 1 IN MDS Kmskal's MDS algorithm is used to estimate co-ordinates x^^ from data that, apart from sampling eiror, satisfy s, ~~m,) = f|(s|x^-x^j'^)^/''j where f() is any monotonic function and p=2 for Euclidean distance. Note that the djj, \^ and Xjj^ are theoretical quantities, or parameters, to be estimated in the distance model (they are no longer to be interpreted as the raw input scores and input dissimilarities). The d^: are the disparities, which are computed to be as near to the estimates of the d^j as possible, subject to monotonicity and their reproducing the rank order of tiie input dissimilarities. Kmskal uses the distances djj and tiiedisparitie s 3jj to define various fit measures called stress; the final MDS co­ ordinates (or configuration) correspond to tiie minimum stress. The co-ordinates are standardised in SYSTAT so tiiat tiie co-ordinate points sum to zero in each dimension, and hence are centred at the origin; and the sum of squares (or total variability) of all the co-ordinates equals the number of objects being scaled (not one, as stated in the SYSTAT manual). This latter standardisation permits assessment of the relative strengths accorded to tiie dimensions in terms of tiieir contribution to the total variability. The measure 371 used here is stress formula 1 (Sj), given by 'S(8.,-d/^"^ 1.J S. 2J Cl: : where the distances and disparities are now numerical estimates at any stage of the algorithm. Kmskal and Wish (1978) recommend against accepting solutions whose stress is above 0.1, and remark that it is seldom necessary to add dimensions beyond the number required to reduce the stress below 0.05. Thus, the question of dimensionality is reduced to whether the observed solution is essentiaUy uni-dimensional (the x-axis in the plots), and to what interpretation to give the dimension, or whether the second dimension (the y-axis) is also interpretable. Table HI presents the stress values for each of the analyses undertaken in Chapter 19. The analysis of specific motif forms (painted), with a stress factor of 0.11, is the only case where the stress factor is above 0.1, showing, in this case, that the two principal dimensions (x- and y-axes) may not contain the full complement of significant variation. However, for consistency of interpretations, a two-dimensional solution has been retained.

Table HI: Measures of stress for the data sets analysed. VARIABLES ANALYSED STRESS Figurative, non-figurative and track forms (peckings) 0.0(X)3 Specific motif forms (peckings) 0.071 Figurative, non-figurative and track forms (paintings) 0.001 Specific motif forms (paintings) 0.11 Outlines, infills and intemal decorations (paintings) 0.004 Monochrome, bichrome, polychrome (paintings) 0.002 Colours used (paintings) 0.07

LINKAGE IN CLUSTER ANALYSIS Hierarchic clustering algorithms join or divide units (in our case, sub-regions) from clusters by a number of linkage methods (a non-technical discussion can be found in Aldenderfer and Blashfield [1984]; a matiiematical treattnent is given in Hartigan [1975]). The methods employed here are: 1) Single linkage. The distance between two clusters of sub-regions is taken as the distance between the two closest members of those clusters. The method produces long, drawn out clusters. This method focuses on the most similar variables. 2) Average linkage. The distance between two clusters is the average of aU distances between pairs of sub-regions in different clusters. The compactness of tiie clusters tends to lie between single and complete linkage clusters. 3) Complete linkage. The distance between two clusters is taken as the distance between the two most distant members of those clusters. This method thus focuses on the variables that contain tiiegreates t dissimilarity. The method tends to produce compact clusters. 372

DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS

Unweighted Analysis

000*0 o o r^ — o j^ O ro O rn .-. O -< O o

O O vo •

— 0000

O O O 00 000 — — O —' o o

O O ov '- o o n JS ^ o -n q -; — 0000 o o >o o o o vo ejv o o »n cn --« o »/^ o ^^ o o Ov ts o o o o --

o o cs cn O o ^ cn ^0000 II

O O vo Tj- o o o cs .-0000 O O vo Tt o o o cs D t^ °.-. <=>. °.P. — 0000 II BL. O O Ov ov o o cs Ov ^ q -"t q q ^ ed o e3 o o o <»> cs o o . vci '^ <= ^ O '- — •* o o o vo cn o r~ o •* r- "R ^ ""^ ^ o ^ -4 cs o O O 00 Tt o cs — — -- o -^ CS •* II o >- O O 00 .- O 00 ^ vo r- "= -.; "^ f": ^ O — cn cn o O o »n vo O cs vo cn c •a ^^ o cs »n 00 c o m o o o vo vo o — "o cn r- °. -^ Ov Ov .-• Cr vo .-c ^ 9 O o cs 00 O O 00 cn q CSV r~- >o r^ »r» cn

»> a 9 >

4» S S S cn 373

Table H3: Numbers of colours used, paintings (total observations = 23).

Monochrome Bichrome Polychrome

# Cases 22 12 il Minimum 13.000 0.000 0.000 Maximum 100.000 87.000 1.300 Mean 82.832 17.086 0.082 St. Dev, 21.816 21.827 0.286

Table H4: Outlines, Infills and intemal decorations, paintings (total observations = 23).

Infill Linear Outline/ Outline/ Outline/ Infill/ Design Infill Infill/ Int. Dec. Int. Dec. Int. Dec.

# Cases 16 16 16 16 16 16 Minimum 0.000 2.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 Maximum 87.600 100.000 47.600 22.500 2.700 9.700 Mean 38.794 50.456 5.944 2.138 0.319 2.375 St. Dev. 34.900 41.489 11.741 5.804 0.855 3.211

Table H5: General motif forms, paintings (total observations = 23).

Figurative Tack Non-Figurative

# Cases 23 23 23 Minimum 0.000 0.000 0.000 Maximum 90.800 41.300 89.600 Mean 51.522 10.474 38.004 St. Dev. 38.725 10.257 33.213

Table H7: General motif forms, peckings (total observations = 23).

Figurative Tack Non-Figurative

# Cases 11 11 11 Minimum 0.000 4.400 11.100 Maximum 8.400 88.900 95.600 Mean 2.827 28.182 69.000 St. Dev. 3.220 25.486 26.026 374

O O oo w-» O O -t ON ^^ O NO »n cn cs o »n C3 ^ o o O O P- ^ O O cn ON O ts —' Ov O oo oo Tt « <« o fO . ON • • 2 B JS cs O ^ ^ "^ cs o -- -- •* B II II H >« cn 00 ^ cs

o ^ cn o o »n 00 O O Ov vo O O ^O o\ O 00 .-I Ov cn •-? d d cs (S o

o o o o o O O O oo q Tt o ov r^ Tj- fO .28 3 .33 4 o ' .—< oo cs O vo o m ^ >o . . -^ cs o <-< cn ""a- a> V a a. o o *V* o o o rt IO o e vo >o o I— !• L. ,.., o • Ov .-I ja B u cn tn . r^ . . 0.00 0 3.60 0 d d a Qt "b cs O cs IO oo 04 m a. 0* O vo ^H b. o O O Ov Tf o o cs o o o o •* o cs q q ja a ao o 1— r- r- «rf

o o o cn cn q q r^ ri CO cn'P'" 9 -^ cs d T1-' o '- cs o o o o

o o o O O Ov O o o I-- O O O vo q •* o 00 CO „ qcn -; cn f cs d r-^ -^ ^ cs o — o o ^3 •o o o o o o o cn vo ^2^- ° o o r- o o -< p- ^ ja o, (^ M o — vo j^ O vo cn cn cn fli u b » ^ cs d cs d d cs d >d d -- X.!l B "-S II II cn o M a *^ o o vo vo o o cs o •« »H o«o »ss E '* o o cs o o IO IO N cn O oo cs ov j^ q cs q cs cs d vd '-' -^ cs d -^ d d a vo O O •* -H 00 u> 5 « u a cn o o o cs 6.63 9 2 3 0.00 0 48.90 0 « ^ a • a s r4 o o o o C II II II H II o II (s e p- 'I' o >o o o oo ^ ^ rt cs cs cn * vo cs o o r^ vo cn vo cs ^ q cs q cs

cs 0.00 0 48.80 0 »o cs d --^ d d

o o t— oo o o IO IO

q — •* cn cn <= "-. -1 ^i 2«O £o w» a« -iQ a2 cs d r4 d d cs o o o o a ti -a w n — •O II II II II II o o oo -^ II M oMo cn » o o o o t~ 00 cn <-i

Weighted Analysis

O O rH >0 ; o o r< VO n •* O rH O O

O •* 00 ft. O O vo •* _, O o •* en O cs vo t~ C; qo cs -^ I <=> -^ ..: ^ I o p- -H cs •a- o o o o

O O vo rH .^ O O oo oo O O cn cs cz S go O CJv ^ q •* q ^ So °. T: -: -< d d d d » b •* O rH O O a. ec o cn M II II Tf -^ O O CS OO o o "O -H 1^ »N «2oo 2 cn O o •<* p- 2 q IO q rH ^Od^";- n Tt- o o o o -H O t 00 -H O cn ja ti. O O in IO ^ O O O P- o o •* TC 1. Z « ^qp o cn -nOd'i-.i o Tt O IO rH rH .-I O ^ 00 -H a u o O O >o cn i~ ^ o o c^ o O Ov •«* cn Ma *4 2 oo M- vo -.Oi^o-n O OJ « q wi -- IO -H O cs 00 Ov 5 ® ^ O vo o o S *• o o o o « -_ o o •* cn O vo O rH o S o o cs xt .-_ I O . r^• ov. 00. II cs ^.H O »-l •«* IO •«*• o o o o o cs -H O O 00 00 O O vo It O Ov rH ov n S; o o cn Ov Z Jg q ^ q q rH q oo Ov ^ Tf o o o o rH O oo rH cs e2 o O O Ov rH ^ o o cn 00 J< c •^ o o rH oo O •* O Tf >< S q q ov Tf _H o ~; t^ o rH , cn . . •^ o Ov .-I cn ..^ O i~* r-i ^ o o O O vo Ov o ov o\ o o cn vo o ^ O O Ov vo .•Pd^*'; 5 o 00 q q I O cs cs IO 00 9 cn IO rH tf O ocn rH rH O O 00 p- N a s ^ o o O p- O O rH DO S II II K o o -i OS rH d •* d r.< « ® vd <= f-. CO Tt O rH rH cn o II O O Ov >0 O O vo cs cn o o o o B I q Tf IO p^ S 9,.; -^ °. I d 00 rH cs It- O rH cs •* •s 5Z o O O 00 o o O 00 oo J< 'O <• ca O O rH vo ; o cs vo IO a b V vo o.^ cn vo ^ q CS q q 00 o .a a ^ O rH rH CS » rH d d d d M II II II o o Ov o\ II e 1^ _^ o o > ^ q o(> rH cs S 9 r; ^. « •* o rH -^ cn rH d d d d to I o o o o o\ Z .^ O O 00 vo o o o •* K o cs >o

o o o -^ dd d d oo wi cn rH IO II I •* cs 00 lO rH aa 00 a a S a a >• M 9 a X •s a 2 Saa H II m II I «ssss »1 00

Table HIO: Numbers of colours used, paintings (total observations = 6236).

Monochrome Bichrome Polychrome

# Cases 6236 6236 6236 Minimum 13.000 0.000 0.000 Maximum 100.000 87.000 1.300 Mean 76.084 23.813 0.103 St. Dev. 18.294 18.318 0.205

Table Hll: Outlines, Infills and intemal decorations, paintings (total observations = 3957).

Infill Linear Outline/ Outline/ Outline/ Infill/ Design Infill Infill/ Int. Dec. Int. Dec. Int. Dec.

# Cases 3957 3957 3957 3957 3957 3957 Minimum 0.000 2.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 Maximum 87.600 100.000 47.600 22.500 2.700 9.700 Mean 55.659 29.132 7.723 3.378 0.778 3.337 St. Dev. 30.572 37.003 11.933 4.959 1.085 3.137

Table H12: General motif forms, paintings (total observations = 6756).

Figurative Tack Non-Figurative

# Cases 6756 6756 6756 Minimum 0.000 0.000 0.000 Maximum 90.800 41.300 89.600 Mean 69.960 5.561 24.479 St. Dev. 30.279 5.652 27.153

Table H14: General motif forms, peckings (total observations = 2245).

