This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 67-6313 ERDMANN, Louis Otto, 1935- THE PRINTED FESTIVAL BOOK: A STUDY OF NORTHERN CONTINENTAL FESTIVALS IN THE LATE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1966 Speech-Theater
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan Copyright by
Louis Otto Erdmann
1967 THE PRINTED FESTIVAL BOOK:
A STUDY OF NORTHERN CONTINENTAL FESTIVALS
IN THE LATE SIXTEENTH CENTURY
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University
by
Louis Otto Erdmann, B.A., M.A.
************
The Ohio State University
1 9 66
Approved by
Roy H. Bowen Department of Speech PLEASE NOTE: Figure pages are not original copy. They tend to "curl". Filmed in the best possible way. UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS AC KNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank Mr. Graham Reynolds of the
Department of Prints and Documents of the Victoria and
Albert Museum and Mr. John P. Harthan, Keeper of the
Library, for their permission to reproduce selected en gravings and to quote from Johannes Bochio's Descriptio
Pvblicae Gratvlationis Spectacvlorvm et Lvdorvm, in
Adventv Sereniss Principis Ernest... 1595, which is cur rently housed in the Piot Collection of the Victoria and
Albert Museum Library in London. For reproductions of the engravings and selected textual materials from
Diederich Graminaeus1 Fftrstliche Hochzeit... 1585, I would like to thank Mr. Matthew Lowman, Curator of Rare Books in the John Wing Collection, and Mr. Colton Storm, Head of Special Collections, of the Newberry Library in
Chicago.
I gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Dr. Henry
Tapp of the German Department of Kent State University for verifying translations of Graminaeus' middle-high-
German poetry; the assistance of Dr. John Parks of Kent
State University's Romance Language Department in trans lating the inscriptions from the Pieter van der Borscht engravings in the entry at Antwerp is also appreciated.
ii The guidance and direction of Dr. Roy H. Bowen
(adviser), Dr. John C. Morrow, and Dr. John H. McDowell, who brought the festival material to my attention, cannot be overstated.
Dr. William H. Zucchero, Mrs. Donna Erdmann,
Mr. Donald Shook, and Mrs. Elinor Hossalla were particu larly helpful in preparing the text and illustrations for the final copy. VITA
July 19, 1935 Born - Rushford, Wisconsin
1957 ...... B.A., North Central College, Naperville, Illinois
1958 ...... M.A., Kent State University, Kent, Ohio
1958-1962 . . Instructor, School of Speech, Kent State University, Kent, Ohio
1962-1963 • • Teaching Assistant, Department of Speech, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
196^-1966 . . Assistant Professor, School of Speech, Kent State University, Kent, Ohio
FIELDS OF STUDY
Major Field: Speech
Studies in Theatre History and Criticism. Professor John H. McDowell
Studies in the Teaching of Theatre. Professor Roy H. Bowen
Studies in Theatre Production. Professor Walter S. Dewey
Studies in Television Production. Professor James E. Lynch
Studies in Broadcast Programming and Audience Analysis. Professor Harrison B. Summers
Minor Field: English
Studies in Medieval Dramatic Literature. Professor Martin Stevens
Studies in Renaissance Dramatic Literature. Professor Harold R. Walley iv CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... ii
VITA ...... Iv
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ...... viii
INTRODUCTION ...... 1 Summary of Previous Research. Purpose of Study Justification and Limitation of Study Methodology
CHAPTER I: A PERSPECTIVE ON THE THEATRICAL QUALITY OF THE FESTIVAL ...... 9 Types of Festivals The Printed Festival Book and Its Elements The Popularity of the Festival The Dramatic Tradition of the Festival The Popular Medieval Drama The Medieval Drama and the Festival The Festival and Its Audience
CHAPTER II: THE PRINTED FESTIVAL B O O K ..... 26 Die Ftirstliche Hochzeit The geographic and political climate in Berg Publication information Contents Desciiptio Pvblicae Gratulationis...Ernest The geographic and political climate in the Netherlands Publication information Contents A Comparison of the Two Printed Festival Books
CHAPTER III: THE TOURNAMENT AS A FESTIVAL ELEMENT h? Development of the Tournament The Tournament at Dttsseldorf The Tournament at Antwerp Summary
v CHAPTER IV: THE ENTRY AS A FESTIVAL ELEMENT ..... The Formal Entry In Dttsseldorf In Antwerp The Architectural and Theatrical Features of the Antwerp Entry Parades and Floats in the Entry Summary
CHAPTER V: FIREWORKS AS AN ELEMENT OF THE FESTIVAL The Theatrical Spectacle of Fireworks The Scenic Usage of Fireworks Fireworks Displays in Antwerp The Fireworks in Dttsseldorf Summary
CHAPTER VI: SECONDARY ELEMENTS WITHIN THE FESTIVALS ...... Sotteltes Ornament at i on Naumachia In Antwerp In Dttsseldorf Summary
CHAPTER VII: DRAMATIC PERFORMANCES AS AN ELEMENT OF THE FESTIVAL ...... The Theatri Pacis in Antwerp A Pageant in Dttsseldorf A Mummery at Dttsseldorf The Pegma used in Antwerp A description of the device The pegma in the Public Forum The pegma on the Ioannis Bridge The public pegma on the Via Qvae The pegma in the Triangulum The role of the pegma A Performance of Hercules Furens in Dttsseldorf Summary
CONCLUSIONS ...... The Elements of the Festival Artists and Producers in the Festival The Character of the Festival The Festival Books Suggestions for Further Research
APPENDIX A: A CITATION OF PRINTED FESTIVAL BOOKS 1517-1618 ...... APPENDIX B: STATISTICAL COMPARISONS OF FESTIVAL TYPE, FREQUENCY AND GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION ...... 191
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 19^
vii ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure Page
1. Northern Europe in the Sixteenth Century .. 28
2. Frontispiece from 1587 Festival Book ..... 32
3- Frontispiece from 1595 Antwerp Publication 41
b. Frontispiece for 159^- Antwerp Festival Book bb
5. The Ringrennen at the Tornierbahn ...... 52
6. Entrance to the Tornierbahn...... 56
7. The Jousts at the Tornierbahn ...... 57
8. The Scene at the Quintain ...... 59
9. The Scene of the Fechtschul ...... 62
^ 10. The Scene of the Fusztornier ...... 63
1 1 . The Tournament at Antwerp ...... 65
12. The Arrival of the Bride’s Party at Dttsseldorf ...... 72
13* Meeting of the Wedding Parties to Form the Entry ...... 7 b
1b. Formation for the Entry outside of the Gates of Antwerp ...... 76
15* Ernest’s Ride through Caesar's Gate ...... 78
16. Posterior Plan of the Arch of the Lusitanians ...... 80
17. The Wooden Arch at the Entrance of the Via Vicaria ...... 86
18. An Elephant Decorated for a Festival ...... 89
viii Figure Page
19* A Float Bearing the Statue of Antigoni .... 91
20. Fireworks at the Tornierbahn at Dttsseldorf 97
21. Fireworks at the Fusztornier at Dttsseldorf 98
22. A Model for a Feurwerk-Aufbau in Nttrnberg 101
23- The Ignes Trivmphales held at Antwerp in 1594 ...... 103
24. A "Whale and Dragon Feu d'artifice on the Rhine ...... 107
25 • The Scene at the Zuckerwerk Table ...... 1 16
26. The Scene at the Great Hall in Dttsseldorf 119
27* The Banquet Hall in Dttsseldorf ...... 122
28. A Sea-horse in the Parade of Ships at Antwerp ...... 126
29* A Ship in the Parade of Sailboats ...... 127
30. The Schiffsturmung Performed at Dttsseldorf 129
31. Exterior View of the Theatri Pacis in Antwerp ...... 13^
32. The Interior of the Theatri Pacis in Antwerp ...... 136
3 3. Lyrics and Music from Performance at Antwerp ...... 1 39
34. The Medieval Mountain in the Tornierbahn .. 141
35. A Mummery Held at Dttsseldorf ...... 147
3 6. The Pegma Erected in the Public Forum ..... 152
37• The Pegma Built on the Ioannis Bridge ..... 156
3 8. ThePublic Pegma on the Via Qvae ...... 159
39* The Pegma Erected in the Triangulum ...... 161
40. Scene from Hercules Furens on the Rhine River ...... 166 INTRODUCTION
For a five-hundred year period beginning in the early days of the twelfth century and continuing until the end of the eighteenth century, festivals flourished in the major cities in Northern Europe. Although there appears to be more recorded festival activity in Germany than in any other single European country, George
Kernodle lists only one German study in the sixteenth century while citing seventeen for Italy, seventy-two for France, and forty-three for the Low Countries, twenty of which were devoted to the travels of Philip II of
Spain in his conquest of the Netherlands in 15^9-^ The
Berlin Katalog, for example, lists over fifty printed 2 festival books for Germany in the sixteenth century.
While the existence of the printed festival book has been confirmed, questions are still being raised as to the theatrical validity of the documents as source books.
It is to the latter concern that this study is dedicated.
^George Kernodle, From Art to Theatre (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1$kh), pp, 226-238. 2 Katalog der Ornamentstich-sammlung der Staatlichen Kunstbibliothek Berlin (New York, 19 58 ) , two volumes. For other bibliographical material on this point, con sult Appendix A.
1 The relationship of* a festival to theatrical activity
is tenuous. To understand this relationship, the concept must be accepted that any prepared activity which is
structured to support an audience by means of story,
characterization, dialogue, spectacle, and/or theme is
theatrical. The festival, unlike conventional drama,
did not depend upon literary form, but substituted
scenic embellishment and action for the spoken word and
allegorical figures for human dramatic characters. The
use of the festival for the entertainment and/or edifi
cation of the festival-audience further enhanced its
theatricality.
The distinction between that which is theatrical
and that which is dramatic is fundamental to our his
torical comprehension of the theatre and drama. It
might be asserted that the festivals of the sixteenth
century bear similarity to those of the Greeks. The
blending of religious festivals with didactic themes
and secular entertainments is now accepted by historians 3 as a part of Greek drama. As recorded in the printed
festival books, the festival of the sixteenth century
was a mixture of spectacle, games, pageantry, statesman
ship, and a few plays. Like a study of the early Greek
3 Even in our own time, the astute athletic enthu siast could forget the outcome of the football contest at the Rose Bowl; however, the parade and its proces sion of floats has a meaning for the participating cities far removed from that of the athletic contest. forms, a study of the sixteenth century festival is appropriate if it does no more than reveal the nature of the festival as a mirror of its own time.
Summary of previous research
As a research area festival activity has generally been avoided by students of the theatre; however, some work has begun. George Kernodle is one of the modern scholars to draw upon the festival as a source of thea trical history. While one might question his conclusion that the festival of the sixteenth century provided a theatrical precedent for the seventeenth century English and Continental stages, one cannot deny Mr. Kernodle1s persistent reference to the festival elements as thea- trical in concept. The more recent study of theatrical festivals of the Medici family by Alois M. Nagler covers the years from 1539 to 1637? and by its specific nature is concerned with physical theatre structures and their presentations rather than specific techniques which were 5 a part of the continental festival. In his two volume study of the English Entry and associated pageants,
Robert Withington also stresses the close relationship of the courtly "entertainments" to life at court. His
k Kernodle, op. cit. 5 Alois M. Nagler, Theatre Festivals of the Medici (New Haven: Yale University P r e s s , 1964). study is of* primary value in that it provides background
for the study of the English drama.^ In Germany the work
of Richard Alewyn and Karl Salzle is excellent in its
treatment of the later seventeenth century festival and
its relationship to ballet, opera, and other courtly 7 entertainments. While all of the heretofore mentioned works cite the development of the festival in the six
teenth century, no single study has been made of the
printed festival book and the theatrical elements of
that period.