Figurative Tack Non-Figurative

# Cases 2245 2245 2245 Minimum 0.000 4.400 11.100 Maximum 8.400 88.900 95.600 Mean 3.862 24.635 71.504 St. Dev. 2.358 15.603 17.276 377

o cs >n O O vo Tt « -a a. >_4«. O ts Tt VD ae o IO ^ o o o cn 'M CS O ~ q vo cvj p- 2 a^ ^ O O r-H rH 5;^ vo o IO o o IJ O O 00 \o B II II >^ O -* O rH o II vo cn o >r o 00 OV VO a cs o Tt c~- vo p- w VO ^ 9 d 9 -^ o .flfa d cs d d vo O IO P- Ov ^ O O -* oo IJ O O >n ON u Z o O O -< rH IO vo O O O rH O O vo ov a o vo ^ OOviO O ec «s o Tt cn c«i p- q •* ov CS VO d vd d cs VO O rH rH cn g » «" 5 o o o.*^ o u_ o o cs Tt O O 00 ON o iJ a 12 o »v oo cn VO o o r- Ov o o rH cn ^ o • vo VO o p- vo cn q vo >o cvj cs . >n . rH p.. •Sea 5 o O cn O rH *4 —H cs O cs C3V rH VO IO o cs •* p- a. a a Si S M J! a.» 00 Ov ea II o C-) vo O O cs IO vo cs II o VO ^Q O O rH C>. a "3 VO o o o cn ja » « cs Tl; vo rt( q p^ p< ov •" W ec p~ r- . CS O rH w ^9r: d cj VO d vd rH rH vo O IO rH rH II II II iif cs o IO cs o t- cn cs cs cn cn II Ui o o p« cn v- O O >0 00 VO o o cn cn VO Jg o o P~ CJv ,_ O O CJv Ov p.. o o cn p- J2 OTt Tt cs ZJ O O 00 >n SS VO o -^ O o vo d IO d rH r< ^ CD cs Tt >n cs d r4 C3 C3 , O O rH cs O O Ov P- vo o ' O vo IO vo c~- O CI ,_ O O ov vo 676 6 5.24 6 0.00 0 33.80 0 2.56 2 vo o >o O o - — >, S <> 2 o vo >o cs ^ II o 9> G J^ mm O O Ov rH o o vo cn cs O rH U^ >0 II cs vo O O rH p- o cn cs Tt «« *; 2 ec h a a e ^ VO vo q ^ Tt vo p» q cn C-) cn a .a " '^ -a to O n VO d r4 d d vo d Tt Tt lO - II II II II 2 ,_ O O vo 00 II "t M OMn Z I VO rH cs cs cn i2 o ov >o vo o o vo o\ ^ o o cn >o S o • ,• cn Z vo o o rH vo >g o o Tt cs cs . oo »n vo p. o o c-< cn J2 O vo O rH cs O 00 rH 00 VO d •* rH rH yo d d d d o ,_ o o vo 00 o o o -« o o vo cn 2 o •* -t m vo o O O vo S op •* cn S o ~C ^ o VO q It •* 00 o !2 o o >ri •* o p~ •-:.'. . a u h a ** vo o cs o o \o d ^ d d " 5 5 ja ^ g ^9d«i'n o o 00 cs o cs o i-H « II a II i* II II cn e oe n _,. o o cn t-- N H 01 vo O vo C4 cs vo d rH d d "^ to >0 ^ CD vo •g-s g a g >; O O 00 00 13.67 8 676 6 7.01 6 0.00 0 48.90 0 vo o o o o CO e II II II II II a O O 00 vo 11 n e r> « e o cs O -^ vo -^ ^ O O Cv< oo Tt Ji cs cs cn * •a ~ O O vo O cs o 00 cs cs (H .^ CQ JS q rj rH cn 13.35 2 676 6 6.69 1 0.00 0 48.80 0 •a vo d rH d d O O rH rH I. PM "O cs II a 2 O O -^ 00 ^ O O P- rH it N ^ o CS q o «i! £ S o o c»v cn I JS q 00 c< vo a ^ j*fa cs d d d d S A es 10.20 0 676 6 0.00 0 3.00 9 3.17 8 vo d rH d d 1-( rtl O O IO vo U, O O Tt rH l2 o o o vo vo O O IO Ov S oo 00 •* "ISSN's vo CO ^ q 00 cn cn O rH O rH JS 9 «~; -^ CvJ I M>u » aj; B VO O C4 O O \o d d d d O « iB w ^ -J cs d d d d • •O II II O O Tf rH ^- o o cs ov II rt o\ IO cn ov 1 VO ,_ o o cn cs O O •* rH ;gOO Tt 00 cn rH n cv« cn cn M vo ^ o o It vo p* o IO cn Ov JS q Tt q p^ ^ q 00 rH cs u VO O P- CS CS vo d IO rH rH Im ^ ei 41 I a n cs d d d d "O ^ z u « O O >0 rH ^ O O P- IO a. vo o a O O Ov 00 o o '^ vo S oo rH O ,_ o o vo cn .a o p. o •* vo cn ja es =l i VO O vo O rH JS q Tt Ov p- ^2 o o cs vo II II ve o « ~ ^ q P-; rl >rt y-k vo d Ov d - *"^ cs rH 00 a vo O CS O o VO o 00 cn c< a b. a «H 1 S B . •41 a 1-1 Ifl w CS h H B « 9 a > 41 "8 w a a > tn 2f« l« O B -B a eSa Q U a -a a? o o a ? es u a X es es X: .= ja ,a J3 Q, U •4a1 ji Case s U a X <• II Dev . n ja II II II H o

[inlmu m [aximu m [ea n : . II II II II t> Tt rt t~ 1-1 m :SSSi « SSS M * rtl 00 rt o\ rt cs cn cn sss »^ 378 379

Appendix I: INITIAL RESULTS OF PIXE ANALYSIS ON NORTHERN AUSTRALIAN OCHRES

Bruno David, Eric Clayton and Alan Watchman (EC: ANSTO, Lucas Heights; AW: Dept. of Geology, ANU)

Published in 1993 m Australian Archaeology 36: 50-57. 380 381

INITIAL RESULTS OF FIXE ANALYSIS ON NORTHERN AUSTRALIAN OCHRES

I 2 3 Bruno David , Eric Clayton and Alan Watchman

Preliminary analysis of 69 samples of red pigment have distinguishable element concentrations and/or from various locations suggests that ochres collected mineralogies, it was thus hoped that ochrous materials from archaeological sites can be sourced to particular found in archaeological contexts could be provenanced. geological formations via PIXE analyses. This paper This paper reports on initial findings of this reports on these investigations, presenting initial results research. A series of red ochre samples were subjected of a long-term project on PIXE-PIGME analyses of to proton induced X-ray emission (PIXE) to determine north Australian pigments. their elemental make-up, and the resulting spectra were In 1983 Lourandos argued that during the late Holo- compared to determine whether or not the samples are cene, Australian Aboriginal social systems witnessed distinguishable. When this research began, little widespread social changes, including a re-structuring of information was available as to whether PIXE analyses social groups, a reorganisation of people through space was a suitable technique for the sourcing of earth and the beginnings of new inter-regional interactive pigments (Bird [1988] discusses the technique's networks. He argued that, in addition to the beginnings suitability to investigate modem paints). In this paper we of new resource management strategies (e.g. extensive therefore present initial results obtained from a use of wetlands), it is probably only during the later long-term project on PIXE analysis of Australian earth stages of AusU'alian prehistory that the large scale, inter- pigments. group ceremonial networks observed ethnohistorically, began to operate (Lourandos 1985; Sullivan 1977; Pixe analyses: procedures David and Cole 1990). PIXE analysis is by now a well-established method Lourandos' model has had considerable influence for determining the elemental composition of various on Australian prehistory. Yet in spite of this, little archaeological materials. The power of the method to attention has yet been directed to the investigation of past discriminate between a large number of elements (up to inter-regional networks in Australian prehistory (but see 23) has proved particularly useful for the sourcing of Lewis 1988; McBryde 1978, 1984). This is undoubtedly obsidians and clays used in the manufacture of pots (e.g. largely due to the paucity of sourceable materials from Ambrose and Duerden 1982; Duerden et al. 1980; Rye excavated sites. Given that the structure and chemistty and Duerden 1982; Duerden et al. 1984). The basic of most stone raw materials is not region-specific, and principals underlying the operation of PIXE analysis at that Australian stone artefacts lack the regional the Lucas Heights laboratories, where the present typological variability common to many other lithic research was undertaken, has previously been industries throughout the world, it has proven difficult summarised by Duerden et al. (1984). Allen and to obtain data on the movement of artefacts through Duerden (1982:46) summarise these in the following space during Australia's prehistory. way. In an attempt to alleviate this problem, one of us ... up to 60... samples... are loaded on a target (BD) recently began research into the characteristics of stick which passes through an evacuated target natural earth pigments found in excavated chamber (200 mm diameter). A beam of archaeological sites and in source locafions. Ochres are 2.5MeV protons is used to bombard the known to have been traded widely in Aboriginal samples; X-rays emitted are detected by a Australia at the time of initial contact, with some items 4 mm diameter Si (Li) detector placed being traded over enormous distances (Mulvaney 1976; 1(X) mm from the sample and at an angle of Roth 1897). By investigating whether ochre sources 135° to the incoming proton beam.

1 Department of Anthropology and Sociology, The University of Queensland, QLD 4072, Australia. 2 Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation, Menai, NSW 2234, Australia. 3 192 St Omer, Levis, Quebec G6V 5C7, Canada.

JO Australian Archaeology. Number 36. 1993 382 David cl al

Sample Reference # Location: Map Sheet (1:100 000]1 Grid Reference (see Table 3) H 1-2 Hogarth 552 230 Gal-8 Hogarth 507 266 Ja 1-17 Hogarth 407 010 JWl-2 Gregory 660 820 GCl-4 Gregory 451771

Table 1 Grid References for Northem Territorj' ochre samples.

FC .SAMPLE «1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1 1 12

Ca xlOO 43300 8976 45951 7847 43402 44511 8949 10608 104463 28604 5626 Ti 94736 50852 197329 68441 9491 39977 39243 24033 107912 48634 75638 28614 V 1764 3260 2482 Cr 28490 1222 12394 15458 1261 11754 17900 15997 36870 3534 4030 7650 Mn 25939 1429 7850 21443 883 1488 2393 15802 12361 16364 2463 1001 Fe xlO 151178 7689 173471' 128530 36142 49676 84732 118482; 191784 168157 66366 36453 Co Ni 213 72 Cu 68 63 109 1764 541 757 166 1395 40 407 1139 Zn 1786 146 256 2808 609 480 543 2117 1094 548 2800 822 Ga 16 17 65 47 Ge 35 28 46 25 31 Br 53 18 34 205 44 20 77 35 21 Rb 125 Sr 47 Y 47 43 246 44 S3 M S 56 66 68 59 115 As 15812 497 114 192 97 62 663 Pbl 401 348 410 84236 275 1108 170 960 460 2656 661 Bal

Table 2 Concentrations (in ppm) for each element in the sample for which the peak area > 10 counts and the concentration is above the Minimum Detectable Limit (MDL) (see Cohen and Clayton, 1989): Fem Cave samples.

FC SAMPI.F it 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

Ca xlOO 2295 56965 10754 5407 8375 8426 29882 17463 27646 44877 14490 Ti 15374 38871 120350 28676 45013 48194 48423 82593 64439 53234 55467 59964 V 1341 Cr 2635 5198 11345 6997 15361 1395 15206 28453 26745 34563 25341 29625 Mn 645 1508 1330 3562 3581 1846 5753 5385 8378 5823 9260 12757 FexlO 4512 11923 37685 23755 147218 21213 105947 120989 169029 172823 167095 176190 Co Ni 123 742 Co 17 64 131 257 412 98 84 70 636 764 2181 2A 236 110 442 305 579 422 659 477 755 2524 3405 511 Ga 13 30 13 18 (k 36 73 63 Br 84 100 49 51 Rb 33 99 220 31 50 Sr Y 156 58 Ix 119 97 76 As 19 78 40 1987 25 3130 114 Pbl 95 72 1784 249 175 240 8877 1760 3658 Bal

Table 2 (continued)

Australian Archaeology, Number 36, 1993 51 383

Initial Resuhs of PIXE Analysis on N. Australian Ochres

FC SAMPI.F # 25 26 27 28 29 30 3 1 32 33 34 35 36

CaxlOO 14101 13758 65290 9289 22886 12586 8231 5074 8623 41977 Ti 51620 50643 35912 26033 17613 82476 50666 86102 18809 14376 40196 97440 f 2550 772 34584 22041 11025 11517 5250 11185 ••& 29513 15530 22609 22536 19452 29201 Mn 57255 16972 37657 37189 10323 13121 14013 3714 1934 3657 982 7616 FexlO 202157 145786 162883 143897 87724 152691 188011 123134 48090 78250 9665 112325 Co Ni Cu 25 753 78 4021 167 3126 91 703 170 1160 919 Zn 205 897 313 2484 471 1149 251 243 539 1163 127 12043 Ga IJ S'i: Ge 35 15 60 93 Br 63 171 22 46 65 63 Rb 67 Sr Y 65 49 52 60 TI 67 77 As 3775 235 186 2488 90 49 Pbl 540 1959 284 3927 298 2247 782 768 1575 549 1009 Bal

Table 2 (continued from Page 51)

Importantly, the efficiency of the detector ranges and Clayton (1989:238-9) note, it is thus often necessary greatly for different X-ray energies - that is, it differs to eliminate unwanted X-rays from PIXE spectra by greatly for different elements. The use of filters may selecting an appropriate filter. Following proton decrease the observability of relatively low-energy irradiation of target samples, X-ray data is transferred to X-rays (e.g. calcium [Ca] and iron [Fe]), which in the a computer for analysis using the PIXAN package case of natural earth pigments may be desirable to better (Clayton 1986). This package extracts characteristic enable the quantification of rarer or trace elements with peak areas and then estimates element concentration higliCT-energy X-rays (e.g. titanium [Ti] and Copper from a calculated yield based upon known experimental [Cu]) (Allen and Duerden 1982; Bird 1988). As Cohen parameters such as filter thickness and accumulated

SAMPLE # HI H2 Gal Ga2 Ga3 Ga4 Ga5 Ga6 Ga7 Ga8 Jal Ja2

CaxlOO Ti 39473 72795 81123 170552 78656 82001 69289 62008 108719 47635 107023 103690 V Cr 18251 25924 18747 15878 9788 11960 6383 11784 6651 6982 22501 9217 Mn 29071 21203 1117 910 684 338 1002 858 579 170 2057 1297 Fe xlO 116381 170062 76118 64034 50993 43091 24391 45932 32716 19516 131191 73043 Co « Ni Cu 52 24 23 U 23 22. SO 55 Zn 23 14 36 36 26 17 31 16 21 30 Ga 16 36 35 27 21 21 35 Ge 15 14 Br 28 Rb Sr 34 95 81 im Y 121 98 Zr 439 181 304 99 51 As 36 24 38 Pbl 539 411 108 89 246 68 Bal m

Table 3 ConcenU-ations (in ppm) for each clement in the sample for which the peak area >iO counts and the concenti'ation is above the Minimum Detectable Limit (MDL) (sec Cohen and Clayton, 1989): Noi ihcrn Territory source samples. H=Mount I logarth (block outcrop), Ja =Jalijbang (pebbles), GC=Gregoi7 Creek (pebbles), JW=Johnstone Waterhole (pebbles), Ga =Gainawa!a (pebbles).