Purpose of study
It is the contention of this study that the festi
val must be examined in historical context. To do this
accurately, the available record of the event in the
form of the printed festival book must be studied.
This thesis, therefore, is dedicated to a complete
examination of two printed Northern European festival
books of the late sixteenth century. This examination
will include an analysis of these festival books in an
attempt to determine their content, political and social
context, and relationship to the theatrical world, as
^Robert Withington, English Pageantry. An Historical Outline (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1918), two vols.
^Richard Alewyn and Karl Salzle, Das Grosse Weittheater (Munich: Rowohlt Hamburg, 1959)• 5 well as the nature of the festival elements found within the printed documents.
Justification and limitation of study
The festival book appeared either as a consequence of social events or political events. In the former category are found weddings, tournaments, funerals, and baptisms; the latter consists of state visits, political events and coronations. Die Fttrstliche Hochzeit, printed in 1587» describing a 1585 wedding in the province of
Berg, has been selected to represent the social event.
Briefly, it describes the festival staged for the wedding of John William (Duke of Cleve and Berg) and Jacobea of
Baden in Dttsseldorf. Representing the political event, a festival book describing the entry of Archduke Ernest of Austria into Antwerp in 159^, has been chosen. This book, Descriptio Pvblicae Gratvlationis...Ernest, was printed in 1595 and describes the events which occurred on the occasion of Archduke Ernest’s formal Entry into
Antwerp as the newly appointed ruler of the Netherlands.
These two books provide a composite picture of the nature of festival activity in Northern Europe at the end of the sixteenth century, and are representative of this politi- g cal and cultural geographic region.
g Because of the prevalence of religious and political strife in the sixteenth century, a national study of the countries of Northern Europe is not feasible. Small duchies, provinces and principalities of the north are contrasted with the centralized government present in the The selection of the late sixteenth century for this study would appear justifiable for the following reasons:
(l) it is relatively early in the span of the history of festival activity and therefore would perhaps demonstrate trends which might be supported by later studies of the seventeenth and eighteenth Centuries; (2) values of the printing press have been established by the end of this period but Baroque printing techniques have not yet in fluenced the style of printing; and (3) the sixteenth century festival book is probably a more accurate account of an historical event and is therefore unencumbered by a
Southern European countries of Spain and France. The area included in this study is centered in the region of the Lower Rhine River, and features the important trade ci ties on the Northern Continent, Antwerp and Dttsseldorf. Culturally the area surrounding these two cities bears strong similarities and distinctive features. Neither the Netherlands nor Northern Germany had known a cen tralized government of their own. The region was a constant religious and political battleground with Spain, England, Austria, Prussia, France and the Holy Roman Empire struggling for the right to govern the wealthy trade cities. While there were as many as four major languages spoken in the region, trade and general prosperity made the Northern Cities speak a common mone tary language. During various historical periods the Estates of the Rhenish League and the United Provinces sought mutual recognition as a united political front; however, the constant waging of war broke the briefly lived internal conspiracies. The attempts of Charles V to join the Netherlands and Catholic Germany against Southern Continental domination met with no success (Wolfgang Menzel, The History of Germany ^/London; George Bell and Sons, 188J3/» p p . 286-288) . The Hapsburgs and Philip XI of Spain further divided the region after its momentary unity under William, the Duke of Juliers; how ever, in 1576 when Antwerp was overrun by the Spanish, its citizens sought political and cultural refuge in the cities along the Rhine River (Menzel, p. 297)* Northern Europe, while somewhat of an arbitrary limitation, is not an incompatible geographic division for this study. tradition of publication which might tend to borrow more freely from surrounding forms and existing institutions.
In summary this study is limited to an examination of two printed festival books of the late sixteenth cen tury, representing the social and political character of the festival, and is geographically confined to the Lower
Rhine and the Netherlands.
Methodology
Because of the wealth of material concerning the festival and the relatively small amount of knowledge generally held by most theatrical scholars, the first two chapters of this study will be devoted to background material. The first chapter will treat the festival as an element and a focus for the history of theatre in the period and region under study. Chapter II will describe in detail the content and environment of the two selected printed festival books used.
The remaining five chapters will be devoted to an examination of the festival elements present in both printed festival books. These elements are as follows: tournaments; entries; fireworks; sottelties, ornamenta tion, and naumachia; and dramatic pageants, mascarades and plays. The didactic power of the dramatic event will be assessed in Chapter VII as a primary criterion while spectacle and entertainment are the dominant, although not exclusive, criteria in Chapters III through VI. Following the conclusions reached in this study, appendixes will be included. Appendix A will contain a chronological listing of the festival books printed in Northern Europe between 1517 and 1618. It will also employ cross references to actual library holdings and/ or other catalog listings and descriptions to facilitate additional research on the printed festival book.
Appendix B will constitute a statistical study of those festivals listed in Appendix A. CHAPTER I
A PERSPECTIVE ON THE THEATRICAL QUALITY OF THE FESTIVAL
The First Festival activity on the Northern Continent was recorded in 1168. The Festival was described as an
Einzug, a Formal entry, which was held at the Court oF
Thibaut oF Blois on the occasion oF the return oF
Thibaut's wiFe Beatrice From a trip to France. Thibaut employed a Minnesinger, Gautier oF Arras, who wrote Ille et Galeron, a poem in honor oF her return.^ Thus the tradition oF the Einzug-entry was Formally established as a part oF the recorded Festival. Beatrice’s entrance into court and her reception by the assembled knights and the poet-minnesinger Formed the Festivities For this
Entry.
A second citation listed 118^ as the date oF
Ritterlichen FreudenFest, an early Festival For newly created knights. On this occasion Frederick Barbarossa oF Mainz was conducting the knighthood ceremony For his two sons, Frederick and Henry. At the ceremony were
70,000 knights whom Frederick Barbarossa wished to im press with his power. To add to the Festival spirit,
^A. Gloss, The Genius oF the German Lyric (London, 1938.) 10
2 Heinrich von Veldeke was performing as the Minnesinger.
James Hosmer listed 1197 as the date of one of the 3 earlier social festivals, a Ftirstliche Hochzeit. Be cause the festival was found in court records, the list ing is of prime importance to our understanding of festi val history. The occasion was the marriage between King
Emmerich of Hungary and the daughter of Alphonse II of
Aragon. A troubadour, Peire Vidal, was employed to com pose songs and poetry in honor of the occasion.
These three citations reveal that the pattern of court festivals seemed to be established by the end of the twelfth century. The festival had a three-fold purpose: (l) it served as an occasion of social or political significance; (2) its festival spirit was meant to entertain the participants through games, speeches, singing, and merrymaking; and (3) it served to instruct or to impress the participants and viewers with not only the importance of the occasion but also the strength and power of the court offering the celebration. The dis tinction of political and/or social function seemed to be historically established and set the scene for the
2 W. Scherer, A History of German Literature (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 18 87) , Vol. I~! 3 James Hosmer, A Short History of German Literature (St. Louis: G. I. Jones and Company, 18 79). 11 recorded printed festival book which followed shortly k after the advent of the printing press.
Types of festivals
On the basis of his study of English pageantry from the reign of Richard II to contemporary times, Robert
Withington used the term "aesthetic pageant" to refer to the social festival whose purpose was to entertain by lavish display. He used the term "educational pageant" to refer to the political festival whose purpose was to 5 instruct by means of entertainment. Regardless of the terminology, the pattern of the festival seemed to be twofold: instruction, as found primarily in the political festival; and entertainment, as in the social festival.
It should be understood that the functions of the festi val may overlap; however, two types of court festivals were in existence by the end of the twelfth century, political and social.
The printed festival book and its elements
With the advent of the printing press, the festival was more accurately recorded and circulated, but the
traditions and the elements introduced in its early years
The Netherlands lay claim to Lawrence Janszoon (Coster) as the inventor of the printing press in 1^-40, while the remainder of Europe credits Gutenberg with the invention. K Withington, op■ cit. , Vol. I, p. xv. 12
prevailed. By the eighteenth century, festival books were the vogue in the printing circles of Baroque cults.
The European seemed to possess a zeal for recording all
that he saw in engravings of the festival elements which became, in themselves, works of art. For this reason the
festival books of the late seventeenth and early eight
eenth centuries do not appear valid in recording the
events of the festival. On some occasions as many as
five varying accounts of the same festival were printed,
ranging from short "souviner" books to lengthy, editorial
comments on the art, ideas and entertainments of the
festival.^ Those festival books selected for this study were printed shortly after the surge in printing and
prior to the highly artificial point of the Baroque period reached in the mid-eighteenth century.
By the publication date of the two selected festival
books, the following trends can be observed in the tex
tual and iconographic content of the printed documents:
(1) Entries, tableaux vivants, and coronations
dominated the political or "instructive” festival.
(2) Weddings, funerals and baptisms dominated the
social or "entertaining" festival.
(3) Regardless of the occasion, certain elements
such as fireworks, feasts, tournaments, parades,
^During the reign of Frederick IX ( 1 'jhO- 1 786) over twenty-five percent of all recorded festival books were printed in Germany. 13 naumachia and pageants were part of every festival.
(k) Established poets, architects and musicians lent their services to the success of the festival.
(5) The larger festivals occurred near the capital cities, on important water-ways, and in the larger cities.
The festival, regardless of occasion, was a part of courtly life in the Northern Continent during the late 7 sixteenth century.
The popularity of the festival
The number of edicts forbidding festival activity attested to its popularity. The reaction of the Pope to tournaments, both on the Continent and in England, was well documented. Many of the edicts were circumvented by the employment of allegorical devices and masks, such as those used by Maximillian I when he posed as Freydal in his Bavarian tournaments.
Often the games and tournaments were made part of larger festivals which would not be as readily frowned upon by ecclesiastic authority. Even these did not escape the watchful eyes of the authority. For example, at Basle, a council of the Rhenish League passed certain resolutions in 1^f35 against "the desecration of churches
7 For further comparison of events, characteristics, and frequency of festival participation, consult Appen dixes A and B. 14 g by revels, fairs and licentious festivals." One of the newsletters written to Count Fugger, dated October 6,
1592, ordered the posting of mandates forbidding
...all public festivities, such as singing, whistling, dancing, masques, promenading in the streets and other worldly merry making... with regard to weddings. I will herewith agree to their celebration provided this be done with all modesty, to the accompaniment of muted string music...9
The direct implication in "with regard to weddings" is
that entertainment other than "muted string music" was
the norm at most celebrated weddings. Certainly this
reinforces the position that weddings were the occasion
for a festival in which the varied entertainments,
pageantry, and games could function.
The dramatic tradition of the festival
That the festival was a part of the life of Northern
Europe by the end of the sixteenth century cannot be~
refuted, but what of the "formal drama?" The most
prevalent reaction to this question is similar to
Mr. Collinson’s view that dramatic forms in Germany did
not exist before the middle of the seventeenth century.