52 AustraUan Archaeology, Number 36, 1993 384

SAMPLE # Ja3 Ja4 JaS Ja6 Ja7 Ja8 Ja9 JalO Jail Jal2 Jal3

Ca xlOO 6592 Ti 86842 63630 59172 98188 187754 106435 52841 70686 102991 70319 124637 V 3664 5563 1260 Cr 26373 15388 3865 4206 14147 8874 19101 17158 19584 30632 7489 Mn 2565 1563 2570 5234 955 1641 1872 1423 3279 8720 5054 FexlO 132803 79020 97633 79088 43169 92850 85084 77098 119862 181879 90213 Co Ni Cu 26 19 34 43 40 37 27 59 Zn 27 31 41 14 37 19 26 23 24 39 Ga 23 14 19 36 35 19 27 25 31 Ge 13 17 Br 22 49 Rb Sr 611 512 211 4952 112 Y Zr 142 187 134 146 297 122 As 32 43 Pbl 298 226 123 171 617 180 148 169 229 81 Bal

Table 3 (continued)

SAMPLE # Jal4 Jal5 Jal6 Jal7 GCl GC2 GC3 GC4 JWl JW2

Ca XlOO 3606 Ti 84384 102676. 70711 1556641 81059 74686 54541 63178 51963 74055 V 1259 CT 23940 6089 29862 13511 8107 10526 7766 17527 7605 5864 Mn 1788 2973 2526 2395 23441 2573 1070 2218 17242 7186 FexlO 129376; 11357C) 13328fi 125921 53563 38765 43611 55615 12093 31492 Co Ni Cu 29 65 51 26 55 25 35 Zn 31 28 20 22 33 21 22 Ga 21 30 16 26 15 18 17 Ge 20 Br 51 Rb Sr 298 429 - 147 Y Zr 54 111 160 117 54 166 55 80 64 As 30 15 Pbl 166 302 270 223 91 69 121 Bal

Table 3 (continued)

charge. A 1.5 mm perspex filter was chosen for the broad geological setting differentiable? measurements reported here in order to decrease the To address these questions, 33 red ochre samples effect of iron, the dominant element, on the resultant from five different source locations from the sandstone spectra country located 150 km west southwest of Katherine, Northem Territory, and 36 samples from Cape York Samples analysed Peninsula were analysed. The Northern Territory The aims of the initial analyses reported here are samples include 17 samples from Jalijbang (ochrous two-fold: pebbles from a creek-bed on Innisvale Station, samples 1. are red ochres from sources located in different Ja 1-17), four from Gregory Creek (pebbles in creek bed, geological settings differentiable through PIXE samples GC 1-4), two from Johnstone Waterhole analyses, and (pebbles, samples JW 1-2), two samples from a localised 2. are red ochres from sources located within a single block outcrop in a creek on Willaroo Station near Mount

Australian Archaeology, Number 36, 1993 53 ms Initial Results of PIXE Analysis on N. Australian Ochres

- ir-^^^^..;^ '• ff^'-^'u

I • '1, VV. I! I' I I B J ,..._ _„_ A.l •L;lil,..k,...., . ...„_a„..„ ,.JI Ijjl'

p—v.^v" p^^,,^^.^

'! S ; 1 LI C :c: ?oc 3; uo: iX 1 6:c /j1r" .1 ii sac1 .1,.b-.. . ;c" ?K 3r: -:: !>5r c:: ;o: BJC sec

: ?:;',r Jcccc F.-r:. : ic:::.; liSK.c IP:'C:..-. i ,-::-.- ;=: ^r • ;.-:.; ;•!-.: :

»>

Ii' !i.: Ml i V rf^-' -^^'J ¥0-i,\l,f

iy,mItii[JjiJjL^iJi NTJM!!^ iiLllL.ji.._..„,,J...i ICC 200 3GC (.CO 500 600 700 8C0 303 1 r.O ?00 3G0 1.00 MO 600 700 GOO 900 CUHNNEL NljnBER CH'INNEL NiinuFn

Figure 1 PIXE specU-a from six typical samples: A=Fern Cave (sample FC 26); B=Fern Cave (sample FC 27); C=Fern Cave (sample FC 28); D=Jalijbang (NT) (sample Ja 7); fcGaniawala (NT) (sample Ga7); F^Mount Hogarth (NT) (sample H2).

Hogarth (samples H 1-2), and eight samples from have been used by the local Wardaman Aboriginal Garnawala (pebbles in bed of a creek near Mount people in the making of rock paintings in recent times Hogarth on Innesvale Station, samples Ga 1-8). Ochrous (see Flood et al. in press; David ct al. 1990). Tlie grid pebbles from Jalijbang and Garnawala arc known to references for each of Uiesc sources are given in Tabic 1.

M Atislralian Archaeology, Number 36, 1993 386 David et al.

The Cape York samples consist of 36 excavated In order to better assess the degree to which it is fragments of ochre from Fem Case, a limestone site near possible to differentiate the Cape York ochres fromthos e Chillagoe, north (^eensland. Fem Cave itself is located of the Northem Territory, the samples were subjected to in a narrow belt of limestone karst, pan of the Chillagoe a Multi-Dimensional ScaUng statistic and to a Cluster Formation whose geology is distinctive from that of the Analysis (nearest neigboiu"). Each statistic uses the surrounding volcanics and metamorphics. Notable here relative proportion of measured elements in computing is the highly localised occurrence of calcium-rich the similarity matrix, using EucUdean distances. The deposits, absent from the surrounding landscape. results from both tests show that the Fem Cave samples are categorically different from the Northem Territory Results samples (Fig. 1). As argued above, this is largely due to An elemental Tmgerprint' was identified for each the differential influences of Ca, Ti and Cr to the sample, with the relative importance of 20 elements make-up of ochres from both sample sets. In this sense being quantified (Tables 1 and 2). The relative PIXE at least, the Northern Territory and Fem Cave samples values between samples presented here are accurate, but are easily differentiable, although there is a small degree the absolute concentrations are estimates only, based on of overlap between samples from the Northem Territory the assumption that the ochre samples consist of 109^ and Fern Cave. The Northern Territory sources, CaO, 40% FezOs, and 50% SiCh. In other words, however, cannot be differentiated from each other, and although there is internal consistency between samples, this may imply a difficulty in attempts to differentiate the absolute concentrations should not be taken as sources from similar geological settings. precise measurements, as the PIXE measurements have Watchman et al. (in press) have recently argued that not been calibrated to a precise control standard. pigments used in the rock art of the Laura region come The results show, as expected, very high largely, if not entirely, from local sources. The Ca-rich proportions of iron (Fe) in all samples (Tables 2 and 3). red ochres excavated from Fern Cave are also likely to Of special interest is the relative importance of calcium be local, given the highly localised nature of limestones (Ca), titanium (Ti) and chromium (Cr). The Fern Cave in north Queensland. However, there may be some ochres, which are believed to have originated from exceptions to this, as four samples from Fern Cave show calcium-rich deposits, are typically rich in calcium, and little evidence of Ca in the PIXE analyses. This may be largely on this basis can be differentiated from the a result of using a 1.5 mm perspex filter, which Northern Territory ochres. Further, an essential dramatically increases the minimum detection limit difference in the relative proportions of calcium is also (MDL) for elements such as Ca that emit low energy a major difference in the amounts of titanium. The Fem X-rays. We are unable to state whether Ca is absent from Cave samples have low amounts of Ti (2.37±1.76% of these samples, only that it is below the MDL for the the measured elements), whereas the Northem Territory experimental conditions used. In future analysis, a samples are considerably richer (11.60±6.75%). This pinhole filter will be used. This consists of a 2 mm thick difference is, to a lesser extent, also apparent for Cr filter with a small pinhole cenQ-ally located, as discussed (0.69+0.46% for Fem Cave, 1.62+0.70% for Northern in Duerden et al. (1984). This is an ideal filter for Territory). Sr is also present in low amounts in some geological samples as it provides a balanced detection Northern Territory samples, but only once in the Fem efficiency for both low and high energy X-rays. Cave samples, whilst the reverse pattem is true for nickel Mineralogical investigations by one of us (AW), of one (Ni). of the Fern Cave samples which failed to register the Notable also is the fact that the Fem Cave samples presence of Ca, may also shed further Ught on this, and appear far less homogeneous than do the Northem it is possible that foreign ochres have been brought into Territory samples. There is a major fluctuation in the Fern Cave sometime during the past. Yet in spite of the proportion of all of the numerically important elements poor Ca contents of these four samples, the relative measured from Fern Cave (Fe, Ca, Ti, Cr, Mn), as well contributions of the other elements are consistent with as rarer elements (Pbl, Cu, As, Ni), whereas the Northem the other Fem Cave samples, and this shows up in their Territory samples appear far less varied. This may location on the MDS 'map' and on the Cluster Analyses largely be due to high contributions of both Ca and Fe dendrogram (Fig. 2 and Fig. 3, samples FCl, FC17, from Fem Cave, leading to relatively large variations in FC29, FC34). their relative proportions, whereas in most cases the Northern Territory samples consist of uniformly very Conclusions high proportions of Fe. Consequently, the latter may We conclude from these exploratory results that appear far more homogeneous with respect to the PIXE is a useful method by which pigments from dominant elements at least. different geological sctUngs can be fingerprinted and

Australian Archaeology, Number 36, 1993 55 3B7

Initial Results of PIXE Analysis on N. Australian Ochres

DISIAHCES o.ooo

J(5I -

*•( 171- MU; r{3.)- J>- rI711-

"( 1 1 - Ml i) —1 H12) J(13)-'

J(l«)—

-10 J(J) '

r(l)

DIMi 1 • J(IS)-i Figure 2 MDS map of ochre samples from the Northem JO Territory (circles) and Fem Cave (triangles). J<11 J(iIt'

J(lO)-' differentiated, although it may sometimes not be CO possible to differentiate between different sources from "(1(1) -I (») - within a single geological fOTmation. The latter problem J(») J(17)J(17) ,

may be particularly evident where river systems dissect J<«) ' a number of different geological settings, transporting ochrous materials from one geological region to anotho". J( 13) J

Further work by the authors reveal similar findings to A(>) those presented here for yellow ochres. The authors are Cd) currently building-up a reference collection of samples A(.) from creek beds and other sources from north C(J1 Ars)

(Queensland in order to construct an ochre fingerprint A(3) data-base for southeastem Cape York Peninsula. These (5) —J elemental fingerprints also include measurements for *(7) - J( 1) -

important elements not recoverable through PIXE A(J) - (especially aluminium and silicon) by the synchronous c( n - use of the PIGME technique. As mentioned earlier, the Mi) - <•(•») -

employment of a different filter to the one used during '(3?)-

the initial analysis may also be necessary to increase the r (( 202B)) 1 sensitivity of some lower-energy X-rays (especially so M3nJl as to better characterise the relative contributions of Ca '(7S) ' f(e) and Si. This may be particularly important in JC) differentiating ochres from limestone and sandstone country). The elemental make-up of source materials is ' (7* I '(76) to be calibrated to a series of geological standards in order to ensure the accuracy of absolute concenfrations '•(33)-' in their comparisons with results obtained in f ( 30) 1

independent studies. Yet an elemental fingerprinUngo f >•( J7] M pigment samples will only reveal part of the picture. '•(77)^ ' Hence one of us (AW) has undertaken mineralogical f (1) analysis on some of the samples analysed here, further '(73) r(20)

differentiating the provenance of the Fern Cave material r( 1«) into at least three weathering zones within the limestone f ( IS) country (David et al. in prep.). Together, the PIXE/ f(13) PIGME and mineralogical work is revealing r{IB)-- fine-grained information on pigment sources in northern '(•) '(34) y-

Australia, enabling reconstmcUons of the prehistoric F(77) movement of ochres within and between regions. f (II) '(') Figure 3 Dendrogram of ochre samples using single linkage r( 10) f (6) (nearest neighbour) Cluset Analysis. F=Fern Cave; 'tii) J=Jalijbang; H=Mount Hogarth; G=Gregory Creek; '(7) J E=Johnstone Waterhole; A=Garnawala.

56 Au.

Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research B3 Ack nowled gemen ts (1984):419-23. This research was undertaken with the help of an Duerden. P.. J.R. Bird, M.D. ScotU E. Qayton, LH. RusseU and AINSE grant to one of us (BD), to whom our thanks are D. Cohen 1980 PIXE-PIGME studies of artefacts. Nuclear extended. We would also like to thank Roger Bird, EP. Instruments and Methods 168:447-52. Johnston, Alex Katzaros and David Cohen at Lucas Flood, J., B. David and R. Frost in press Dreaming into art. In Heights for their assistance in the laboratory, and David M. Morwood (ed.) tide of book unknown. Melbourne: Chant for assistance with the Cluster Analysis and MDS. Australian Rock Art Association. Lewis, D. 1988 TTi^ Rock Paintings of Amhem Land, Australia: References Social, Ecological and Material Culture Change in the Post-Glacial Period. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports. Allen, J. and P. Duerden 1982 Progressive resulu from the PIXE BAR International Series 415. program for sourcing prehistoric Papuan pottery. In W. Ambrose and P. Duerden (eds) Archaeometry: An Lourandos, H. 1983 Intensification: A late Pleistocene-Holocene Australasian Perspective, pp.45-59. Canberra; Department of archaeological sequence from southwestem Victoria. Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian Archaeology in Oceania 15:51-94. National University. Occasional Papers in Prehistory, No. 12. Lourandos, H. 1985 Changing perspectives in Australian Ambrose, W. and P. Duerden 1982 PIXE analysis in the prehistoiy: A reply to Beaton. Archaeology in Oceania disuibution and chronology of obsidian use in the Admiralty 19:29-33. Islands. In W. Ambrose and P. Duerden (eds) Archaeometry: McBryde, I. 1978 Wil-im-ee Moor-ring: Or, where do axes come An Australasian Perspective, pp.83-9. Canberra: Department from? Mankind 11(3):354-82. of Prehistory. Research School of Pacific Studies, The McBryde, I. 1984 Kulin greenstone quarries: The social contexts AusU-alian National University. Occasional Papers in of production and distribution for the Mount William site. Prehistory, No. 12. World Archaeology 16:267-85. Bird, R. 1988 In-sim pigment analysis. In J.R. PrescoU (ed.) Mulvaney, D.J. 1976 The chain of connection. In N. Peterson (ed.) Archaeometry: Australasian Studies, pp. 136-39. Adelaide: Tribes and Bouruiaries in Australia, pp.72-94. Canberra: University of Adelaide. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies. Clayton, E. 1986 PIXAN: The Lucas Heights PIXE analysis Roth, W.E. 1897 Ethnological Studies Among the North-West- computer package. AAEC/M 113 November 1986. Central Queensland Aborigines. Brisbane: Government Cohen, D. and E. Clayton 1989 Ion induced x-ray emission. Ion Printer. Beams for Materials Analysis, pp.209-60. New York: Rye, O.S. and P. Duerden 1982 Papuan pottery sourcing by PIXE: Academic Press. Preliminary studies. Archaeometry 24:59-64. David, B. and N. Cole 1990 Rock art and inter-regional interaction Sullivan, H. 1977 Aboriginal gatherings in southeast Queensland. in northeastem Australian prehistory. Antiquity 64:788-806. David, B., M. David, J. Flood and R. Frost 1990 Rock paintings of B.A.(Hons) thesis. The Australian National University, the Yingalarri region: Preliminary results and implications for Canberra. an archaeology of inter-regional relations in northern Watchman, A., J. Sirois and N. Cole in press Mineralogical Australia. Memoirs of the Queensland Museum 28:443-62. examination of Aboriginal rock-painting pigments near Laura, David, B., E. Clayton and A. Watchman in prep. PIXE-PIGME and north Queensland. In B.L. Frankhauser and J.R. Bird (eds) mineralogical analysis of northem Australian natural earth Archaeometry: Current Australasian Research. Canberra: pigments. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Duerden, P., J.R. Bird, E. Clayton, D.D. Cohen and B.F. Leach The Australian National University. Occasional Papers in 1984 Provenance studies of New Zealand obsidian artefacts. Prehistory, No. 22.