Mr. Collinson acknowledged the existence of religious
g Menzel, op. cit., p. 184. The Imperial Diet held at Mayence in 1 4 3 9 opposed these resolutions and elected a new council with Amadeus, Duke of Savoy, as Felix V. 9 / \ Victor von Klarwill (ed.), The Fugger News-Letters (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1924), Series I, trans lation by Pauline de Chary, Letter 144, pp. 173-17^-* pageants, the "isolated” work of Hans Sachs' Carnival 1 0 plays, and the presence of the "English Komodianten."
The existence of the latter can be explained as one sign of a flourishing, although not acknowledged, dramatic tradition in which the festival emerges for the court as a link between the theatrical worlds of the Medieval
Church and the Renaissance Court. Does it seem consist ent to acknowledge the existence of the popular Medieval
Christian drama without finding a link to the seven teenth century Renaissance Courtly dramatic forms such as opera and ballet? The sixteenth century festival linked the old order of religious drama with the new trends in spectacle fostered by the court and the
Renaissance.
The popular medieval drama
Wilhelm Creizenach offered considerable evidence that the clergy served as a motivating force for the development of the popular drama. It seemed a logical assumption by the clergy that if they wanted to reach the people, they would have to make the stories and messages of the Bible more palatable and vivid for their congrega tions. One of the most famous actor-priests was Johannes
Tauler (1290-1361) who recited stories for members of his parish to enact. Creizenach asserted that drama on the
1 0 W. E. Collinson, "German Literature to 17^8," Germany A Companion to German Studies (New York: The Dial Press, 1932), edited by Jethro Bithell, pp. 170-200. 16
European Continent stemmed from early examples of the priest leading the "dialogue" of the play. He cited as an example one actor-priest reciting the entire play while selected members of the congregation acted out the 11 portion that he was reciting. As a popular form,
Creizenach’s description most aptly fit the Landjuweel pageants and orations of the Rederyker stages of the
Netherlands.
W. Scherer, a prominent nineteenth century scholar of medieval literature, subscribed to the philosophy that religious drama in Germany and the Netherlands was a reflection of the French mystery, miracle and morality 12 plays. Kuno Francke, a contemporary, would disagree with this contention since he stated:
Look at the substance rather than the form of literature, to see in literature primarily the working of popular forces, to consider it chiefly as an expression of national culture.^3
Creizenach believed that religious drama was a steady progressional development. He traced, in well documented style, the Ninth Century Trope from the Antiphonarium and the Mass (ascribed to by Gregory the Great) to the
11 Wilhelm Creizenach, Geschichte des Neuren Dramas Halle: N. Niemayer, 1893-1916), Vol. 1^ pT ff* "Dass ein einziger Recitator das ganze Stuck mit Rede und dass dazu mehrer stumme Dorsteller die Empfindungen der einzelnen Personen des Dramas durch Gebordenspiel ausdruckten." 12 Scherer, op. cit. 1 3 Kuno Francke, Social Forces in German Literature (Jew York: Henry Holt and C o . , 1896) , p^ v^ 17 14 liturgical forms of drama. He naively proceeded to claim that these tropes (liturgical dramas) were con- verted into miracle plays performed by the guilds. 1 5 16 17 Maximilian J. Rudwin and George Raleigh Coffman strongly disagreed with this idea, and their concept has validity. Rudwin and Coffman agreed that all three forms of religious drama developed along with a popular native
secular drama each independent of the others. It is tenable that each liberally borrowed from the other so that by the late sixteenth century, the individual forms might have been difficult to distinguish.
The medieval drama and the festival
Just as the festival had its roots in both the
social and political life of medieval courts, so too did
the religious and secular drama have separate root sy
stems. The festival served to unify the more popular
characteristics of the medieval plays and blended them with the newly emerging Renaissance forms to create a new theatrical entity during the late sixteenth century.
14 . Creizenach, op. cit., pp. 8 -6 7.
^Ibid. , pp. 69-106.
1^Maximilian J. Rudwin, Historical and Bibliographi cal Survey of the German Religious Drama (Pittsburg: Pennsylvania Press, 192^). 1 7 George Raleigh Coffman, A New Theory Concerning the Origin of the Miracle Play (Menasha, Wis: George Banta, 191^)* 18
That entity is the form recognized as the festival.
Dr. Otto Weydig separated religious drama into two classifications: the liturgical and the miracle. He proposed that the latter grew out of the unecclesiastical spirit of the monastic schools to form a "Zwitterstellung 18 zwischen Hymnen and Drama.” The former, having its roots in the religious worship service, was more properly confined to the church, religious orders, and schools.
The content of the religious play, in particular the miracle, deserves mention. Dr. Weydig, subscribing to the theory that the miracle play was an outgrowth of the interest in Volkslied and Meistersinger societies, described the content of the play as follows:
Das Mirakelspiel ist die dramatische Entwicklung einer allgemein Begebenheit, deren tragischer Konflikt durch das meist uberirdische Erscheinen eines Heiligen und dessen Eingreifen zu Losung gebracht wird. ^ 9
His concept of a human event which is brought to a solu tion through divine intervention is characteristic of the miracle play. One of the best examples, Frau Jutta written in 1480 by Theodorich Schernberg, is the story of a girl who disguises herself as a man and becomes a
1 8 Otto Weydig, Geschichte des Mirakelspiels (Erfurt: Jena Dissertation, 1910), pT 14, "hybrid between music and drama.11 19 Weydig, op. cit., pp. 9-10. ”A miracle play is the dramatic development of a universal, human event, that is resolved by a saint whose divine and miracle like appearance resolves the tragic conflict." 19 priest, rises to a cardinal, and finally becomes the
Pope. When she is unmasked, a great trial is held by the cardinals, and she is damned to hell. Another play,
Per Anfang und das Ende der Welte by Bartholomaeus Kruger, was written about 1500. The Books of Genesis and Revela tion are personified and engaged in a heated discussion concerning which one of them is more important to the
Christian world. St. John, the Baptist, on whose day the play was performed, intervenes and admonishes the Books to be content to share in their knowledge of the begin ning and the end of the world.
The concepts of the miracle-religious drama are exceedingly important to our study of the festival. The miracle play established a tradition of performance which was borrowed and applied to the already extant forms of
the early festival. The obvious similarity is seen in
the personification of abstract ideas or inanimate ob
jects in the tableaux vivants of the entries. The alle
gorical quality of the tournament and the characters of
the festival pageants are not dissimilar to the concepts,
content, and characters of the mystery-religious plays of
the period in which the festival thrived.
The second root supporting the dramatic structures
in production during the late sixteenth century was the
secular drama. It is on the stem of this root that the
work of Hans Sachs blossomed. While most scholars agree 20
that the origin of this secular stem is found in the early
fertility rites associated with Spring, it is in the word
Carnival that the connection is most obvious. This word
indicates a season of the year just preceding Lent, which
Rudwin stated "was originally connected with a change in 20 Nature." The German word Lentz refers to both Spring
and Lent. This association appears in a Carnival play of
the fifteenth century, Sebastian Brandt’s Narrenschiff or
Ship of Fools, which was presented in 1^9^ at Basel, 21 prominent cities along the Rhine, and Nilrnberg. The
tradition of the ship in Carnival plays is an allegorical
reference to the early pagan rites in which the god and
goddess of fertility were pulled from city to city so that
they might bestow their blessing upon the newly planted
seeds. Brandt, at the end of this play, presents a moral
to the city and its citizens for whom the play was per
formed. This is a tradition that Hans Sachs later devel
oped and prostituted during the Reformation under the
influence of Martin Luther. Rudwin added further infor
mation to support the development of the Carnival play.
The Carnival comedy is, as we have seen, of Country origin. Peasants were its first actors. When the Carnival festival, however, was adopted by the towns, the burghers replaced the peasants as Carnival players. It was in their hands that the drama could develop into an art. Among the country people the comic pieces would have
^Rudwin, op. cit. , p. 2.
21 Francke, op. cit. , p. 127* 21
remained to the present day mere shows and games just as has been the case of the ritual part s. ^
Employing Rudwin's thinking, a similar observation might be made about the festival. Without the written account and the patronage of the court, the elements of the fes tival might never have been codified and united as a dramatic form, and the festival might never have been unified into a theatrical form.
The secular drama contributed both in content and in staging to the festivals of the sixteenth century. The
Meistersinger Societies in Germany and the Rederyker
Chambers in the Netherlands provided playwrights and acted as producers for the festival. Wolfgang Menzel made an interesting comparison between the work of Hans
Sachs and the festivals. He described Sachs' writing as follows:
Biblical and universal history, ancient mythology and German legend, every-day life and allegory, were the rich materials on which he worked; but in his pieces the scenes follow with startling rapidity, the dialogue is comparatively meagre, and the whole more resembles a rapid succession of tableaux vivants than a play.^3
Echoing Menzel's sentiments, Glynne Wickham asserted that the festival's entertaining quality lay in the drama and the spectacle "with words serving much the same purpose
22 Rudwin, op. cit., p. 39* 2 T Menzel, op . cit., p. 450. 22 as the narrator’s role in a documentary film or radio 24 program.”
Therefore, it can be seen that the dramatic heritage of Northern Europe is found in the development of separate theatrical strains which were united during the medieval period by a strong church-society relationship and again in the late sixteenth century by a strong court-society liaison which dominated in turn the church-society of the previous century. The theatrical strains of the secular drama can be traced from the early fertility rites through comic interludes at fairs and through the moralities and secular plays which form the basis for the style and method of presentation of the tableaux vivants and pa geants of the sixteenth century festival.
The development of ecclesiastical drama led in the sixteenth century to an interest in classical scholarship witnessed by the incorporation of Latin poems and classi cal allegory in the festival. The Volkslied preceded the
Meistersingers and the Rederyker Chambers in their pro ductions of miracle plays and later, for the festival, the production of historical pageants. The feudal con cept of knighthood contributed allegory and symbolism to the heraldry so prominent in the sixteenth century festi val. With few reservations, it might be said that the
24 , Grlynne Wickham, Early English Stages 1300-1600 (London: Routledge and tfegen Paul, 1959/> Vol. i^ p . xxxi. 23 festival provides a source for studying the dramatic heritage of Northern Europe in the sixteenth century.
The festival was to the sixteenth century what the religious drama was to the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
The festival and its audience
No complete picture of the festival can be made without an understanding of the nature of the audience and its relationship to the dramatic event. One of the few available records of audience reaction describes the author’s feelings about the audience assembled for the
Entry into Holland of William III, King of England, on
January 31? 1691. The artist made an effort to summarize what he thought were the reactions of the immediate - j r audience:
Je voudrois avoir pu aussi bien representer le ztele, la tendresse, l ’estime & la joye qu’il eut de revoir un Prince qui luy est se cher, apres tant de perils ou il s ’etait expose pour le bien public & pour la surete de la Religion. Si j ’avois pu representer ce qui ne se peut exprimer par des paroles, & encore moins tracer par aucun pinceau, si j ’avois pu, dis-je, representer ce qui ne se trouve grave que dans le coeur des homines, j ’aurois fait voir les monumens les plus solides & les plus dignes des Grands Princes. ...25
2 5Bidloo, Relation Du Voyage De Sa Majeste / Britannique Et de la Reception qui luy a et^ faite (Hague, 1691)> Berlin Katalog Number 2953 > B d . 385:256., OSUTC F1528. ”1 would wish to have been able to repre sent also the enthusiasm, the tenderness, the esteem and the admiration that all the people showed on this occa sion and the joy that the people had to see again a 2h
The author of the entry conceded that the account of the festival could not accurately describe the degree of spectator involvement.
For the political festival a double audience was in attendance. The scenic spectacle projected a message for the visiting royalty and his entourage who became the first audience for whom the event had been staged. Xn reality the royal figure was also a performer in the larg er dramatic event. The people were present, not just to see such scenic embellishments as the tableaux vivant, but also to watch the reaction of the visiting personage to the scene displayed in the tableaux. For the larger audience, the visiting dignitary’s reactions to what he saw may have been more important than the scene he was observing.
The social festivals are less difficult to assess in terms of audience response since they were staged prima rily for entertainment. Often, however, the audience’s reaction to a scene from a mascarade or a horse ballet was not even reported in the festival book. The judg ment of the audience is difficult to assess for any age.
Prince who is so dear to them, after so many dangers to which he had exposed himself for the public welfare and for the security of Religion. If I had been able to represent that which cannot be expressed by words, and even less, be drawn by brush, If I had been able, I say to represent that which is not engraved but on the heart of men, I would have shown the most solid monument to the most worthy of the great Princes...” 25
Historically it is hard for us to be accurate in judging the audience's reaction to the original performance of
Oedipus the King, and it is equally difficult to judge the response of a specific audience to yesterday’s hit
Broadway show.
Summary
The late sixteenth century represents the focal point in the development of festivals. It provides an excellent sampling of primary materials from which to
judge the content and theatrical quality of the festi val. Since the Northern European countries seem to share
some common elements and characteristics, a more complete
festival picture may be secured. Finally, because the
festival represents the transitional period between the worlds of the medieval and the Renaissance, some judgments might be made concerning the theatre produced by that
transition. CHAPTER IX
THE PRINTED FESTIVAL BOOKS
Die Ftlrstliche Hochzeit
The printed festival book first appearing in June of 1 1585 was written by Dietrich Graminaeus. The wedding united John William (Duke of Berg and heir to his father's provinces of Cleve, Julich, Mark and Berg) and the Margravine Jacobae of Baden, a cousin of the Bavarian dukes and a pupil of the Jesuits. Although the wedding was of a social character, the events and personages described in the Graminaeus book gave the occasion strong political overtones.
Other books written by Dietrich Graminaeus are listed as follows: In Esaiam et Prophetiam dierum geneseos oratio (Cologne, 1571)• British Museum Number 3815*e.2. Weltspiegel (Cologne: L. Alectorium and I. Soters, 1578). British Museum Number 86l0.bbb.l4. Exhortatio de exequenda calendarii correctione (Dusseldorf: A~. Busius , 1583 ) • British Museum Number 8561.aa.2 7(2). Todtenfeier Herzog's Wilhelm von Gulich (Cologne, 1588). Vinet Number 723. Spiegel und Abbildung der Verganglichkeit (Dlisseldorf, 1592), British Museum Number 9930.g.6 1. and Vinet Number 72k.
26 27
The geographic and political climate in Berg
The united province, consisting of the four separate 2 principalities, comprised a total of 5 * 500 square miles.
A map of the Northern Continent, Figure 1, page 28, shows
the location of the individual provinces on the Rhine
River. Although they collectively formed one of the
smaller provinces of Germany, "their dense population,
their geographical position, and their wealth enhanced 3 their importance.11 The principalities were ruled poli
tically from Dtisseldorf but were religiously controlled
by the Pope through the Archbishopric in Cologne. The
regions proximity to the Netherlands made the Province
of Berg a battleground almost continuously from 1583 to
1610. Pope Gregory XXII was most anxious to keep the
region Catholic in the face of mounting conversions to
Calvinism or Lutheranism. Upon the death of his father,
William in 1592, John William went insane and his wife,
Jacobae, took control. It appears that neither the
Catholic party nor the Protestant Estates trusted her
2 This compares with 5*009 square miles for the state of Connecticut. 3 F. L. Carsten, Princes and Parliaments in Germany (Oxford: Oxf oi'd University Press, 1 959) » P* 261 . He cited the Landtagsakten von Jtllich und Berg 1400-1610 for his source.
Menzel, op. cit., p. 31^* I*1 & footnote, Menzel reported having seen her portrait hanging in Dftsseldorf. He added that she received a golden rose and the benedic tion of the Pope. A Count von Manderscheid supposedly went insane at the news of her marriage. 28
FIGURE 1
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29
leadership for the Diet of Jttlich and Berg held in 1595 5 stripped her of all control. Upon John William's death
in 1609, the Province was split and John Sigismund, elec
tor of Brandenburg, and Wolfgang William, Pfalsgrave of
Neuberg, jointly ruled the region until their religious differences brought them to war in 1614 with the conse quence that the region was permanently split between
Catholic and Protestant factions.^ The spirit of unrest
and need for unified control in the province was drama
tically expressed in at least one of the pageants
described in the festival book. Chapter VII in this
study discusses the Mascarade of the Mountain and its
political implications.
5 Carsten, op. cit., p. 285» reported that one of Jacobae's enemies, Schenkern von Waldenberg, a pro- Spanish Catholic, organized a coup, seized Jacobae's papers and put her under strict surveillance. Menzel, op. cit♦, p. 31^> laid the plot to John William's sister, Sibylla, an elderly maiden. Jacobae was seized, "accused of sorcery, and strangled in prison, after undergoing a variety of tortures." In hopes of raising a progeny in the Catholic Faith, John William married Antonia of Lorraine, but no children resulted. His eldest sister, Sibylla, at k9 married Charles, Margrave of Burgau, but still the family was without heirs. Klarwill, op. cit., p. 260, added that Jacobae was strangled in bed on the third of September, 1597> at the age of hZ because of her leanings toward Protestantism.
^Veit Valentin, The German People (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 19^9)» P P • 189-190. 30
Publication information
Dietrich. Graminaeus’ book was published in three editions. The first was published in 1585 at Dttsseldorf 7 and consisted of ten engraved plates by Nicolas Hogenberg and an engraved text in German verse by Diederich
Graminaeus, Landscriber. The second printing consisted g of thirty-six leaves with engravings. The third and most extensive edition, was published in Cologne in 1587 9 and sold as a bound volume. This last volume is listed in Vinet as Number 722 and by the Berlin Katalog as
Number 2821, Volume 280:190 of Staatlichen Kunstbibliothek
Berlin. An extant copy of the 158? publication can be 10 located at Chicago's Newberry Library, and a microfilm copy of the latter is now housed in the Ohio State
University Theatre Collection bearing the film designa tion F158. The original in the Newberry Library is in excellent condition, without markings, and bears the title Ftlrstliche Hochzeit.
7 He also wrote and illustrated the festival book for the Coronation of Emperor Charles V. g Ernest Vinet, Bibliography Methodique et Raissonnse des Beaux-Arts (Pari"s^ 187^) , No other bibliography mentions the two first editions, nor does Vinet list them as extant. Q In 187^, Vinet listed price at more than fifty franks and Martin Breslauer's Catalog 7^ listed its price at forty-eight pounds.
^Housed in the John M. Wing Collection, fZP5^71*87. A facsimile copy of the frontispiece from the 1587 edition appears as Figure 2, page 32.^ The frontispiece is a curious mixture of the religious, political and classical. Across the top of the engraving, on either side of the crests of the bridal couple, appear two cir cular engravings which seem to be supported by Doric columns. The engravings are from Genesis 2k and show a man and a woman seated near a fountain. The woman can be seen offering the man a drink from a water vessel. The engraver was attempting to depict one of the more popular
Biblical courtships. Genesis 2k is the story of how
Rebekah becomes the wife of Isaac. At the bottom of the frontispiece are the figures of Pluto and Prosperena, two classical-mythical lovers, while above them is a scene from John 2 which describes the wedding at Cana in
Galilee in which Christ changed water into wine. The latter suggests a tone of festivity, which the engraver has carefully included.
On the right side-of-the engraving appear the figures of Neptune and Amphi in front of the Doric col umn, while on the left Jupiter is kissing a mortal woman.
The crown in the center of the engraving is resting on the shields of the house of the bride and groom. The artist-engraver has mixed religious, allegorical and
11 Graminaeus, op. cit. , frontispiece. Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago. FIGURE 2
Frontispiece from 1587 Festival Book 33 political symbolism in a marriage theme on the frontis piece. This mixture of forms is a key to the understand ing of Graminaeus' work. Throughout the text of the manuscript and in many of the engravings a similar mix ture of Christianity and mythology occurs.
The book is printed in script and contains one hundred forty-two double-printed leaves of which thirty- seven are double-paged engraved plates in addition to the engraved frontispiece. The text and corresponding engrav ings will be quoted and cited throughout the next five chapters. For simplicity, the pages, although not num bered in the original, are numbered 1-284 beginning after the frontispiece. Included in this numbering are the thirty-seven plates, which are numbered in the text.
Contents
A description of the contents of Fhrstliche Hochzeit is a monumental task. Graminaeus omitted neither histor ical detail nor the names of any of the guests, attend ants, or servants. The following description is a brief attempt to acquaint the reader with the scope of
Graminaeus' work which he organized and oriented to the days of the festival.
Within the first division, pages 1-45, are located two engraved plates showing the bride and her retinue moving toward the city of Dtisseldorf and the Castle of
Berg, and the groom's party meeting her outside of the 34 walls of the castle. Included in this section are list ings of horses and wagons, foreign and domestic guests, lists of those people representing various parts of the duchy, i.e., Cleve, Berg, etc., and the members of the bride and groom’s special party. This first section attempts to describe those activities which occurred on the day before the wedding, Saturday, June 15 » the correspondence and preparations which were made for the wedding.
The second day's activities are described on pages
46-70 and include two major events. The first event, the wedding ceremonies, occurred on Sunday morning,
June 16. There are two engraved plates depicting the actual wedding scene in the Schloss and one outside of the Chapel. The second event of the day took place in the Banquet Hall. Graminaeus described the banquet, the royal dances and those who performed. Three engraved plates depict the banquet scene, the dance, and the
Zuckerwerke table.
The events of Monday, June 17 » are discussed on pages 71-90, in which Graminaeus described the costume of the bride, the gifts presented to the couple, and the tapestry (pages 8 O-8 3) which was prepared for hanging in the great hall of the Schloss. The most interesting features of this day’s events are found in the discus sion of the fireworks and ship battles on the Rhine River 35
(pages 8 ^-90) and a corresponding engraved plate of the
Schiffsturmung.
Theatrically the richest section of the festival book (pages 90-196) described the events which occurred during the third day of the celebration. After a discus sion of the costumes and royal breakfast, Graminaeus described the first game of the tournament, the Ringrennen, which was held in the early afternoon at the Tornierbahn.
After two plates illustrating the entrance of the knights and the running of the ring, a series of twelve plates were included. These plates depicted the shields, crests and weapons of the knights (Venturiers) involved in the tournament games. One of the most fascinating events of this day's activities was the Mascarada. Graminaeus used two engraved plates to illustrate this pageant-mascarade of the mountain, and a third plate to depict Mantenatoren, the organizers of the tournament games. The text is unusually lucid and mentions some of the characters of 1 2 the Mascarada and the actors who portrayed them. In the
1 2 Graminaeus, op. cit« , pp. 116-117* The actors and characters they portrayed are listed as follows: 1. Otto Wilde Rheingraff as Tofano Dacon Gentelomo de Venetia. 2. Herr Karl Graff zu Hollern as Stephanelle putargo II. confilier de la sigria de Venetia. 3. Herr Philips Marckgraff von Baden as Pantalon de Bisoignesi, Gentelomo de Venetia. 4. Herr Jacob Marckgraff zu Baden as II. Senior Petrolin. 5* Herr Ehrenfester Nicolass Pickadel as II. Senior loan Carotta. 6. Albrecht Thuen as II. Senior Rauanel. 36
evening a dance was held, and a play Hercules Furens, was
staged on the Rhine River. 1 3 In addition to an engraving
of a scene from the play, Graminaeus included an article
on the Argument of Tragedy, supposedly taken from Seneca.