The Dordogne is often left out of foodie tours to France because it has no three-star restaurants in the Mich- elin guide. This is a shame, as the Dordogne is home to some imfor- NICHOLAS WHITLAM gettable gastronomic delights. ... Just outside Les Eyzies we inspected the only French caves still open to the public at Font de Gaume, full of Lascaux-like bison, which after TRAVEL the first few are rather lost on me. We had a delicious picnic lunch beside the & LEISURE Dordogne at Allas-Les-Mines, having carefully avoided the Cro-Magnon naturalist camp nearby. Staying two nights at Les Eyzies meant we could do an interesting loop ride on our third day out to La Roque St Christophe, a hilltop site which was first occupied by prehistoric troglo­ dytes and through to our very own sort of folks in the 13th century. Sydney Morning Herald. 18 February 1993. (SuppUed by RJ.)

Australian Archaeology, Number 36, 1993 57 389

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Aharon, P. 1983 Surface ocean temperature variations during the late Wisconsin stages: I^Q/ISQ isotopic evidence from Papua New Guinea. In J. Chappell and A. Grindrod (eds.), 1983, pp. 3-4. Aldenderfer, M.F. & R.K. Blasfield 1984 Cluster Analysis. Sage Publications, Beverley Hills. Allen, H. 1986 Environmental history in southwestern New South Wales- northwestem Victoria during the late Pleistocene. Unpublished paper presented at the World Archaeological Congress, Southampton. Allen, H. & G. Barton 1989 Ngarradj Warde Djobkeng: White Cockatoo Dreaming and the Prehistory of Kakadu. Oceania Monograph 37, University of Sydney, Sydney. Alvey, N., N. Galwey & P. Lane 1982 An Introduction to GENSTAT. Academic Press, London. Anderson, A. 1978 The role of a competition model in the archaeological explanation of economic change. In D. Green, C. Haselgrove & M. Spriggs (eds.), Social Organisation and Settlement, pp. 31-46. British Archaeological Reports, Intemational Series 47, Oxford. Anderson, C. 1984 The political and economic basis of Kuku-Yalanji social history. Unpublished PhD thesis. University of Queensland, Brisbane. Anderson, C. & R. Robins 1988 Dismissed due to lack of evidence? Kuku-Yalanji sites and the archaeological record. In B. Meehan & R. Jones (eds.). Archaeology with Ethnography: an Australian Perspective, pp. 152-205. A.N.U., Canberra. Amdt, W. 1962 The interpretation of the Delamere lightning painting and rock engravings. Oceania 32: 163-77. Attenbrow, V. 1982 The archaeology of Upper Mangrove Creek catchment: research in progress. In S. Bowdler (ed.). Coastal Archaeology in Eastern Australia, pp. 67-79. Dept. Prehistory, R.S.Pac.S., A.N.U., Canberra. Attenbrow, V. 1986 Temporal change and regional variation in the archaeological record in eastem Australia. Unpublished paper presented at the World Archaeological Congress, Southampton. Barker, B. 1989 Nara Inlet 1: a Holocene sequence from the Whitsunday Islands, central C^eensland coast. Queensland Archaeological Research 6: 53-76. Barker, B. 1991 Nara Inlet 1: coastal resource use and the Holocene marine transgression in the Whitsunday Islands, central Queensland. Archaeology in Oceania 20: 1-20. 390

Beaton, J.M. n.d. Report on archaeological fieldwork in the Flinders Island/Bathurst Heads/Princess Charlotte Bay area, north Queensland, 1979. Unpublished report to the Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra. Beaton, J.M. 1977 Dangerous harvest: investigations in the late prehistoric occupation of upland southeast central Queensland. Unpublished PhD thesis, A.N.U., Canberra.

Beaton, J.M. 1981 Princess Charlotte Bay archaeological report: second interim report. Unpublished report to the Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra. Beaton, J.M. 1983 Does intensification account for changes in the Australian Holocene archaeological record? Archaeology in Oceania IS: 94- 97. Beaton, J.M. 1985 Evidence for a coastal occupation time-lag at Princess Charlotte Bay (North Queensland) and implications for coastal colonization and population growth theories for Aboriginal Australia. Archaeology in Oceania 20: 1-20. Beaton, J.M. 1990 The importance of past population for prehistory. In B. Meehan and N. White (eds.), Hunter-Gatherer Demography: Past and Present, pp. 23-40. Oceania Monograph 39, University of Sydney, Sychiey. Bednarik, R.G. 1994 A taphonomy of palaeoart. Antiquity (in press). Bender, B, 1979 Gatherer-hunter to farmer: a social perspective. World Archaeology 10 (2): 204-22. Bender, B. 1992 Theorising landscapes, and the prehistoric landscapes of Stonehenge. Man 27 (4): 735-55. Binford, L.R. 1968 Post-Pleistocene adaptations. In S.R. Binford & L.R. Binford (eds.). New Perspectives in Archaeology, pp. 313-41. Aldine, Chicago. Binford, L.R. 1983 In Pursuit of the Past: Decoding the Archaeological Record. Thames & Hudson, New York. Binford, S.R. 1968 Ethnographic data and understanding the Pleistocene. In R.B. Lee and I. DeVore (eds.), Man the Hunter, pp. 274-75. Aldine: New York.

Binns, R.A. & I. MCBryde 1972 A Petrological Analysis of Ground-Edge Artefacts from Northern New South Wales. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra. Bird, C.F.M. & D. Frankel 1991 Chronology and explanation in westem Victoria and southeast South Australia. Archaeology in Oceania 26 (1): 1-16. Bird, M.K. 1992 The impact of tropical cyclones on the archaeological record: an Australian example. Archaeology in Oceania 27 (2): 75-86. 391

Birdsell, J.B. 1957 Some population problems involving Pleistocene man. Cold Spring Harbor Symposium on Qualitative Biology 22: 47-69. Birdsell, J.B. 1967 Preliminary data on the trihybrid origin of the Australian Aborigines. Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 2: 100-155. Birkett, C. 1983 Corridor or karst and creek: a site catchment analysis of Walkunder Arch Cave, near Chillagoe, north Queensland. Unpublished B.A. (Hons.) thesis, James Cook University of North Queensland, Townsville. Birkett, C. 1985 A site catchment analysis: Walkunder Arch Cave, near Chillagoe, north Queensland. Queensland Archaeological Research 2: 132- 43. Bochenski, J.M. 1963 The Dogmatic Principles of Soviet Philosophy as of 1958. D. Reidel, Dordrecht. Bosemp, E. 1965 The Conditions of Agricultural Growth. Aldine, Chicago. Bowdler, S. 1981 Hunters in the highlands: Aboriginal adaptations in the Eastem Australian Uplands. Archaeology in Oceania 16 (2): 99-111. Bowdler, S. 1990 50,000 year-old site in Australia: is it really that old? Australian Archaeology 31: 93. Bowdler, S. 1991 Some sort of dates at Malakunanja 2: a reply to Roberts et al. Australian Archaeology 32: 50-51. Bowler, J. 1983 18±2KA: northem Australia - hydrologic evidence. In J. Chappell & A. Grindrod (eds.), pp. 47-48. Brookfield, H.C. 1972 Intensification and disintensification in Pacific agriculture: a theoretical approach. Pacific Viewpoint 13: 30-48. Bmce, R. 1902 Reminiscences of an Old Squatter. Thomas, Adelaide. Campbell, J.B. 1982 New radiocarbon results for north Queensland prehistory. Australian Archaeology 14: 62-66. Campbell, J.B. 1984 Extending the archaeological frontier: a review of work on the prehistory of north Queensland. Queensland Archaeological Research 1: 173-84. Campbell, J.R. & M. Mardaga-Campbell 1993 From micro-to nano-stratigraphy: linking vertical and horizontal dating of archaeological deposits with the direct dating of rock art at 'The Walkunders', Chillagoe (north Queensland, Australia). In J. Steinbring, A. Watchman, P. Faulstich and P.S.C. Ta9on (eds.). Time and Space: Dating and Spatial Considerations in Rock Art Research, pp. 57-63. Occasional AURA Publication 8, Australian Rock Art Research Association, Melbourne. Chappell, J. 1982 Sea levels and sediments: some features of the context of coastal archaeological sites in tiie tropics. Archaeology in Oceania 17: 69-78. 392

Chappell, J., A. Chivas, E. Wallensky, H. Polach & P. Aharon 1983 Holocene palaeoenvironmental changes, central to nortii Great Barrier Reef inner zone. Bureau of Mineral Resources Journal of Geology and Geophysics 8: 223-35. Chappell, J. & A. Grindrod (eds.) ,^ „, 1983 CUMANZ: Proceedings of First CUMANZ, February 1981. DepL Biogeography and Geomorphology, R.S.Pac.S., A.N.U., Canberra. Chase, A. &P. Sutton 1981 Hunter-gatiierers in a rich environment: Aboriginal coastal exploitation in Cape York Peninsula. In A. Keast (ed.), Ecological Biogeography in Australia, pp. 1817-52. Dr. W. Junk, The Hague. Chillagoe Caving Club Inc. 1988 Mitchell-Palmer Karst: a Speleological Field Guide for the Towers and Caves of the Mitchell-Palmer Areas in Far North Queensland, Australia. Chillagoe Caving Club Inc., Caims. Clark, C.M.H. 1962 A History of Australia, Volume 1: From the Earliest Times to the Age ofMacquarie. Melboume University Press, Parkville. Clegg, J. 1978 Mathesis words, Mathesis pictures. Unpublished M.A. (Hons.) thesis. University of Sydney, Sydney. Clegg, J. 1988 Covamtnl. Rock Art Research 5: 19-22. Clegg, J. & J. Fetiiney 1988 Is tiie Cape York painting a Diprotodontid? Search 19 (1): 26- 30. Cleland, LB. 1966 Preface. In B.C. Cotton (ed.). Aboriginal Man in South and Central Australia, pp. 7-8. Government Printer, Adelaide. Cole, N. n.d. Rock art at Agate Creek. Unpublished report to the Dept. Environment and Heritage, Brisbane. Cole, N. 1988 The Rock Art of Jowalbinna. Unpublished B.A. (Hons.) thesis, James Cook University of North Queensland, Townsville. Cole, N. 1990 Recent rock art research at Laura, north Queensland. Rock Art Research!: 142-43. Cole, N. 1992 'Human' motifs in the rock paintings of Jowalbinna, Laura. In McDonald and LP. Haskovec (eds.). State of the Art: Regional Rockt Art Studies in Australia and Melanesia, pp. 164-73. Occasional AURA Publication 6, Australian Rock Art Research Association, Melboume. Cole, N. & B. David 1992 'Curious Drawings' at Cape York: a summary of rock art investigation in the Cape York Peninsula region since the 1820s and a comparison of some regional traditions. Rock Art Research 9(1): 3-26. 393

Cole, N. & P. Trezise 1992 Laura engravings: a preliminary report on the Amphitheatre site. In McDonald and LP. Haskovec (eds.). State of the Art: Regional Rockt Art Studies in Australia and Melanesia, pp. 83-88. Occasional AURA Publication 6, Australian Rock Art Research Association, Melboume. Cole, N. & A. Watchman 1992 Painting with plants: investigating fibres in Aboriginal rock paintings at Laura, north Queensland. Rock Art Research 9 (1): 27-36 Coleman D. & R. Schofield (eds.) 1986 The State of Population Theory. Basil Blackwell, Oxford. Commonwealth Department of National Development and the Queensland Department of Industrial Development 1971 Resources and Industry of Far North Queensland, Australia. A.G.P.S., Canberra. Conkey, M.W. 1978 Style and information in cultural evolution: toward a predictive model for the paleolithic. In CL. Redman, M.J. Berman, E.V. Curtin, W.T. Langhome Jr., N.M. Versaggi & J.C. Wanser (eds.). Social Archaeology: Beyond Subsistence and Dating, pp. 61-85. Academic Press, New York. Conkey, M.W. 1980 The identification of prehistoric hunter-gatherer aggregation sites: the case of Altamira. Current Anthropology 2\: 609-30. Conkey, M.W. 1982 Boundedness in art and society. In I. Hodder (ed.), Symbolic and Structural Archaeology, pp. 115-128. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Conkey, M.W. 1989 The use of diversity in stylistic analysis. In R. Leonard & G. Jones (eds.). Quantifying Diversity in Archaeology, pp. 118-158. Cambridge University ftess, Cambridge. Conkey, M.W. 1990 Experimenting with style in archaeology: some historical and theoretical issues. In M.W. Conkey & C.A. Hastorf (eds.). The Uses of Style in Archaeology, pp. 5-17. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Coombs, H.D., B.G. Dexter & L.R. Hiatt 1980 The outstation movement in Aboriginal Australia. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies Newsletter 14: 16-23. Coppinger, R.W. 1883 Cruise of the Alert. W. Swan Sonnschein & Co., London. Cosgrove, R., J. Allen & B. Marshall 1990 Palaeo-ecology and Pleistocene human occupation in south-central Tasmania. Antiquity 64: 59-78. Coutts, P.J.F. 1982 Victoria Archaeological Survey activities report 1979-80. Records of the Victorian Archaeological Survey 13: 1-28. CowgiU, G.L. 1975 On causes and consequences of ancient and modem population changes. American Anthropologist 17: 505-25. Cribb, R.L.D. 1986 When the tide came in: Pleistocene-Holocene sea levels. 394

archaeological catchments and population change in northern Australia. Unpublished paper presented at the World Archaeological Congress, Southampton.

Curr, E. 1886 The Australian Race. Government Printer, Melboume. Dagg, L. 1992 Interpreting faunal remains: a taphonomic analysis of two late Holocene faunal assemblages from southeast Cape York Peninsula. Unpublished B.A. (Hons.) thesis, University of New England, Armidale.

David, B. 1983 To pick a bone. Unpublished B.A. (Hons.) tiiesis, A.N.U., Canberra. David, B. 1984a Walkunder Arch Cave: a faunal report. Australian Archaeology 18 (1): 40-54. David, B. 1984b Man [sic] Versus Dingo: the Identification of Bone Remains from Archaeological Sites, with Specific Reference to Walkunder Arch Cave, Chillagoe, Northeastern Queensland. Cultural Resource Management Monograph 5. Department of Community Services, Brisbane. David, B. 1987 Chillagoe: from archaeology to prehistory - contributions to a late Holocene prehistory of the Chillagoe region, north Queensland. Unpublished M.A. thesis, A.N.U., Canberra. David, B. 1988a Comment. Rock Art Research 5 (I): 22-24. David, B. 1988b The rock pictures of the Chillagoe-Mungana and MitcheU- Palmer limestone belts of north Queensland: reconstructing cultural relations in north Queensland's prehistoric past. Unpublished report submitted to the Australian Heritage Commission, Canberra. David, B. 1990a Echidna's Rest, Chillagoe: a site report. Queensland Archaeological Research!: 73-94. David, B. 1990b How was this bone bumt? In S. Solomon, I. Davidson & D. Watson (eds.) Problem Solving in Taphonomy: Archaeological and Palaeontological Studies from Europe, Africa and Oceania. Tempus 2, pp. 65-79. Anthropology Museum, University of Queensland, Brisbane. David, B. 1991a Preliminary archaeological investigations on Jackass Station, southeast Cape York Peninsula. UnpubUshed report submitted to the Ang-Gnarra Aboriginal Corporation, Laura. David, B. 1991b Preliminary report on Aboriginal rock art sites on Bonny Glen Station, southeast Cape York Peninsula. UnpubUshed report to tiie Wujal Wujal Community Coundl, Wujal Wujal. David, B. 1991c MitcheU River Cave: a late Pleistocene-Holocene sequence from southeastem Cape York Peninsula. Australian Aboriginal Studies 1991 (1): 67-72.

David, B. 1991d Fem Cave, rock art and social formations: rock art regionaUsation and demographic changes in southeastem Cape 395

York Peninsula. Archaeology in Oceania 26: 41-57. David, B. 199le Preliminary archaeological investigations at Mt. Mulligan: rock art and excavations. Unpublished report submitted to the Department of Environment and Heritage, Brisbane, and to the A.I.A.T.S.I.S., Canberra. David, B. 199If Review of M. Shanks & C. Tilley's 'Social Theory and Archaeology'. Australian Archaeology 32: 70-71. David, B. 1992a Initial radiocarbon determinations from NurrabuUgin. Australian Aboriginal Studies 1992(1): 77-79. David, B. 1992b Archaeological investigations at NurrabuUgin: the Mt. MulUgan Project Stage 1. UnpubUshed report to the Kuku Djungan Aboriginal Corporation, Mareeba and to A.I.A.T.S.I.S., Canberra. David, B. 1992c Recent research in southeast Cape York Peninsula: NurrabuUgin and Mordor Cave. Queensland Archaeological Research 9: 50-53. David, B. 1992d Analysing space: investigating context and meaning in the rock paintings of the Chillagoe-Mungana limestone belt of north Queensland. In J. McDonald and LP. Haskovec (eds.). State of the Art: Regional Rockt Art Studies in Australia and Melanesia, pp. 159-163. Occasional AURA Publication 6, Australian Rock Art Research Association, Melbourne. David, B. 1993a NiuxabuUgin Cave: the 1993 excavations. Unpublished report to the Kuku Djungan Aboriginal Corporation, Mareeba and to A.I.A.T.S.I.S., Canberra. David, B. 1993b NurrabuUgin Cave: preliminary results from a pre-37,(XX) year old rockshelter, north Queensland. Archaeology in Oceania 28(1): 50-54. David, B. & N. Cole 1990 Rock art and inter-regional interaction in northeastem Australian prehistory. Antiquity 64: 788-806. David, B. & N. Cole in prep. 'Curious drawings' and 'tolerable figures': investigating the prehistory of Cape York Peninsula and beyond through an examination of its rock art. Submitted for publication in a book to be edited by P. Hiscock (title and publisher unknown). David, B. &, J. CordeU 1993 MitcheU River Delta Cultural Site Mapping Project: 1992. Unpublished report submitted to the Kowanyama Land and Natural Resource Management Office, Kowanyama. David B. & M. David 1988 Rock pictures of the Chillagoe-Mungana Umestone belt, north Queensland. Rock Art Research 5 (2): 147-156. David, B., M. David, J. Flood & R. Frost 1990a Rock paintings of the Yingalarri region: preliminary results and implications for an archaeology of inter-regional relations in northem AustraUa. Memoirs of the Queensland Museum 28 (2): 443-62. 396

David B. & J. Flood 1991 On form and meaning in rock art research. Rock Art Research 8 (2): 130-131. David, B. & H. Lourandos in prep. Close, open and linked systems in archaeology: an exaniple from Queensland, AustraUa. To be submitted to Journal of Anthropological Archaeology. David, B., L MCNiven, J. Flood, V. Attenbrow & R. Frost 1990b The Lightning Brother's Project: 1988 and 1989 field seasons. Australian Archaeology 3\: 86-92. David B. & J. Stanisic 1991 Land snaUs from AustraUan archaeological sites: initial results fi-om Echidna's Rest (nortii Queensland). The Artefact 14: 19- 24. David, M. 1989 An archaeological survey of tiie Mt. Carbine and Mt. Windsor tablelands region, northeast Queensland. Conducted as part of the ANZSES 'DevU's Thumb' expedition, 1988-1989. UnpubUshed report submitted to the Archaeology Branch, Brisbane. David, M. 1990 Beyond the Calamus: an archaeological survey of the Mount Carbine Tableland and Bakers Blue Mountain region, conducted as part of the ANZSES 'Daintree Falls' expedition, 1989-1990. Unpublished report submitted to the Archaeology Branch, Brisbane. Davis, W. 1990 Style and history in art history. In M.W. Conkey & C.A. Hastorf (eds.). The Uses of Style in Archaeology, pp. 18-31. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Davison, M.L. 1983 Multidimensional Scaling. Wiley, New York Day, R.W, W.G. Whitaker, C.G. Munray, I.H. WUson & K.G. Grimes 1983 Queensland Geology: a Companion Volume to the 1:2,500,000 Scale Geological Map (1975). Geological Survey of Queensland Publication 383, Government Printer, Brisbane. de Keyser, F. & K.G. Lucas 1968 Geology of the Hodgkinson and Laura Basins, North Queensland. Bulletin 84, Bureau of Mineral Resources, Canberra. de Keyser, F. & K.W. Wolff 1964 The geology and mineral resources of the Chillagoe area, Queensland. Bulletin 70, Bureau of Mineral Resources, Canberra. Downey, B. & D. Frankel 1992 Radiocarbon and thermoluminescence dating of a central Murray mound. The Artefact \5: 31-35. Dragovich, D. 1981 Cavem microclimates in relation to preservation of rock art. Studies in Conservation 26: 143-49. Dragovich, D. 1984 Varnished engraving and rock weathering near Broken HiU, Westem N.S.W.. Australian Archaeology \%: 55-62. 397

Dragovich, D. 1986 Minimum age of some desert vamish near Broken HUl, N.S.W.. Searchll: 149-51. Dragovich, D. 1987 Desert vamish and problems of dating rock engravings in westem New South Wales. In W.R. Ambrose & J.M.J. Mummery (eds.). Archaeometry: Further Australian Studies, pp. 28-35. A.N.U., Canberra. Dwyer, P.D. 1990 The Pigs that Ate the Garden: a Human Ecology from Papua New Guinea. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor. Dwyer, P.D. & M. Minnegal 1992 Cassowaries, chickens and change: animal domestication by Kubo of Papua New Guinea. The Journal of the Polynesian Society 101 (4): 373-85. Edwards, Robert 1966 Comparative study of rock engravings in south and central Australia. Transactions of the Royal Society of South Australia 90: 33-38. Edwards, Robert 1971 Art and Aboriginal prehistory. In D.J. Mulvaney & J. Golson (eds.). Aboriginal Man and Environment in Australia, pp. 356- 67. A.N.U. Press, Canberra. Edwards, Ron 1967 Aboriginal art at Mt. MulUgan. Northern Folk 16: 6-7. Everitt, B. 1974 Cluster Analysis. Heinemann Educational Books, London. Faulstich, P. 1986 Spirits on the rock: symbol and stmcture in north Queensland rock paintings. In F. Bock (ed.), American Indian Rock Art 10: 21-30. Flood, J. 1983 Archaeology of the Dreamtime. WilUam ColUns, Sydney. Flood, J. 1987 Rock art of the Koolburra Plateau, north Queensland. Rock Art Research A (2): 91-126. Flood, J., B. David & R. Frost 1992 Dreaming into art: Aboriginal interpretations of rock engravings - Yingalarri, Northem Territory, Australia. In M. Morwood & D.R. Hobbs (eds.). Rock Art and Ethnography, pp. 33-38. Occasional AURA Publication 8, Australian Rock Art Research Association, Melboume. Flood, J., B. David, J. Magee & B. EngUsh 1987 Birrigai: a Pleistocene site in the southeastern highlands. Archaeology in Oceania 22: 9-26. Flood, J. & N. Horsfall 1986 Excavation of Green Ant and Echidna shelters. Cape York Peninsula. Queensland Archaeological Research 3: 4-64. Fluglel, E. 1982 Microfacies Analysis of Limestones. Springer Verlag, Berlin. Frankel, D. 1988 Characterising change in prehistoric sequences: a view from Australia. Archaeology in Oceania 23: 41-48. 398

Frankel, D, 1991 Remains to be Seen: Archaeological Insights into Australian Prehistory. Longman Cheshire, Melboume. Frankland, K. 1990 Booral: a preUminary investigation of an archaeological site in tiie Great Sandy Strait region, soutiieast Queensland. Unpublished B.A. (Hons.) tiiesis. University of Queensland, Brisbane. FrankUn, N.R. 1986 Stochastic vs. emblemic: an archaeologicaUy useful method for the analysis of style in Australian rock art. Rock Art Research 3: 121-140. Franklin, N.R. 1988 Comment. Rock Art Research 5: 24-28. Franklin, N.R. 1992 Explorations of VariabiUty in Australian Prehistoric Rock Engravings. UnpubUshed PhD thesis. La Trobe University, Bundoora. Frost, R., B. David & J. Flood 1992 Pictures in transition: discussing the interaction of visual forms and symbolic contents in Wardaman rock pictures. In M. Morwood and D.R. Hobbs (eds.). Rock Art and Ethnography in Australia, pp. 27-32. Occasional AURA Publication 6, Australian Rock Art Research Association, Melboume. Galloway, R.W., R.H. Gunn & R. Story 1970 Lands of the Mitchell-Normanby area. C.SJ.R.O., Queensland Land Research Series 26. Gamble, CS. 1979 Hunting strategies in the Central European Palaeolithic. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 45: 35-52. Gamble, CS. 1982 Interaction and aUiance in palaeolithic society. Man 17: 92-107. Gamble, CS. 1983 Culture and society in the upper palaeolithic of Europe. In G.N. Bailey (ed.), Hunter-Gatherer Economy in Prehistory, pp. 201- 11. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Gamble, CS. 1984 Regional variation in hunter-gatherer strategy in the upper Pleistocene of Europe. In R. Foley (ed.), Hominid Evolution and Community Ecology, pp. 237-60. Academic Press, London. Gamble, CS. 1986 The Palaeolithic Settlement of Europe. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Gingerich, P.D. 1983 Rates of evolution: effects of time and temporal scaUng. Science 222: 159-61. Godfirey, M.CS. 1989 SheU midden chronology in southwestem Victoria: reflections of change in prehistoric population and subsistence? Archaeology in Oceania 24: 65-79. GoUan, K. 1984 Prehistoric dingo. UnpubUshed PhD thesis, A.N.U., Canberra. Golson, J. 1977 The Ladder of Social Evolution: Archaeology and the Bottom Rungs. Sydney University Press, Sydney. Gosden, C 1989 Prehistoric social landscapes of the Arawe Islands, West New Britain Province, Papua New Guinea. Archaeology in Oceania 24 399