It would seem from the paucity of text and icono-
graphic material (pages 197-202) that June 19, a
Wednesday, was almost a day of rest. The usual descrip
tion of the clothing of the royal couple was followed by
a discussion of the Fechtschul, which involved knights
practicing the art of fencing. The corresponding en
graved plate illustrates the school’s location within the
Castle of Berg. Only the Quintain at the Tornierbahn and
a royal dance in the evening were the events which
occurred on Thursday, June 20 (pages 203-208).
Featured on pages 209-226, were the events of Friday,
June 21. While the bridal party toured the Royal Gardens
of DUsseldorf, the Mantenators and Venturiers reviewed
the rules of the games of the tournament and listed the
German Tournaments held since those presented at
Magdeburg in 938.
Graminaeus described the clothing of the partici
pants, cited those knights who were to run at the lists,
and used two engravings to illustrate the shape of the
Tornierbahn and the scene at the Publicierten Carthel
held on the Saturday, June 22. In the evening a fight
1 3It appears to be a version of Seneca's Mad Hercules. 37 between a dragon and a Waifische was staged on the Rhine
River. Allegorical costumes, theatrical scenic effects, and exaggerated sea monsters were vividly portrayed on a single engraved plate.
The events of the eighth and final day of the
Fflrstliche Hochzeit were described on pages 245-283- The usual remarks about dress and morning royal pastimes were followed by a vivid description of the Fusztornier staged at the Market Platz in the city of Diisseldorf. Four en graved plates described the procession, audience, shields and the foot melee held in the city of Diisseldorf. The
evening* s entertainment featured a mummery in which a horse-ballet and oratory contests were staged. Three en graved plates and an abbreviated text described the event.
The evening service in honor of Mary, the Mother of God,
concluded the eight days of celebrations. Graminaeus
appended one page describing the departure of the guests
on Monday, the twenty-fourth of June. The diversified
and verbose nature of the text and engravings of Die
Filrstliche Hochzeit establishes Graminaeus* work from
1585 to 1587 as belonging to the category of social
festivals.
Descriptio Pvblicae Gratulationis...Ernest
The second festival book, a representative of the
political festival, is a 1595 publication of those events 38 which were staged as a part of the Entry made into
Antwerp by Archduke Ernest of Austria in 1594.
The geographic and political climate of the Netherlands
Ernest was the brother of the Emperor Rudolph and the nephew of Philip II of Spain. As Governor-General of the Netherlands, he succeeded Count Mansfeld. Upon his arrival in January of 1594, "the guilds of rhetoric exhausted their skill in grand processions and tableaux, 1 4 classic history and fable." It seemed that the nobles were relieved to find that Ernest carried no army with him, only a personal retinue. A complete listing of this retinue was recorded in one of the Fugger Newsletters of
1593 and included all the high and low officials, officers, and servants of his Royal Highness’ Court. The list stated that his official retinue consisted of four- hundred eighty persons and four-hundred eighty-six horses, none of which were military. 1 5 It is presumably with this retinue that he made his entrance into Antwerp in
1594,i and later that same year into Brussels. 1 ^
14 Alexander Young, History of the Netherlands (New York: Saalfield Pub"! Co. , 1899) > p"* ^ 19 •
^Klarwill, op. cit., p. 17 7 - 1 7 Letter 148. 1 6 A printed festival book attests to that visit. Descriptio et Explicatio Pegmatum, Arcuum, et Spectaculorum, quae Bruxellae...Ernest!...archiducis Austriae (Brussels,1594). Politically unstable and religiously volatile, the people of the Netherlands spoke a variety of languages including French, Flemish, Dutch, and German. The com bined area of what is now Holland and Belgium consisted
of only twenty-four thousand square miles, much of which 1 7 was often under water. The area vacillated between
Catholicism and Calvinism depending on the religion of
the political faction which controlled the populace at
the moment. They were at various times under the control
of individual German Princes, key Northern cities, the
Holy Roman Empire, France, Spain, England, the Rhenish
League, and Austria. The relatively small area was in
great demand because of the many wealthy trade and ship ping ports which dominate its western coastline. Poli
tically and militarily it was the key which provided entry
to Northern Europe; the scars of war and oppression con
firmed the pivotal role held by the Netherlands in the
sixteenth century.
The Netherlanders welcomed Ernest, reportedly a mild-mannered man, as a messenger of peace and through him sought an answer to their problems. Many of the
stages erected for the Entry attest to the severity of
the people's problems, such as those caused by the block
ade of the Scaldis River and religious oppression and
1 7 The present political division assigns 12,482 square miles to Holland and 11,779 to Belgium. 40 intolerance. In Chapter VII, the dramatic content and
style of these stages are discussed in detail. Ernest was never able to carry out any of the requested reforms.
Caught in the middle of internal intrigues to assassinate
Queen Elizabeth and Henry IV, Ernest died of the fever at 1 8 the age of forty-two on February 20, 1595*
Publication information
The account of Ernest’s 159^- Entry into Antwerp was published in 1595 as part of an official document desig nated, Antverpiae Ex Officina Plantiniana. The first
frontispiece of this document, seen in Figure 3» page 41,i 19 uses the title of the Festival book as the main citation; however, the first forty-eight pages of
the 1595 publication were devoted to another article,
De Belgi.j Principatu a Romano in ea Prouincia Imperio ad
nostra vsque tempora brevis narratio. The last pages
(143-175) of the 1595 publicati on were devoted to a third
publication, Cum carmine Panegyrico in eiusdem Principis
Ernesti...in easdem Prouincias aduentum. It is the
middle publication, Descriptio Pvblicae Gratvlationis
Spectacvlorvm et Lvdorvm, in Adventv Sereniss Principis
18 Philip II had already planned on Ernest’s marriage to his daughter, Clara Isabella.
1 9Ioanne Bochio, Descriptio Pvblicae Gratvlationiss.♦. Ernest Archidvcis Avstriae (Antwerp. 1595)• Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. FIGURE 3
~'r I.A I l > T rU A I.H X A , Pe IYk;ij IViikijvUu .1 Kinn.itio in ea IVnuiiK'ia liii|H*i io aJ imI'iiti tili],tonijxM'a luvuis narnuio. _ "li/ St'trmjj. ,•/ A R.£\ (ht-juulrm, _ liil.-t.vutm . UWnwn . hvbnlu . lull 'I,., I hi,.-vi Ih.v.mn.lt.t. Cntn i.inniik- I’.ino’vriA'ini'iulJom IVint ijii.-; Krik’iii liikvjMoa Kivia M.i"Catlk'lva lVlr,ii.\initn i.litu'nnrn lntjxrk'.iiK'akli'iii hunim ia.- ailucnimii. „ i,-,rl.-u ,1,-m.jiir l h ',t!l,' tu'ui'n.-,in . /r, Lrth'lu ,‘l‘inti'l ii'Jm I\\ ANTVr.Hl'lAi: 1'H'll'INA I'l. '\ \ II \ I AX. A )| M l>. X v/ V. ‘ 1 W i / i Ll.. Frontispiece from 1595 Antwerp Publication 42 Ernest., with which this study is primarily interested. The complexity of1 this publication lies in its multiple titles. Listed in the Victoria and Albert Museum Library, Vinet Catalogue, and Berlin Katalog by the title of the festival book, the account of the 1594 Entry is the middle and largest of the three documents assembled for this 1595 publication. No author is listed for any of the three publications, although the first frontispiece credited Ioanne Bochio with assembling the separately 20 printed portions. Pieter van der Borscht was the engraver of the Antwerp document. No earlier editions of this festival book appear extant; at least the major sixteenth century bibliogra phical sources do not mention any. The festival book 20 Other works by Johannes Bochio are housed in the Bibliotheque Nationale as follows: 1) Encomium musices, quod ex sacris litteris concinnabat Philip. Gallaeus, iconibus exprimebat pictor celeberrimus Jo. Stradamus, versibus illustrabat doctissimus Jo. Bochius (Antverpiae). Bibliotheque Nationale Z .16 3(1)• 2) Historica Narratio profectionis et inaugurationis serenissimorum Belgii principum Alberti et Isabellae, Austriae archiducum, et eorum optatiasimi in Belgium adventus, rerumque gestarum et memorabilium, gratulationum, apparatuum et spectaculorum in ipsorum susceptione et inaugurations hactenus editorum accurata descriptTo(Antverpiae, 1602). Bibliotheque Nationale 0c. 1628(1). 3) Psalmorum Davidis parodia heroica, ejusdem variae in psalmos observationes physicae, ethicae, politicae et historicae (Antverpiae, 1608). Bibliotheque Nationale A. 6869. k?> begins with a second frontispiece, reproduced as Figure k, 21 page k k , followed by a blank page and then numbered \ pages 51 through 141. Unlike the first frontispiece, the second is devoted entirely to a listing of the title of the festival book. The book is richly illustrated with four double-paged engravings and twenty-nine single plates. The remaining pages of text are devoted to ex planations of the festival elements for the 159^- Entry. Information such as dimensions, colors, construction, symbolic and literal meanings of the festival elements are associated with each of the engravings. This material will be used extensively in the following five chapters. Contents To acquaint the reader with the scope and nature of this printed festival account, a summary of the textual and iconographic material is outlined below. On pages 51 through 62 of the 159^ festival book the plans and preparations for the visit of Ernest to Antwerp were summarized. One of the double plates in this first section portrayed the arrival of Duke Ernest and his retinue. The arrival of Ernest in front of the Gate of Caesar, located across the river inside of the city, can be seen in the plates; a pageant wagon which was to greet him upon his actual arrival in the city can also be seen. 21 Bochio, op. cit., p. k$ . Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. kk FIGURE k DESCRIPTIO GRAT VJLATIONIS PVBLIC/E, SPECTACVLORV At ET LVDOKVM.IN ADVENTV SERENISSIMI PRINCIPIS ERN EST I ARCHIDVCIS AVSTRIAE. I AVIS BVRGVNDI/E,STIRI/E,CARINTHL£, CARNIOL vE, ET WITTEMRERGAE, COMITIS HABSPVRGI ET *OUS. I AVREI VELLERIS EC.’IV IS BELGICIS PROVING 1ES -C REG. IA MATEST. CATHOLIC A PK.-EFECTl, AN. MI LEE?'MO, Q.V I NGENTE NONAGES1MO QVAK1U XV*! i. K AL. IV LI AS, AI.1ISCVE PIEBVS ANTVEiU EHITORVM. ANTVERI,,,AK EX OFFICINA PI .ANTi \ IAN A . m . n. x c v . Frontispiece for 159^ Antwerp Festival Book ^5 In addition to the pegma, which had been erected in the Public Triangle, textual description and plates repre senting the three sides of the Arch of Triumph, erected for Spain, and two views of the Arch of Portugal were included in pages 63 through 7 8. One of the most interesting sections of the festi val book described the Theatri Pacis and the events held in it during the festival. In addition to a double-page engraving of the interior of the theatre, a single plate showing the exterior was also included. Pages of music and lists of performers comprise the text and plates located on pages 79-87* Additional arches, tableaux vivants and pegma were described in the text and in a series of plates. These were the tableaux which were produced by the guilds of rhetoric and included two pegma which had been erected in the public square. A large giant, who was a character in one of the pageants, was described in detail in the text and in an accompanying engraving. The popular processional ele phant was illustrated along with the victory arch erected for the tournament and fireworks displays in two separate engravings. The last illustration of the 159^ festival book was a double-paged plate showing a scene from the tournament. 