(2): 45-58. Gould, R.A. 1977 Puntjutjarpa rockshelter and the Australian Desert culture. Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History 54 (1). Hale, H. & N.B. Tindale 1930 Notes on some human remains in the Lower Murray Valley, South Australia. Records of the South Australian Museum 4: 145-218. Hale, H. & N.B. Tindale 1933 Aborigines of Princess Charlotte Bay. Records of the Australian Museum 5 (1): 64-116. Hale, H. & N.B. Tindale 1934 Aborigines of Princess Charlotte Bay. Records of the Australian Museum 5 (2): 117-72. Hall, J. 1982 Sitting on the crop of the bay: an historical and archaeological sketch of Aboriginal settiement and subsistence in Moreton Bay, southeast Queensland. In S. Bowdler (ed.). Coastal Archaeology in Eastern Australia, pp. 79-95. Dept. Prehistory, R.S.Pac.S., A.N.U., Canberra. HaU, J. & P. Hiscock 1988 The Moreton Region Archaeological Project (MRAP) - Stage 2: an outUne of objectives and methods. Queensland Archaeological Research 5: 4-24. Hallam, S.J. 1977 Topographic archaeology and artifactual evidence. In R.V.S. Wright (ed.). Stone Tools as Cultural Markers: Change, Evolution and Complexity, pp. 169-77. A.I.A.S., Canberra. Hann, W. 1873 Copy of the diary of the northem expedition under the leadership of Mr. WilUam Hann. Queensland Parliamentary Papers 1873: 1-26. Hartigan, J. 1975 Clustering Algorithms. Wiley, New York. Hassan, F.A. 1981 Demographic Archaeology. Academic Press, New York. Head, L. 1987 The Holocene prehistory of a coastal wetiand system: Discovery Bay, southeastem Australia. Human Ecology 15: 435-62. Head, L. 1989 Using palaeoecology to date Aboriginal fishtrapsa t Lake Condah, Victoria. Archaeology in Oceania 24: 110-15. Hiscock, P. 1981 Comments on the use of chipped stone artefacts as a measure of 'intensity of site usage'. Australian Archaeology 13: 30-34. Hiscock, P. 1982 A technological analysis of quartz assemblages from the south coast. In S.E. Bowdler (ed.). Coastal Archaeology of Eastern Australia, pp. . Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra. Hiscock, P. 1984a PreUminary report on the stone artefacts from CoUess Creek cave, northwestern Queensland. Queensland Archaeological Research!: 120-51. 400

Hiscock, P. 1984b Aboriginal site selection at one outiier on Lawn HiU station, northwestem Queensland. Queensland Archaeological Research 1: 152-63. Hiscock, P. 1985 The need for a taphonomic perspective in stone artefact analysis. Queensland Archaeological Research 2: 82-97. Hiscock, P. 1986 Technological change in the Hunter River valley and the interpretation of late Holocene change in Australia. Archaeology in Oceania 21 (I): 40-50. Hiscock, P. 1989 Prehistoric Settiement Pattems and Artefact Manufacture at Lawn Hill, Northwest Queensland. Unpublished PhD thesis. University of Queensland, Brsibane. Hiscock, P. 1993 Bondaian technology in the Hunter Valley, New South Wales. Archaeology in Oceania 28 (2): 65-76. Hiscock, P. & J. Hall 1988 Technological change at Bushranger's Cave (LA:A11), southeast Queensland. Queensland Archaeological Research 5: 90-112. Hiscock, P. & P. Kershaw 1992 Palaeoenvironments and prehistory of Australia's tropical Top End. In J. Dodson (ed.). The Naive Lands: Prehistory and Environmental Change in Australia and the Southwest Pacific, pp. 43-75. Longman Cheshire, Melboume. Hiscock, P. & P. Veth 1991 Change in the Australian desert culture: a reanalysis of tulas from Puntutjarpa rockshelter. World Archaeology 22 (3): 332-45. Hodder, I. 1978 The maintenance of group identities in the Baringo district, Westem Kenya. In D. Green, C Haselgrove & M. Spriggs (eds.). Social Organisation and Settlement, pp. 47-73. British Archaeological Reports Intemational Series #47, Osney Mead. Hodder, I. 1981 Society, economy and culture: an ethnographic case study amongst the Lozi. In I. Hodder, G. Isaac and N. Hammond (eds.). Pattern of the Past: studies in honour of David Clarke, pp. 67-96. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Hodder, I. 1986a Symbols in Action. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, Hodder, I, 1986b Reading the Past. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Hodder, I. 1987 The contextual analysis of symbolic meanings. In I. Hodder (ed.). The Archaeology of Contextual Meanings, pp. 1-10. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Hopley, D. 1983 Evidence of 15,000 years of sea level change in tropical Queensland. In D. Hopley (ed.), Australian Sea Levels in the Last 15,000 Years: a Review. Occasional Paper 3, pp. 93-104. Geography Dept., James Cook University of North (Queensland, TownsviUe. Horsfall, N. 1987 Living in rainforest: the prehistoric occupation of north Queensland's humid tropics. Unpublished PM) thesis, James 401

Cook University of North Queensland, TownsvUle. Hossfeld, P.S. 1966 Antiquity of man in Australia. In B.C. Cotton (ed.), AZ^ongma/ Man in South and Central Australia, pp. 59-96. Government Printer, Adelaide. Howitt, A.W. 1904 The Native Tribes of Southeast Australia. MacmiUan, London. Huchet, B. 1990a A taphonomic analysis of the faunal assemblage from Yam Camp Rockshelter, southeast Cape York Peninsula. Queensland Archaeological Research 7: 57-72. Huchet, B. 1990b The identification of cicatrices depicted on anthropomorphs in the Laura region, north Queensland. Rock Art Research 7: 27- 43. Huchet, B. 1991 The nature of analogies in Australian archaeology. The Artefact 14: 3-12. Hughes, P.J. 1977 A geomorphological interpretation of selected archaeological sites in southem coastal New South Wales. UnpubUshed PhD thesis. University of NSW, Sydney. Hughes, P.J. 1983 Colless Creek rockshelter archaeological site, NW Queensland, 18KA. In J. ChappeU and A. Grindrod (eds.), 1983, pp. 59-61. Hughes, P.J. & V. Djohadze 1980 Radiocarbon Dates from Archaeological Sites on the South Coast of New South Wales and the Use of Depth/Age Curves. Occasional Papers in Prehistory #1. Dept. Prehistory, R.S.Pac.S., A.N.U., Canberra. Hughes, P.J. & R. Lampert 1982 Prehistoric population change in southem coastal New South Wales. In S.E. Bowdler (ed.). Coastal Archaeology of Eastern Australia, ipip. 16-28. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra. Hughes, P.J. & M.E. Sullivan 1981 Aboriginal burning and late Holocene geomorphic events in eastem NSW. Search 12: 277-78. Hynes, R.A. & A.K. Chase 1982 Plants, sites and domiculture: Aboriginal influence on plant communities in Cape York Peninsula. Archaeology in Oceania 17: 38-50. Ingold, T. 1980 Hunters, Pastoralists and Ranchers. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Ingold, T. 1991 Notes on the foraging mode of production. In T. Ingold, D. Riches & J. Woodbum (eds.). Hunters and Gatherers: History, Evolution and Social Change, pp. 269-85. Berg, New York. Jochim, M.A. 1983 PalaeoUtiiic cave art in ecological perspective. In G.N. Bailey (ed.), Hunter-Gatherer Economy and Prehistory, pp. 212-19. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 402

Johnson, I. 1979 The getting of data. UnpubUshed PhD thesis, A.N.U., Canberra.

Jones, R. 1968 The geographical background to tiie arrival of man in Australia and Tasmania. Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania3: 186-215.

Jones, R. 1976 Tasmania: aquatic machines and off-shore islands. In G. de G. Sieveking, I.H. Longworth & K.E. Wilson (eds.). Problems in Economic and Social Archaeology, pp. 235-63. Duckworth, London.

Jones, R. 1978 Why did the Tasmanians stop eating fish? In R. Gould (ed.). Explorations in Ethnoarchaeology, pp. 11-48. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.

Jones, R. 1985 Archaeological conclusions. In R. Jones (ed.), Archaeological Research in Kakadu National Park, pp. 291-98. AustraUan National Parks and Wildlife Service, Canberra. Kamminga, J 1982 Over The Edge. Anthropology Museum, University of Queensland, Brisbane. Keen, I. 1977 Yolngu sand sculptures in context. In P. Ucko (ed.). Form in Indigenous Art: schematisation in the art of Aboriginal Australia and prehistoric Europe, pp. 165-S3.. A.I.A.S., Canberra. Kershaw, P. 1970 A pollen diagram from Lake Euramoo, north-east Queensland, AustraUa. New Phytolith 69: 785-805. Kershaw, P. 1971 A pollen diagram from Quincan Crater, north-east Queensland, AustraUa. New Phytolith 70: 669-81. Kershaw, P. 1974 A long continuous pollen sequence from north-eastem Australia. Nature 251: 222-23. Kershaw, P. 1975a Late Quatemary vegetation and climate in northeastern Australia. In R.P. Suggate & M.M. Cresswell (eds.). Quaternary Studies, pp. 181-87. The Royal Society of New Zealand, WeUington. Kershaw, P. 1975b Stratigraphy and pollen analysis of Bromfield Swamp, northeastem Queensland, Australia. New Phytolith 75: 173-91. Kershaw, P. 1993 Palynology, biostratigraphy and human impact. The Artefact 16: 12-18. King, P. 1837 Narrative of a Survey of the Inter-Tropical and Western Coasts of Australia Performed Between the Years 1818 and 1822. Mwray, London. Kmskal, J.B. & M. Wish 1978 Multidimensional Scaling. Sage PubUcations, Berverley Hills. Lamb, L. 1993 Fem Cave: a technological investigation of increased stone artefact deposition rates. UnpubUshed B.A. (Hons.) thesis. University of Queensland, Brisbane. Lampert, R.J. 1980 Variation in Australia's Pleistocene stone industries. Journal de la 403

Societe des Ocianistes 36 (68): 190-206. Lampert, R.J. 1981 The Great Kartan Mystery. Terra AustraUs 5, Dept. Prehistory, R.S.Pac.S., A.N.U., Canberra. Lampert, R.J. & P. Hughes 1974 Sea level change and Aboriginal coastal adaptation in southem New South Wales. Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 9: 226-235. Layton, R. 1992 Australian Rock Art: a New Synthesis. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Layton, R., R. Foley & E. WUliams 1991 The transition between hunting and gathering and the specialized husbandry of resources: a socio-ecological approach. Current Anthropology 32 (3): 255-74. Lee, R.B. 1968 Discussion on 'territorial boundaries'. In R.B. Lee and I. DeVore (eds.), Man the Hunter, pp. 156. Aldine: New York. Lee, R.B. 1972 The intensification of social life among the !Kung Bushmen. In B. Spooner (ed.), Population Growth: Anthropological Implications, pp. 343-50. M.LT., Cambridge. Leichhardt, L. 1847 Journal of an Overland Expedition in Australia. T. & W. Boone, London. Leroi-Gourhan, A. 1958 La fonction des signes dans les sanctuaires paleolithiques. Bulletin de la Societe Prehistorique Frangaise 55: 307-21. Leroi-Gourhan, A. 1968 The art of Prehistoric Man in Western Europe. Thames & Hudson, London. Lewis, D. 1988 The Rock Paintings of Amhem Land, Australia: Social, Ecological and Material Culture Change in the Post-Glacial Period. British Archaeological Reports Intemational Series 415, Osney Mead. Lilley, I. 1986 Open site survey of Koolburra Plateau, Cape York Peninsula. Queensland Archaeological Research 3: 65-71. Logan Jack, R. 1895 Aboriginal cave drawings on the Palmer goldfields. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Queensland 11: 1-8. L'Oste-Brown, S. 1992 Getting organised: causes of stone artefact variabUity in southeast Cape York Peninsula. Unpublished B.A. (Hons.) thesis. University of New England, Araiidale. Lourandos, H. 1977 Aboriginal spatial organization and population: southwestem Victoria reconsidered. Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 12: 202-25. Lourandos, H. 1980a Forces of change: Aboriginal technology and population in southwestem Victoria. Unpublished PhD thesis. University of Sydney, Sydney. Lourandos, H. 1980b Change or stability? HydrauUcs, hunter-gatiierers and 404

population in temperate Australia. World Archaeology II: 245- 66. Lourandos, H. 1983 Intensification: a late Pleistocene-Holocene archaeological sequence from southwestem Victoria. Archaeology in Oceania 18: 81-94. Lourandos, H. 1984 Changing perspectives in Australian prehistory: a reply to Beaton. Archaeology in Oceania 19: 29-33. Lourandos, H. 1985a Problems with the interpretation of late Holocene changes in AustraUan prehistory. Ar£kaedlogy in Oceania 20: 37-39. Lourandos, H. 1985b Intensification and Australian prehistory. In T.D. Price & J. A. Brown (eds.). Prehistoric Hunter-Gatherers: the Emergence of Cultural Complexity, pp. 385-423. Academic Press, Orlando. Lourandos, H. 1991 Palaeopolitics: resource intensification in Aboriginal AustraUa and Papua New Guinea. In T. Ingold, D. Riches & J. Woodbum (eds.). Hunters and Gatherers: History, Evolution and Social Change, pp. 148-60. Berg, New York. Lourandos, H. 1993 Hunter-gatherer cultural dynamics: long- and short-term trends in Australian prehistory. Journal of Archaeological Research 1 (1): 67-88. Lourandos, H. & B. Barker in prep. Sea levels, productivity and prehistory: Pleistocene- Holocene coastal use in AustraUa. Lourandos, H. & B. David in prep. The openness of closed systems: cultural dynamics and the linkeage of social networks. To be submitted to Antiquity. Maltiius, T. 1982a [1798] An essay on the principle of population. In T. Malthus (ed.). An Essay on the Principle of Population, 61-217. Penguin Books, Harmondsworth. Maltiius, T. 1982b [1830] A summary view of the principle of population. In T. Malthus (ed.). An Essay on the Principle of Population, 221-72. Penguin Books, Harmondsworth. Mardaga-CampbeU, M. 1986 Prehistoric living-floors and evidence for them in north Queensland rockshelters. Australian Archaeology 23: 42-61. Marx, K. 1947 The German Ideology. Intemational PubUshers, New York. Maynard, L. 1976 An archaeological approach to the study of Australian rock art. UnpubUshed M.A. thesis. University of Sydney, Sydney. Maynard, L. 1977 Classification and terminology of Australian rock art. In P. Ucko (ed.). Form in Indigenous Art: schematisation in the art of Aboriginal Australia and prehistoric Europe, pp. 387-402. A.I.A.S., Canberra. 405

Maynard, L. 1979 The archaeology of AustraUan Aboriginal art. In S.M. Mead (ed.), Exploring the Visual Arts of Oceania, pp. 83-100. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu.

MCBryde, I. 1974 Aboriginal Prehistory in New England. Sydney University Press, Sydney.

MCBryde, I. 1976 Subsistence pattems in New England prehistory. University of Queensland, Occasional Papers in Anthropology 6: 48-68.

MCBryde, I. 1978 Wil-im-ee Moor-ring: or, where do axes come from? Mankind 11(3): 354-82.

MCBryde, I. 1984 Kulin greenstone quarries: the social contexts of production and distribution for the Mt. William site. World Archaeology 16: 267-85.

MCBryde, I. & G. Harrison 1981 Valued good or valuable stone? Consideration of some aspects of the distribution of greenstone artefacts in southeastem Australia. In F. Leach & J. Davidson (eds.). Archaeological Studies of Pacific Stone Resources, pp. 183-208. British Archaeological Reports, Intemational Series 104, Oxford. MCBryde, I. & A. Watchman 1976 The distribution of greenstone axes in southeastem Australia: a preliminary report. Mankind 10: 163-74.

McCarthy, F.D. 1943 An analysis of the knapped implements from eight elouera industry stations on the south coast of New South Wales. Records of the Avstralian Museum 21 (3): 127-153.

McCarthy, F.D. 1964 The archaeology of the Capertee Valley, New South Wales. Records of the Australian Museum 26 (6): 197-246.

McCarthy, F.D. 1968 Recording art on rock surfaces. In D.J. Mulvaney (ed.), Australian Archaeology: a Guide to Field Techniques, pp. 125- 56. A.I.A.S., Canberra.

McCarthy, F.D. 1988 Rock art sequences: a matter of clarification. Rock Art Research 5: 16-42.

McCracken, CR. 1989 Some Aboriginal waUcing tracks and camp sites in the Douglas Shire, nortii Queensland. Queensland Archaeological Research 6: 103-13.

MCDonald, J. 1988 Comment. Rock Art Research 5: 28-30.

MCNiven, I. 1990 Prehistoric Aboriginal settlement and subsistence in the Cooloola region, coastal southeast Queensland. UnpubUshed PhD thesis. University of Queensland.

MCNiven, I. 1991 Teewah Beach: new evidence for Holocene coastal occupation in southeast Queensland. Australian Archaeology 33: 14-27. 406

MCNiven, I. 1992a Shell middens and mobUity: tiie use of off-site faunal remains, Queensland, Australia. Journal of Field Archaeology 19 (4): 495-508.

MCNiven, I. 1992b Bevel-edged tools from coastal southeast Queensland. Antiquity 66: 701-9.

MCNiven, I., B.Davi d & J. Flood 1992 Delamere 3: further excavations at Yiwarlarlay (Lightning Brothers Site), Northem Territory. Australian Aboriginal Studies 1992(1): 67-73. Meggitt, M.J. 1962 Desert People. Angus & Robertson, Sydney. Merlan, F. 1989a The interpretive framework of Wardaman rock art: a preliminary report. Australian Aboriginal Studies 1989 (2): 14- 24. Merlan, F. 1989b Survey of Aboriginal sites in the northwest of the Northem Territory. Unpublished report to the Australian Heritage Commission, Canberra. Meston, A. 1895 Geographic History of Queensland. Government Printer, Brisbane. Morphy, H. 1977 Too many meanings: an analysis of the artistic system of the Yolngu of northeast Amhem Land. Unpublished PhD thesis, A.N.U., Canberta. Morphy, H. 1991 Ancestral Connections: Art and an Aboriginal System of Knowledge. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Morwood, M.J. 1979 Art and stone: a prehistory of central western Queensland. Unpublished PhD thesis, A.N.U., Canberra. Morwood, M.J. 1981 Archaeology of the Central Queensland Highlands: the stone component Archaeology in Oceania 16 (1): 1-52. Morwood, M.J. 1985 Facts and figures: notes on rock art in the Mt. Isa area, northwestem Queensland. Rock Art Research 2 (2): 140-45. Morwood, M.J. 1986 The archaeology of art: excavations at Maidenwell and Gatton shelters, southeast Queensland. Queensland Archaeological Research 3: 88-132. Morwood, M.J. 1987 The archaeology of social complexity in soutiieast Queensland. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 53: 337-50. Morwood, M.J. 1989a The archaeology of Aboriginal art in southeast Cape York: a research proposal. Rock Art Research 6: 71-72. Morwood, M.J. 1989b The archaeology of Aboriginal art in southeast Cape York: preliminary report on the 1989 fieldwork. Rock Art Research 6: 155-56. Morwood, M.J. 1990a Edge-ground axes in Pleistocene Greater AustraUa - more evidence from southeast Cape York Peninsula: a reply to Sutton. Queensland Archaeological Research 7:110-14. 407

Morwood, M.J. 1990b The prehistory of Aboriginal landuse on the upper Flinders River, North Queensland Highlands. Queensland Archaeological Research 7: 3-40. Morwood, M.J. 1992 Changing art in a changing landscape: a case study from the upper Flinders region of the North Queensland Highland. In J. McDonald & LP. Haskovec (eds.). State of the Art: Regional Rock Art Studies in Australia and Melanesia, pp. 60-70. Occasional AURA Publication 6, Australian Rock Art Research Association, Melboume. Morwood, M.J. & L. Godwin n.d. Aboriginal sites in the Hughenden region. North Queensland Highlands: research prospects. Unpublished report to the Dept. Environment and Heritage, Brisbane. Morwood, M.J. & P. Trezise 1989 Edge-ground axes in Pleistocene Greater Australia: new evidence from southeast Cape York Peninsula. Queensland Archaeological Research 6: 77-90. Mowat, F. 1989 Bushrangers Cave: a faunal analysis. Unpublished B.A. (Hons.) thesis. University of Queensland, Brisbane. Mulvaney, D.J. 1975 The Prehistory of Australia. Penguin, Harmondsworth. Mulvaney, D.J. 1976 'The chain of connection': the material evidence. In N. Peterson (ed.). Tribes and Boundaries in Australia, pp. 72-94. A.I.A.S., Canberra. Mulvaney, D.J. & E.B. Joyce 1965 Archaeological and geomorphological investigations on Mt. Moffat Station- Queensland, Australia. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 31: 147-212. Munn, N.D. 1970 The transformation of subjects into objects in Warlbiri and Pitjantjatjara myth. In R.M. Bemdt (ed.), Australian Aboriginal Anthropology, pp. 141-56. University of Westem Australia Press, Perth. Munn, N.D. 1973 Walbiri Iconography: Graphic Representation and Cultural Symbolism in a Central Australian Society. ComeU University Press, Ithaca. Myers, F. 1986 Pintupi Country, Pintupi Self: Sentiment, Place and Politics among Western Desert Aborigines. A.I.A.S., Canberra. Neal, R. & E. Stock 1986 Pleistocene occupation in the southeast Queensland coast region. Nature 323: 618-21. Negerevich, T. 1979 A report on the Bathurst Bay/Flinders Island Group area. UnpubUshed report held at the Cultural Heritage Division, Dept. Environment and Heritage, Brisbane. Neumann, A.C 1972 Quatemary sea level history of Bermuda and the Bahamas. American Quaternary Association Second National Conference Abstracts, pp. 41-44. 408

Nix, A. «& J.D. Kalma 1972 Climate as a dominant control in the biogeography of northem AustraUa and New Guinea. In D. WaUcer (ed.). Bridge and Barrier: the Natural and Cultural History of Torres Strait, pp. 61- 92. Dept. of Biogeography & Geomorphology, R.S.Pac.S., A.N.U., Canberra.

Novello, M. 1989 A taphonomic analysis of the faunal remains from Platypus Rockshelter (KB:A70), southeast Queensland. Unpublished B.A. (Hons.) thesis. University of Queensland, Brisbane. O'Connor, S. 1992 The timing and nature of prehistoric island use in northern AustraUa. Archaeology in Oceania 27 (2): 49-60. Pardoe, C 1988 The cemetery as symbol. The distribution of prehistoric Aboriginal burial grounds in southeastem AustraUa. Archaeology in Oceania 23: 1-16. Pardoe, C 1992 Wamba yadu, a late Holocene cemetary of the central River Murray. Archaeology in Oceania 28 (2): 77-84. Pearce, R.H. 1973 Uniformity of the Australian backed blade tradition. Mankind 9: 89-95. Pearce, R.H. 1974 Spatial and temporal distribution of Australian backed blades. Mankind 9: 300-309. Pearson, W. 1989 A technological analysis of stone artefacts from Yam Camp surface scatter and rockshelter, southeast Cape York. Queensland Archaeological Research 6: 91-102. Peterson, N. 1976 Introduction. In N. Peterson (ed.). Tribes and Boundaries in Australia, pp. 1-11. A.I.A.S., Canberta. Petrie, CC 1904 Tom Petrie's Reminiscences of Early Queensland. Watson, Brisbane. Poiner, G. 1976 The process of the year among the Aborigines of the central and south coast of New South Wales. Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 11: 186-206. Poirier, S. 1993 'Nomadic' rituals: networks of ritual exchange between women of the Australian Westem Desert. Man (n.^.) 27: 757-76. Reynolds, H. 1982 The Other Side of the Frontier: Aboriginal Resistance to the European Invasion of Australia. Penguin Books, Ringwood. Richards, F. 1926 Customs and language of the westem Hodgkinson Aboriginals. Memoirs of the Queensland Museum 8 (3): 249-65. Rigsby, B. 1980 Land, language and people in the Princess Charlotte Bay area. In N.C Stevens & A. BaUey (eds.), Contemporary Cape York Peninsula, pp. 89-94. The Royal Society of Qld., Brisbane. Rigsby, B. 1981 Aboriginal people, land rights and wildemess on Cape York Peninsula. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Queensland 92:

Rosenfeld, A. 1975 The Early Man sites: Laura 1974. Australian Institute of 409

Aboriginal Studies Newsletter 3: 37-40. Rosenfeld, A. 1982 Style and meaning in Laura art: a case study in the formal analysis of style in prehistoric art. Mankind 13: 199-217. Rosenfeld, A. 1984 The identification of animal representations in the art of the Laura region, north Queensland (Australia). In H-G. Bandi (ed.), La Contribution de la 7x)ologie et de I'Ethologie a I'Interpretation de I'Art des Peuples Chasseurs Prehistoriques, pp. 399-422. Editions Universitaires, Fribourg. Rosenfeld, A. 1988a Comment. Rock Art Research 5: 33-35. Rosenfeld, A. 1988b Rock Art Conservation in Australia. Special Australian Heritage Publication Series 2, Australian Heritage Commission, Canberta. Rosenfeld, A. 1991 Panaramitee: dead or alive? In P. Bahn & A. Rosenfeld (eds.), Rock Art and Prehistory: Papers Presented to Symposium G of the AURA Congress, Darwin 1988, pp. 136-44. Oxbow Monograph 10, Oxford. Rosenfeld, A. 1992 Recent developments in Australian rock art studies. In R. Laffineur & J.L. Crowley (eds.), EIKQN - Aegean Bronze Age Iconography: Shaping a Methodology, pp. 231-38. Aegaeum 8, Universite de Liege, Liege. Rosenfeld, A., D. Horton & J. Winter 1981 Early Man in North Queensland. Terra Australis 6. R.S.Pac.S., A.N.U., Canberta. Ross, A. 1981 Holocene environments and prehistoric site patteming in the Victorian Mallee. Archaeology in Oceania 16: 145-54. Ross, A. 1985 Archaeological evidence for population change in the middle to late Holocene in southeastem Australia. Archaeology in Oceania 20: 81-89. Ross, A., T. Donnelly & R. Wasson 1992 The peopling of the arid zone: human-environment interactions. In J. Dodson (ed.). The Naive Lands: Prehistory and Environmental Change in Australia and the Southwest Pacific, pp. 76-114. Longman Cheshire, Melboume. Roth, W.E. 1897 Ethnological Studies among the North-West-Central Queensland Aborigines. Govemment Mnter, Brisbane. Roth, W.E. 1899a Report re distribution of gifts to coastal Aboriginals. UnpubUshed report held at the MitcheU Library, Sydney. Roth, W.E. 1899b An account of the Koko Minni Aboriginals occupying the country drained by the (middle) Palmer River. Unpublished report held at the MitcheU Library, Sydney. Roth, W.E. 1901a String, and other forms of strand: basketry-, woven bag-, and net-work. North Queensland Ethnography Bulletin 1. Department of Home Secretary, Brisbane. 410

Roth, W.E. 1901b The structure of the Koko-Yimidir language. North Queensland Ethnography Bulletin 2. Department of Home Secretary, Brisbane. Rotii, W.E. 1901c Food: its search, capture and preparation. North Queensland Ethnography Bulletin 3. Department of Home Secretary, Brisbane. Roth, W.E. 1902 Games, sport and amusement. North Queensland Ethnography Bulletin 4. Department of Home Secretary, Brisbane. Roth, W.E. 1903a Superstition, magic, and medicine. North Queensland Ethnography Bulletin 5. Department of Home Secretary, Brisbane. Roth, W.E. (ed.) 1903b An elementary grammar of the Nggorikudi language, by N. Hey, and revised and edited by W.E. Roth. North Queensland Ethnography Bulletin 6. Department of Home Secretary, Brisbane. Roth, W.E. 1904 Domestic implements, arts and manufactures. North Queensland Ethnography Bulletin 7. Department of Public Lands, Brisbane. Roth, W.E. 1906 Govemment, morals, and crime. North Queensland Ethnography Bulletin 8. Department of Home Secretary, Brisbane. Roth, W.E. 1907 North Queensland Ethnography 9: Burial ceremonies and disposal of the dead. Records of the Australian Museum 6 (5): 365-403. Roth, W.E. 1908a North Queensland Ethnography 10: Marriage ceremonies and infant life. Records of the Australian Museum 7 (1): 1-17. Roth, W.E. 1908b North Queensland Ethnography 11: Miscellaneous Papers. Records of the Australian Museum 7 (2): 74-107. Roth, W.E. 1909a North Queensland Ethnography 12: On certain initiation ceremonies. Records of the Australian Museum 7 (3): 166-85. Roth, W.E. 1909b North Queensland Ethnography 13: Fighting Weapons. Recordsof the Australian Museum 7 (4): 189-211. Roth, W.E. 1910a North Queensland Ethnography 14: Transport and trade. Records of the Australian Museum 8 (1): 1-19. Rotii, W.E. 1910b North Queensland Ethnography 15: Decoration, deformation, clothing. Records of the Australian Museum 8 (1): 20-54. Rotii, W.E. 1910c North Queensland Ethnography 16: Huts and shelters. Records of the Australian Museum 8 (1): 55-66. Rotii, W.E. 1910d North Queensland Ethnography 17: Postures and abnormaUties. Records of the Australian Museum 8 (1): 67-78. Rotii, W.E. 1910e North Queensland Ethnography 18: Social and individual nomenclature. Records of the Australian Museum S (1): 79-106. 411

Rowland, M.J. 1983 Aborigines and environment in Holocene Australia: changing paradigms. Australian Aboriginal Studies 1983 (2): 62-77. Rowley, CD. 1986 The Destruction of Aboriginal Society. Penguin, Ringwood. Sackett, J.R. 1977 The meaning of style in archaeology: a general model. American Antiquity 42: 369-80. Sackett, J.R. 1982 Approaches to style in lithic archaeology. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 1 (1): 59-112. Sartre, J.-P. 1968 Search for a Method. Vintage Books, New York. Sauvet, G. & S. Sauvet 1979 Fonction semiologique de I'art parietal animalier franco- cantabrique. Bulletin de la Societe Prehistorique Frangaise 76: 340-54. Sauvet, G., S. Sauvet & A. Wlodarczyk 1977 Essai de semiologie prehistorique (pour une theories des premiers signes graphiques de I'homme). Bulletin de la Societe Prehistorique Frangaise 74: 545-58. Seaton, D. n.d. Aboriginal rock paintings of north Queensland: Bare Hill area, Caims hinterland. Unpublished manuscript, A.I.A.S. library, pMs 1546. Shanks, M. & C TiUey 1987 Social Theory and Archaeology. Polity Press, Oxford. Sharp, L. 1934a The social organisation of the Yir-Yoront tribe. Cape York Peninsula. Oceania 4 (4): 404-31. Sharp, L. 1934b Ritual Ufe and economics of the Yir Yoront of Cape York Peninsula. Oceania 5: 19-42. Sharp, L. 1939 Tribes and totemism in northeastem Australia. Oceania 9 (3): 254-75, and 9 (4): 439-61. Shephard, R.N. 1962 The analysis of proximities: multidimensional scaUng with an unJcnown distance function. Psychometrika 27: 125-140, 219- 246. Smith, CE. 1989 Designed Dreaming: assessing the relationship between style, social structure and environment in Aboriginal Australia. Unpublished B.A. (Hons.) thesis. University of New England, Armidale. Smitii, CE. 1992a The articulation of style and social stmcture in Australian Aboriginal art. Australian Aboriginal Studies 1992 (I): 28-34. Smith, CE. 1992b Colonising with style: reviewing the nexus between rock art, territoriality and the colonisation and occupation of Sahul. Australian Archaeology 34: 34-42. Smitii, M.A. 1986 The antiquity of seed grinding in central Australia. Archaeology in Oceania 21: 29-39. 412

Smitii, M.A. 1988 The pattern and timing of prehistoric settiement in central Australia. Unpublished PhD thesis. University of New England, Armidale. Smith, M.A. 1989 The case for a residenthuma n population in the Central AustraUan Ranges during full glacial aridity. Archaeology in Oceania 24: 93-105. Smith, M.A. & B.F. Cundy 1985 Distribution maps for flaked stone points and backed blades in the Northem Territory. Australian Aboriginal Studies \9%5 (2): 32- 37. Smith, P.E.L. & T.C Jr. Young 1972 The evolution of early agriculture and culture in greater Mesopotamia: a trail model. In B. Spooner (ed.). Population Growth: Anthropological Implications, pp. 1-59. M.LT., Cambridge. Smyth, R. 1878 r/ieA^Jongine^o/Wctona. Govemment Printer, Melboume. Solomon, S.& B. David 1990 Middle Range Theory and actualistic studies: bones and dingoes in Australian Archaeology. In S. Solomon, I. Davidson & D. Watson (eds.). Problem Solving in Taphonomy: Archaeological and Palaeontological Studies from Europe, Africa and Oceania. Tempus 2, pp. 234-56. Anthropology Museum, University of Queensland, Brisbane. Stanner, W.E.H. 1989 On Aboriginal Religion. Oceania Monograph 36, Sydney University, Sydney. Stanton, J.P. & M.G. Morgan 1977 Report #1: The rapid selection and appraisal of key and endangered sites - the Queensland case study. Unpublished report to the Queensland Department of Environment, Housing and Community Development. School of Natural Resources, University of New England, Armidale. Stephens, K. 1990 A late Quatemary vegetation history from southeast Cape York derived from swamp and archaeological sediments. Unpublished B. Env. Sci. (Hons.) thesis. University of WoUongong. Stephens, K. & L. Head 1992 Palaeoecology of archaeological and swamp sites in southeast Cape York Peninsula. Unpublished report. University of WoUongong. Stevenson, M. 1982 Toward an understanding of site abandonment behaviour: evidence from historic mining camps in the southwest Yukon. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 1 (3): 237-265. Stokes, J.L. 1846 Discoveries in Australia. T. & W. Boone, London. Summerhayes, G.R. & J. AUen 1993 The transport of Mopir obsidian to late Pleistocene New Ireland. Archaeology in Oceania 28 (3): 144-48. 413

Sutton, P. 1978 Wik: Aboriginal society, territory and language at Cape Keerweer, Cape York Peninsula, Australia. Unpublished PhD thesis. University of Queensland, Brisbane. Sutton, P. & B. Rigsby 1982 People with 'Politicks': management of land and personnel on Australia's Cape York Peninsula. In N. Williams & E.S. Hunn (eds.), Resource Managers: North American and Australian Hunter-Gatherers, pp. 115-72. A.LA.S., Canberta.

Sutton, P., M. Lorblanchet & R. Layton 1975 Flinders Island Expedition. AJ.A.S. Newsletter 3: 34-37. Sutton, S.A. 1990 Pleistocene axes in Sahul: a response to Morwood and Tresize. Queensland Archaeological Research 7: 95-109.

Tagon, P. 1993 Regionalism in the recent rock art of western Amhem Land, Northem Territory. Archaeology in Oceania 28 (3): 112-120.

Taylor, L. 1987 The same but different: social reproduction and innovation in the art of the Kunwinjku of westem Amhem Land. UnpubUshed PhD thesis, A.N.U., Canberta. Thomas, N. 1981 Social theory, ecology and epistemology: theoretical issues in Australian prehistory. Mankind 13: 165-77.

Thomson, D.F. 1972 Kinship and Behaviour in North Queensland: A Preliminary Account of Kinship and Social Organisation on Cape York Peninsula. A.I.A.S., Canberta.

Tindale, N.B. 1974 Aboriginal Tribes of Australia. University of California, Berkeley.

Tortence, R. 1986 Production and Exchange of Stone Tools. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Trezise, P. 1969 Quinkan Country. Reed, Sydney.

Trezise, P. 1971 Rock Art of Southeast Cape York. A.I.A.S., Canberta.

Trezise, P. 1973 Last Days of Wilderness. Collins, Brisbane.

Trezise, P. 1977 Representations of crocodUes in Laura art. In P. Ucko (ed.). Form in Indigenous Art: Schematisation in the Art of Aboriginal Australia and Prehistoric Europe, pp. 325-33. A.I.A.S., Canberta.

Trezise, P. 1987 Comment on J. Flood's 'Rock art of the Koolburta Plateau, north Queensland'. Rock Art Research 4 (2): 124.

Trezise, P. 1993 Dream Road: a Journey of Discovery. Allen & Unwin, St. Leonards. Ulsaner, E.M. 1978 Editor's Introduction. In J.B. Kruskal & M. Wish, Multidimensional Scaling, pp. 5-6. Sage Publications, Berverley HiUs.

Vetii, P. 1989 Islands of the interior: a model for the colonization of Australia's 414

arid zone. Archaeology in Oceania 24: 81-92.

WaUcer, D. (ed.) 1972 Bridge and Barrier: the Natural and Cultural History of Torres Strait. Dept. of Biogeography & Geomorphology, R.S.Pac.S., A.N.U., Canberta.

Walsh, G. 1984 Archaeological significance of Flinders Island/Princess Charlotte Bay. Unpublished report to Qld. NPWS, Brisbane.

Walsh, G. 1985 Flinders Island Group Conservation Project. Unpublished report to Qld. NPWS, Brisbane. Walsh, G. 1986 Preliminary report: archaeological sites of the Bare HiU area, Atherton Tableland, north Queensland. UnpubUshed report, Qld. N.P.W.S., . Walsh, G. 1988 Australia's Greatest Rock Art. E-J. Brill-R. Brown & Ass. Pty. Ltd., Bathurst. Walsh, G. 1991 Flinders Group National Park site management: regional cultural resource evaluation, preservation and selective presentation in far north Queensland. In C Pearson & B.K. Swartz Jnr. (eds.). Rock Art and Posterity: Conserving, Managing and Recording Rock Art, pp. 34-44. Occasional AURA Publication 4, AustraUan Rock Art Research Association, Melboume.

Walters, I. 1984 Gone to the dogs. Mankind 14: 389-400. Walters, I. 1987 Another kettie of fish: the prehistoric Moreton Bay fishery. Unpublished PhD thesis. University of Queensland, Brisbane. Walters, I. 1989 Intensified fishery production at Moreton Bay, southeast Queensland, in the late Holocene. Antiquity 63: 215-24. Ward, R.H. & K.M. Weiss (eds.) 1976 The Demographic Evolution of Human Populations. Academic Press, London. Watchman, A. & N. Cole 1993 Accelerator radiocarbon dating of plant-fibre binders in rock paintings from northeastem Australia. Antiquity 67: 355-58. Watchman, A., J. Sirois & N. Cole 1993 Mineralogical examination of Aboriginal rock-painting pigments near Laura, north Queensland. In B.L. Fankhauser and J.R. Bird (eds.), Archaeometry: Current Australasian Research, Occasional Papers in Prehistory #22, pp. 141-50, Dept. Prehistory, R.S.Pac.S., A.N.U., Canberta.. Watson, J. & H.M. Abbey 1986 The effects of termites (Isopetera) on bone: some archaeological implications. Sociobiology 11: 245-54. Watson, J. & J. Flood 1987 Termite and wasp damage to Australian rock art. Rock Art Research 4: 17-28. Wiessner, P. 1983 Style and information in Kalahari San projectUe points. American Antiquity 48 (2): 253-76. 415

WUliams, E. 1988 Complex Hunter-Gatherers: a late Holocene example from Temperate Australia. British Archaeological Reports, Intemational Series 423, Oxford. Williams, N. 1982 A boundary is to cross: observations on Yolngu boundaries and permission. In N. Williams & E. Hunn (eds.). Resource Managers: North American and Australian Hunter-Gatherers, pp. 131-54. A.I.A.S., Canberta. Wilkinson, L. 1990 SYSTAT: The System for Statistics. SYSTAC Inc, Evanston. Wobst, M. 1977 Stylistic behaviour and information exchange. In CE. Cleland (ed.). Papers for the Director: Research Essays in Honour of James B. Griffin, pp. 317-342. Anthropological Papers #61, Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Michigan. Woodroffe, CD., J. ChappeU & B.G. Thom 1988 Shell middens in the context of estuarine development, South Alligator River, Northem Territory. Archaeology in Oceania 23 (3): 95-103. Woolston, F.P. 1965 An excavation in 'Platform Gallery' near Cooktown, north Queensland. Unpublished report to the A.I.A.S., Canberta. Woolston, F.P. & P. Trezise 1969 Petroglyphs of Cape York Peninsula. Mankind 7: 120-27. Wright, R.V.S. 1971 Prehistory in the Cape York Peninsula. In D.J. Mulvaney & J. Golson (eds.). Aboriginal Man and Environment in Australia, pp. 133-40. A.N.U. Press, Canberta. Wright, R.V.S. 1992 Correlation between cranial form and geography in Homo sapiens: CRANID - a computer program for forensic and other appUcations. Archaeology in Oceania 27 (3): 128-134. Wunderly, J. 1943 The Keilor fossil skuU: anatomical description. Memoirs of the National Museum Melbourne 13: 57-70. Yengoyan, A.A. 1976 Structure, event and ecology in Aboriginal Australia: a comparative viewpoint. In N. Peterson (ed.). Tribes and Boundaries in Australia, pp. 121-132. A.LA.S., Canberta. Yoffee, N. 1985 Perspectives on 'trends towards social complexity in prehistoric Australia and Papua New Guinea'. Archaeology in Oceania 20 (2): 41-48.