46 A Comparison of the Two Printed Festival Books A few interesting comparisons can be made between the treatment of the two festival books. The earlier German work was verbose and pedantically spelled out every Latin inscription, allegorical symbol, and listed each person participating in any capacity at the festi val. Graminaeus almost scrupulously avoided discussing many of the illustrations in detail. The author of the Antwerp festival book said nothing of the audience, little about the occasion but was over-abundant in his discussion of the architectural details of each arch, pegma and monument erected for Duke Ernest. While Graminaeus used a logical day-by-day accounting of the events of the festival, the author of the Antwerp festi val organized his material around the engravings selected for his publication. Perhaps the variety in treatment of the two festival books can be explained in part by the difference in the function of the two festivals. The German festival book is an account of a social festival while the Antwerp festival book treated a political occasion. The selection of these two festival books, different in function and treatment, amplifies the role of the printed festival book as a theatrical source in the late sixteenth century. CHAPTER III THE TOURNAMENT AS A FESTIVAL ELEMENT The tilting-ground at the palace of the Elector in Dresden has been prepared in such magnificent and gay fashion, as I have never beheld before. The seats have been covered throughout with sprigs of green fir, and between the arches and the lists there have been dug into the ground about one hundred mighty and lofty firs. These were faintily hung with fine oranges... His Grace led one hundred huntsmen into the lists. They were all clad in green and made beautiful music, singing and blowing their horns...The jousts were continued through- ^ out four days. The mantenators were barons. The above account describes a typical tournament of the sixteenth century, although the literary quality suggested by the eye witness' description would seem to character ize it as part of the late seventeenth or eighteenth century festival. Development of the tournament An examination of George Riixner's history of the tournament, 938 to 1500, reveals that this element of the festival was allegorical in nature from its early ^Klarwill, op. cit., pp. 166-167.» Letter 137? 1591• "His Grace" was the Elector of Saxony, Christian I, 1560-1591. hi 48 2 beginnings. Although the purpose of the festival clearly shifted from a preparation for war to a diver sion for the court, allegorical symbolism seemed to prevail. Glynne Wickham made the comment that the growth of the tournament could be measured in terms of movement from a preparation for military battle to a 3 dramatic form. Wickham seems to be overstating the development of the tournament since its theatrical na ture appears to be present from the earliest records. Death, as a by-product of the games (as seen in ancient Rome), did not lessen the dramatic fare for the spectator. Xn fact, violence may well have enhanced the theatrical quality of the games being performed. The death of Henry II of Prance at a tournament in 15^7 was cited by Klarwill as one of the motivating forces behind a sixteenth century movement toward less fatal games in 4 the tournament. W. Menzel suggested that this movement began at an earlier date. His compilation of figures would seem to support the theory that by the fourteenth century, the "safety clause" was in'effect at the tourna ment. He listed sixteen knights killed in a tournament 2 George Rtixner, Yon Anfang, Ursprung, und Herkommen des Thurniers (SiemernlHieronymus Rodler,1532),2nd edition. ^Wickham, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 18-19 and 49-50. He referred to the Pas d'Armes of the tournament as a mimed heroic drama. 4 Klarwill, op. cit., p. 256, footnote to Letter 29* 49 at Madeburg in 1175» thirty-six at Neuss in 1256, and a e single duke in Liegnitz in 1394. The mounted-melee, one of the most dangerous tourna ment games, was excluded from both the 1585 festival at Dtlsseldorf and the 1594 festival at Antwerp. The early records of tournament activity for Germany are well documented. Graminaeus' list of tournaments/ appearing below, coincided with the festivals described 7 in Rtixner's 1532 publication. Year City Year City 938. Magdeburg 990. Braunschweig 9 42. Rotenburg 1019. Trier on the 948. Constenss am Bodensee Mosel 968. Moerssburg 1042. Sachsen 1119. Gotingen 1080. Augsburg 1 165. Zurich 1396. Regensburg 1179. Cologne 1403. Darmstatt 1197. Nurenberg 1408. Heilbrun 1209. Worms on the Rhine 1412. Regensburg 1 232. Wurtzburg 1436. Stuttgarten 1284. Regensburg 1439- Landshut 1296. Schweinforth 1479. Wurtsburg 1311- Ravensburg 1480. Heidelberg 1337. Jngelheim 1484. Ingelstatt 1362. Bamberg 1485. Dnossback 1374. Esslingen i486. Regensburg 1392. Schaffhausen 1487. Worms on the Rhine The growth of the tournament in Germany, as de scribed by Graminaeus and Rttxner, was marked by an ^Menzel, op. cit. p. 54. £ Graminaeus, op. cit., pp. 222-225. ^Rtixner, op. cit. His listing includes all details of the tournament and is well illustrated. increasing performer and audience awareness of allegory and symbolism. No historical records similar to those described above are available for the Low Countries prior to the advent of the printed festival book. L. Ruprecht, a modern German scholar, contends that rules for the games in the tournament were formulated in g 1066. He also points to the 938 date as that of the first organized tournament, however, he feels that the Council of Lyon in 12^5, at which Pope Innocent IV or dered a brief cessation of tournaments, had a greater 9 impact on the organization of the games. The tourna ments occurring after this time required the majority of participants, called the Aventuriers or Venturiers, to wear masks. It is this latter tradition which best explains the nature of the tournament in the sixteenth century. From the time of Maximilian I and his allegorical figure of Freydal to the heretofore described tournament for the Elector of Saxony, allegory was a part of the tournament. A joust held in Vienna on March 12, ‘\6 0 h f used similar disguising, although the eye-witness was not sure of the audience’s reaction to the garments g L. Ruprecht, "Das Turnier zur Zeit Maximilians I," Velhagen und Klasings Monats-Hefte, Feb. 19^1» PP» 322. "...des weiteren soil Geoffrey de Preuilly im Jahre 1066 die ersten Turnierregeln aufgestellt haben." 9Ibid. 51 selected by the knights. Last Sunday we had here a magnificent tournament and tilting at the ring, accompanied by wonderful pageants. Among others there came one von Tiefenbach with one hundred fencers, poor blind, crooked and lame mendicants in rags and tatters, just as they sit in the streets and beg for charity.' He headed the procession disguised as a beggar, wearing garments of many colours and full of stains. They all shouted for alms. It was a sight passing strange, such as had never been witnessed before in this town. To some it gave pleasure, but to others it caused annoyance.10 The corollary evidence of costuming and masks in tour naments has been well documented in the accounts of the two printed festival books used in this study. The German festival book is more precise and contains more material on the tournament than does the Antwerp book; however, it must be noted that the tradition of the tour nament was stronger in Germany and that the festival in Dilsseldorf was of a social character thus lending itself more to the type of entertainment used in the tournament. The Tournament at Dtisseldorf On the opening day of the tournament games, the Ringrennen was held. The engraving, reproduced as Figure 5> on page 52, illustrates the action during the 11 game. In this scene the artist has captured various ^Klarwill, op. cit., p. 2 k k -2 b> 5 Letter 231* 11 Graminaeus, op. cit., Plate 9* Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago. FIGURE 5 D VS S'EL DO P-P The Ringrennen at the Tornierbahn fO 53 tournament elements which, portray the parade and proces sional, the barrier (Folia), the ring, the large rotunda tournament ground (Tornierbahn), the spectators, and the allegorical mountain on which a stage presentation was to 1 2 be made later in the festival. Just to the right of the center of the engraving appears a large circular shield with considerable orna mentation. Two large timbers embedded in the ground supported the shield, and from its center hung a ring. The Venturiers were required to ride and thrust their lances through the center of the ring. Graminaeus felt that this game was Greek in origin, unlike the other games which he attributed to the Romans. 1 3 The game was a test of individual skill and should not be confused with the earlier war games of the tournaments prior to 1 k the fifteenth century. In Figure 5» the specially- built viewing stands for the spectators and judges can be seen. The stand erected for the royal party and the 1 2The Mascarade presented on the medieval mountain is discussed in Chapter VII. 1 3Graminaeus, op. cit., p. 92. 1 4 For a complete description of the tournament games see Celephan R. Coltman, The Tournament: Its Period and Phases (London: Methuen and Co. Ltd., 1919)• The best account of German tournaments is Schemel's Book of the Tournament located in manuscript form in the Ambraser Collection at Vienna. 54 ladies of tlie court are also shown in this engraving. In the lower right hand corner is seen the judges1 stand, which also served as a repository for the Venturiers * extra shields and lances. A mixture of styles and types of costuming can also be seen in Figure 5« The most striking costumes are worn by the young ladies being led into the Tornierbahn. Mounted on horses, the ladies appear just to the right of center, in the lower portion of the engraving in front of the judges’ stand. The ladies’ costumes featured naked bodies, flowing hair pieces, and long fish-like tails. 1 5 Following them are a man and a woman in conven tional dress on horseback. This engraving also shows a mixture of horsemen and runners dressed in patchwork-like pants similar to commedia figures. These can be seen in front of the royal gallery and throughout the parade of Venturiers who ride past the reviewing-spectator stand. Spectators at ground level can be seen at the rear. Behind them is a promenade deck extending completely around the oval-shaped Tornierbahn. The entrance (not seen in Figure 5) would be located in the right-hand side of the engraving, just above the judges' stand. This entrance was the subject of a separate engraving. 1 5Consult Chapter VII for further information on these women’s participation in the festival. 55 Figure 6, on page 5 6, and depicts the entry of the Venturiers.^^ The tournament area was located a few miles outside the city of Dttsseldorf near the Baumgarten (perhaps the royal nursery or an orchard). Graminaeus cited several measurements but did not elaborate on construction de tails. Although built on ground level, the Tornierbahn overlooked the surrounding terrain. Constructed of wood and stone, the structure measured two-hundred forty meters in length and had a width of over one-hundred 17 eighty meters. The outer perimeter contained the promenade area which was four feet in height and had a fence structure extending above the promenade another eight feet. The combined twelve feet in height would certainly be sufficient to keep out the uninvited public. A better view of the entire Tornierbahn can be seen *! 8 in Figure 7> on page 57* This particular engraving shows a view of the entire arena and the surrounding countryside. The event depicted in this engraving was the scene of the .joust. Since only a scattering of 1 6 Graminaeus, op. cit., Plate 12. Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago. 1 7 Graminaeus, op. cit., p. 95* Roughly 8 O7.2 feet long by 587.4 feet wide, the structure was slightly shorter and slightly wider than the standard American football field. 18Graminaeus, op. cit., Plate 28. Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago. FIGURE 6 Entrance to the Tornierbahn The Jousts at the Tornierbahn 58 spectators were present, the games on this day would not seem to be as pleasing to the audience as other tourna ment events were. The two knights riding at the Folia, were wearing armor; however; many of the other knights in the procession leading into the lists were wearing contemporary dress and carried lances. The mountain seen in Figure 5 is no longer visible. The action depicted in Figure 7 took place on Saturday, June 22. One must assume that the mountain which had served for the masquerade held on Tuesday, June 18. had been re- moved. 1 9 Neither does the mountain appear in the engraving of the scene at the Quintain, Figure 8, on ■page 59, which was staged on Thursday the twentieth day ofr June. t 2 0 The Quintain had been a favorite device of the tour- 21 nament from the time of Henry of Magdeburg. The knights would run at the Quintain and attempt to hit it in strategic areas, thus scoring points. To provide interest the Germans developed mechanical indications of hits termed Geschifttartscherennen. If a knight would 1 9The engraver-artist's accuracy in removing the mountain would likely place more credence on the authen ticity of the action he attempted to depict. 20 Graminaeus, op cit«., Plate 27j Pp- 205-206. Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago 2 1The Quintain has been likened in modern .times to the dummy used in bayonet practice or the one generally seen on the football practice field. FIGURE 8 vn The Scene at the Quintain \o 60 hit the Quintain in a vulnerable location, the Quintain* s shield would drop, thus indicating defeat; however, if the knight missed the vulnerable spot, the Quintain would drop its huge sword and as the knight passed by, he would receive a blow that would normally separate him from his horse. Another form of this device used a post which swiveled in the ground. On one arm of the cross erected on this post was a shield, and on the opposite arm of the cross was a sword. If the knight did not hit the post in the center, the pressure of his hit would force the Quintain to turn and hit him in the neck as he passed by. If the knight hit the post in the center, he would break his lance and thus score points. Graminaeus made no mention of the penalty for a miss; however, he stated that the winner of the Quintain contest was to have one- hundred fifty-eight thaler, second best one-hundred ten, 22 and third best ninety thalers. The engraver placed a number of spectators inside the arena and included in the scene a procession of Venturiers, trumpet corps, and a contingent of foot soldiers in the Folia. The descriptive text and engravings seem to document the theory that the tournament in Dtisseldorf was more than just a regulated game of skill. From the engravings and the text it would appear that theatrical elements such 22 Graminaeus, op. cit., p. 208. The thaler is equivalent to 1 -jr guilders or 5 thalers is the equivalent of a pound. In United States currency, first prize would be worth $9 1-0 0 ; second $62.00 and third $5 0 .0 0 . 61 as pageantry, procession, ornamentation, and costuming added to the audience's participation. Their involve ment in the games can be documented by the engravings which described the Fechtschul. The events held at this fencing-school were presented on Wednesday, June 14. Figure on page 62, is a copy of the engraving of this scene. 23 The spectators in the Burgplatz formed an arena around the participants. Graminaeus reported that the ladies retired to their rooms and galleries, presumably to watch the event. The courtyard was framed with build ings on four sides, and it was from the fourth side that the artist viewed the scene. On the opposite side of the courtyard, one can see eighteen small boxes, each of which seems to be filled with spectators. The presence of musicians in the lower left hand corner of the courtyard adds a theatrical note to the presentation. In contrast to the scene at the Fectschul, more audience participation is apparent by the increased num ber of spectators at the Market Platz in the city of Dttsseldorf for the Fusztornier held on Sunday, June 23* Figure 10, on page 6 3, illustrates this participation at 2h the festival. Crowds can be seen lined up along the ^^Graminaeus, op. cit., Plate 26, pp. 199-200. Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago. oh Graminaeus, op. cit., Plate 31- Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago. FIGURE 9 The Scene at the Fechtschul cr\ ro FIGURE 10 street in front of the houses and in the windows and galleries of the building opposite the entrance to the tournament area. The tournament grounds were erected in the square for this event and were not a permanent fea ture of the square. One can see a judge’s stand facing the entrance to the tournament and a barrier which has been constructed in the center of the combat area. The only gentleman riding upon a horse was John William, the groom of the wedding festival. Behind him marched Mantenators, whose costumes and shields separated them from the Venturiers who were carrying long lances. Musicians are seen leading a second contingent of knights. A huge symbol bearing the crest of the Duke was a call ing to private combat for those knights desiring battle. This symbol can be seen in the center of the engraving among the last knights to enter the square. Although not a dramatic presentation, the elements within the engraving lead one to recognize the inherent theatrical quality of the event. The Tournament at Antwerp While tournaments were more appropriate for social festivals such as Fttrstliche Hochzeit, the political festival arranged for the Entry of Archduke Ernest was not to be without a tournament. Figure 11, on page 6 5> suggests an audience quality not inherent in the engravings of the tournament at 66 Dttsseldorf. 25 A holiday spirit seems to captivate the square where the spectators are seen on the tops of all the buildings and in the windows watching the festivities. From windows hang shields, crests and small banners. Spectators crowd the street behind the judge’s stand. This spirit of festivity is best illustrated by the presence of three small boys perched on the top of the royal reviewing stand which can be seen in the extreme left side of the engraving. Unlike the permanent Tornierbahn at Dttsseldorf, the Folia, portals, and judge’s stand were erected in the 2 6 square of the Public Triangle in honor of Duke Ernest. The large central arch and the two smaller arches flank ing it were erected for the occasion and were supported by the lists attached on the outside corners of the arches; in turn the lists were sunk into the ground. The arches were decorated with cupids and garlands of flowers which added color and gaiety to the festival scene. Knights rode through the center portal with lances poised for the ’’ru n n i n g of the ring.” The ring was sup ported between two statues resting on inverted obelisks, located in the center of the Folia. ^Bochio, op. cit., pp. 1^0—141. Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. p /* Bochio, op. cit., p. 135* In the upper pathway, before the Judge's stand, a troupe of acrobats and a bare-back trick rider can be seen moving toward the Judge's stand. In the lower pathway, a parade can be seen moving toward Duke Ernest’s Gallery. Leading this retinue is a corps of trumpeters, followed by more Venturiers, and finally by a troupe of native performers. The final group which appear to be as small as children, rides on the backs of camels and mules. Musicians in rustic costume can be seen weaving their way through this parade. The main feature of this parade is a man, dressed like an ape, riding on a small platform. Unfortunately the text made no reference to his role in the pageant presented as part of this 27 tournament. Summary The tournament of the late sixteenth century was an important element of the festival. This chapter has in volved an attempt to describe the tournament as a thea trical element. The events staged at the elaborately designed Tornierbahn in Dttsseldorf illustrated the existence of a strong performer-audience relationship. This tournament was structured to support an audience. Documented evidence has been used to show that the 27 Perhaps the man described was to be engaged in some form of staged man-versus-animal combat. 68 long-established games of skill were recast to appeal to the audience's increased sense of spectacle and desire for scenic embellishment. Furthermore the festival at Antwerp was also struc tured to increase audience involvement in the festivities of the tournament. This spirit of festivity was employed in a more obvious fashion in order to entertain not only Duke Ernest but the entire populace gathered for this event. The games, associated pageants, musicians, masks, costumes, and scenic spectacle of the tournament enhanced the structured festival in Northern Europe by adding a strong element of theatricality. CHAPTER IV THE ENTRY AS A FESTIVAL ELEMENT Full of pageantry, procession and colorful maneu vers, the entry was a popular festival element. The entry was always incorporated into the political festi val and sometimes found in the social festival. Because of its primary association with the entrance of visiting personages and their arrival in the city, it was often the first staged event within the festival. At times, the entry was the only element employed in a political festival. Such an entry (Einzug) was staged to celebrate the arrival in Augsburg of His Imperial Majesty who was seeking additional funds for the Reichstag's war against the Turks. When His Imperial Majesty arrived in Augsburg on the 27th day of June (1582) all the Electors and other Princes present betook themselves across the stone bridge. The burghers with pipes and trumpets occupied their usual places...Preceding His Imperial Majesty came two heralds of the Holy Roman Empire in their official garb, thereafter His Majesty on a beautiful Spanish steed under a canopy of yellow silk...came the archer Captain with three noblemen who wore beautiful morions and wearing armour under their coats.^ •1 Klarwill, op. cit., Letter 48, pp. 58-60. 69 70 The preceding description of* the 1582 Entry contains the primary elements typical of the late sixteenth century festival: the presence of soldiers and citizens within the procession; colorful and symbolic costumes; musical instruments; and ornately decorated horses. All these features contributed to the theatrical quality of the entry as a festival element in the late sixteenth century. The Formal Entry Both the Dusseldorf and the Antwerp festivals con tained a formal entry which originated outside the city. The procession moved through the gates of the city and was greeted by its citizens. This practice of the entry was firmly established in Northern Europe. An account by one of the Fugger correspondents described a similar practice for the marriage of Archduke Ferdinand with the Princess of Mantua on May 9» 1582. The visiting personage was customarily greeted outside the city of entry by a formal entourage from that city. The combined parties formed the formal entry. The Fugger correspondent reported that which he had seen. The members of the Court and the squires of Tyrol had been sent to meet her (the bride and party) as far as the frontier below Rovereto. They remained in the tent until the ninety pieces of heavy ordinance, which had been brought from the armoury, and the arequebusiers had fired. After this was done, Archduke Ferdinand with the above-mentioned princely personages went on foot half way between the two tents in order to greet his beloved 71 promised bride by word of mouth...Thereupon the entry began. At the head were the whole of the mounted troops and the servitors to gether with 'the trumpeters and the army drummers, then followed the counts, squires and nobility, the Landgrave of Leuchtenberg, both Margraves of Baden and Burgau...Then followed the betrothed Princess with her mother, and a stately retinue of ladies-in- waiting in elegant gilt litters, and carriages on springs. On either side stood the aforesaid soldiery. They rode through three large triumphal arches, fashioned of woodwork and cloth.^ The practice of meeting the visiting party outside the city, thus forming the formal entry, was a part of the festival tradition in Northern Europe by the end of the sixteenth century. In Dttsseldorf An entry was held to celebrate the arrival of the prospective bride, Lady Jacobea (Countess of Baden and Spannheim), on June 15, 1585* Figure 12, on page 72, illustrates the arrival of the bride on the day before 3 the wedding. An artificial parade route had been struc tured to enable more of the procession to be viewed from the city for a longer time. For a military march, the shortest distance would have been from a southerly point straight into the city; however, the parade route began in the East, curved south, made a wide sweep to the West, Klarwill, op. cit., Letter 49, pp. 60-61. The Margrave of Baden, referred to in the latter, is Jacobae (1555-1597), the bride in the Dttsseldorf festival. ■^Graminaeus, op. cit. , Plate I, pp. 11-12. Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago. C+ 4 e+ C 73 came back to the East, and then curved gently from the East to the city in the North. In the foreground of Figure 12, a portion of the Rhine River can be seen flow ing North and South past the castle and the city of Dttsseldorf. The procession, as seen in Figure 12, illustrates the splendor of Duke Phillip’s company. Left of the middle of the engraving (the Northwest corner) soldiers can be seen firing a salute to the bride's party. In the lower portion of the engraving, Duke Wilhelm's party can be seen greeting the bride's carriage, pulled by six horses. Located behind Duke Wilhelm are trumpeters for the fanfare and a host of knights. In the upper left hand corner of Figure 12 the gates of the city can be seen. Guns and fireworks were also used to announce and honor the arrival of the bride-to-be and her party. Figure 13, on page 7^> illustrates the greeting of b Lady Jacobea and her party by Duke John William. The panoramic view captured by the engraver shows the thea trical quality of this entry. The winding march into the city's gate, the formation of soldiers at the gate who lined the parade route, fireworks, gun salutes, trumpe ters, and flag bearers completed the scene of greeting between the members of the bridal party. The semi-circle Graminaeus, op. cit., Plate 2, pp. 19-20. Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago. FIGURE 13 Meeting of the Wedding Parties to Form the Entry 75 of ten representatives of the Duke’s province supported the majestic and formal quality of this entry. Graminaeus1 elaborate textual descriptions of the event supported the theory that the entry was a carefully planned and intricate affair. Graminaeus described not only the people involved, but also their respective positions in the entry, the number of horses allotted, the color of trappings, and relationship of each to the 5 wedding party. In Antwerp Figure l4, on page 7 6, is a double-page engraving of the formal entry of the Archduke Ernest of Austria into Antwerp. This entry was referred to by Bochio as a 7 Public Ceremony of Thanksgiving. The engraving shows the main parade route into the city. Since Ernest carried only a personal retinue and no military units, the mili tary formations which can be seen in the engravings must have been units of King Philip’s army stationed in the Netherlands, and/or native military units formed by the citizens of the Netherlands. In addition to the armies in parade formation, 5 Graminaeus, op. cit., p. 15-23* ^Bochio, op . cit., pp. 5^-55* Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. 7 Bochio, op. cit., pp. 51-53* FIGURE 1 4 -_. ^ jpc^wt 'iSiw * "' & v vvk4 A& iVk ^ > ’ /^ > - - m ^ $ « r Jt ts&Sn** ~l • . <> - irafassjWM^jj*^', •' <*•>*► ^ 7 — ' ': •- .*‘> t ? ' i % r .j k -* ?^-- * Formation for the Entry outside of the Gates of Antwerp Bochio reported that the senators and members of the city council were present to welcome Archduke Ernest prior to his arrival into the city. An additional twenty armed citizens and twenty ordinary citizens were present for g his arrival at the main city gates. The assembled visitors and those welcoming Ernest created a spectacular scene. Xn Figure 14 they are shown outlined against the Belgium countryside. The city of Antwerp can be seen in the distance. Figure 15, on page 78, is a copy of the engraving which depicted Ernest's entry into the city through the 9 Gate of Caesar. Newly decorated with a central statute honoring King Philip of Spain, the Gate of Caesar also bore the crests of Austria and of Archduke Ernest. Ernest riding across the river into the city of Antwerp must have created an impressive scene. The formal entries in both Antwerp and Dttsseldorf were similar in the manner in which the arrival into the city was accomplished; however, this similarity ended at the city gate. The Dttsseldorf entry, concerned primarily with entertainment features, was a social event. The Antwerp entry, a political event, was concerned primarily with instructive elements. g Bochio, op. cit., pp. 51-53* ^Bochio, op. cit., p. 60. Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. 78 FIGURE 15 Ernest’s Ride through Caesar's Gate 79 The Architectural and Theatrical Features of the Antwerp Entry For the Antwerp festival, seven arches had been erected by the Rhetorical guilds in order to dramatize some of the problems which concerned special interest groups. These arches also functioned as symbols of felicitation for Ernest's 159^ Entry. Some were tableaux vivants, while others were masterpieces of sculpture and art work. One of the arches through which Ernest rode was built by the Lusitanian Society. Figure 16, on page 80, shows the rear of this a r c h . ^ On top of its pedi ment were two sea gods, each holding a two-pronged imple ment. Between them they held the insignia of Lusitania. Beneath this pediment were two carved figures, the lower portion of their bodies were covered with fishtails. Between the two mermaids was a plaque with an inscription to Ernest in red letters. The illustration reveals only a few words of the inscription, although Bochio's text offered the complete quotation: ERNESTO AVST. ARCHIDVCI, PRINCTPI VIRTVTE FERTISSIME. PXETATE CLEMENTISS. BONE REIP. NATO: QVOD BELBIVM OPT. LEGICVS, SANCTISSIMISQVE XNSTITVTIS REGET, LVSITANI EREXERE.11 ^Bochio, op. cit. , p. 7 8. Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. 1 1 Bochio, op. cit., p. 7 6. "To Ernest Archduke of Austria, a Prince most outstanding in courage, most merciful in his devotion, born for the good of the state: because he shall rule Belgium with the best laws and holiest institutions, the Lusitanians shall erect." FIGURE 16 IIKN’E. 5 T ' ] AHCHlJ PRINi.' Posterior Plan of the Arch of the Lusitanians 81 The message of the inscription was quite clear. The arch, although admittedly artistic, was erected for a didactic purpose. The inscription was meant to be a challenge. It was a method through which the people of the Nether lands could inform the newly appointed Ernest of their hopes and aspirations. In addition to the inscription, certain symbolic carvings can be seen on the arch. Placed upon its key stone was the shield of Ernest. In the area above and to either side of the shield was a wood carving fashioned 1 2 after the style of Philostratus. To the left of the shield, Apollo can be seen leading the four seasons, in the personages of women. Above Apollo the following inscription (although not seen in Figure 16) was carved: 1 3 "Expectate venis nostri spes altera secli." The pre ceding inscription was a clear challenge to Ernest from the people of the Netherlands who were requesting a period of peace and prosperity. To the right of the shield was carved the figure of Earth leaning on the handle of an urn from which a liquid bearing a map of the heavens flowed. Four small female figures can be seen offering Earth the products of their industry: the 1 2 Ibid. Philostratus was also a Greek prose writer • ( 170- 24577“ 1 3Ibid. "You come awaited as the second hope of our age." 82 f i r s t , carries grapes; the second, a garland of flowers; the third, a vessel of wine; and the fourth, the palm of victory. According to Bochio, this representation was also engraved on a popular coin of the age, which had been originally struck by Commodus, and bore an inscrip- 1 4 tion from Virgil. Further admonitions of the plight of the Netherlands in trade and commerce can be seen in the carvings above the inscriptions "Ganges" and "Hydaspes" which were carved on slabs of marble. Above the latter, Hydaspes can be seen reclining on a pile of seaweed, clutching a basket. From the seaweed many pearls and seashells brilliantly shined. Carved on the outside of the marble slab bearing his name was the inscription: Quisquis Hydaspeo pretium de gurgite concha Non probat, ingenio se probat esserudiJ5 The representation of the Ganges was also a reminder to Archduke Ernest of the importance of a river to the wealth of a community. An old man bearing a river-basket with swamp iris can be seen reclining against an urn from which flows water containing a green crocodile. Placed against the marble slab bearing the name of the river 1 4Ibid. The inscription read, "There were once such ages under the reign of Saturn.” Commodus was a Roman Emperbr who l'eigned from 180 to 192. 1 *5Ibid. "Whoever does not approve the price of the shells from the whirlpool of Hydaspes, proves himself to be unpolished in his judgement." 83 was an inscription which recounted the riches of the Ganges River. Mittit ibur, mittit fragrantia cinnama Ganges, Et quas aurifero flumine voluit opes.^ Two additional tributes to the importance of the river were paid by representations located on either side of the arch. On the left was the figure of a river god, Tagus, crowned with golden oranges and apples. In his right hand he held a nautical container, and in his left a golden urn from which flowed sand and ships. The inscription accompanying the representation supported the contention that a river attracts vessels of commercial 17 value. Opposite the statue of Tagus was another one, symbolic of a silvery river called the Rio dela plata. This scene and its accompanying inscription supported the same basic argument inherent within the Arch of the Lusitanians: rivers, streams and water were essential for commerce and agriculture. Doubled columns on either side of the central arch framed statues of John and Emanuel, two kings of Lusitania. On the columns, according to Bochio, were inscribed addi tional quotations from Horace and Tarentious, and the figures of Hercules, Neptune and various dolphins. Four 1 6 Ibid. "The Ganges sends forth ivory and fragrant cinnamon and whatever riches one wishes from the golden stream." 84 silken banners, seen flying from the arch, capture the festive mood of the entry. The lower two flags bore the symbol of Lusitania, the cross in green on a white field. On top of the arch flew the navigational flags of Lusitanian naval ships. These flags were appropriately used on any ship of exploration. The Arch of Lusitania, a monumental symbol attest ing to the virtues of water, visually reinforced for Ernest the relationship of the importance of water to the prosperity of the Netherlands. Bochio reported: Principem venientem plurimi tibicines & cornicines, ex prima operis contignatione ingenti clangore salutabant.18 Unfortunately, Bochio offered no clues which explain the mechanics of such a salutation. It is possible that some mechanical device might have been used remotely to sound the horns upon the Archduke’s arrival; however, the size of the arch would not preclude the use of musicians within the four-sided upper portion of the arch. Cer tainly from other uses of humans within similar arches, live musicians would have been a strong possibility. All of the arches through which Ernest rode were equal in magnitude to that of the Arch of Lusitania. All appeared to have been erected for the entry of Archduke 18 Bochio, op. cit., p. 77* "Many flutes and horns saluted the coming of the prince with a great resounding from the top of the monument.11 85 Ernest since his name and crest were always displayed, and inscribed challenges to his government were prolific. The personalized design features of these arches would have limited their adaptability to other occasions. The Entry of a new ruler, especially one looked upon with favor by the populace, would certainly support the out put of money, labor and talent which would have been needed to create arches appropriate to this particular entry. While some of the arches employed members of the various oratorical guilds as performers, others used carved wooden figures and inscriptions to convey their messages to Archduke Ernest. One of this latter group was constructed of wood and located in front of the Via Vicaria. Figure 17» on page 86, depicts this unit which 1 O was thirty-one feet high and twenty-five feet in width. The curved central arch formed the entrance into the Via Vicaria. On either side of this arch were inscriptions explaining the statuary housed in the three 11 stages*1 stretched across the top of the arch. Each stage was separated by painted^cQlumns and contained painted dra pery and carved wooden statues. On the left was a statue of Prince Philip above whom a personified, rising-Sun rode a chariot with four horses. The inscription below 1 9 ^Bochio, op. cit., p. 107. Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. 86 FIGURE 17 i;h s' v»' h CA'M Q IWK' J, The Wooden Arch of the Entrance of the Via Vicaria 87 both of these representations conveyed the message of the scene: Cvm Phaebo imperum du diuisa sorte Philippus Tertius Austriacae gloria gentis habet. Hicsua signifero distinguii temporaciro, Seruat & atherias nocte dieque vices: File sed in terris est sidus, & orbis occlus.^0 On the far right side of the arch was a carved statue of Isabella, daughter of Philip II, and promised 21 bride of Archduke Ernest. Above her were images of three theological virtues: faith, hope and charity. The inscription and the scene representing Isabella and the virtues reinforced the concept that peace must temper all military decisions, a concept symbolized by Philip. In the center of the arch, was a representation showing Philip giving the scepter of rule to Ernest. Above them appeared the symbol of majestic power, an eagle with out stretched wings. Parades and Floats in the Entry In addition to the arches which Ernest and his retinue viewed, parades in honor of the Public Ceremony of Thanksgiving were arranged featuring pageant wagons, 20 Bochio, op. cit. , p. 106. '’Philip III of the glorious Austrian race has divine power. Along with Phoebus, he makes outstanding in his own times a signi ficant circle and preserves it through a succession of day and night. But he is also a star on earth and the eye of the world." 21 Archduke Ernest died before the marrxage was consummated. 88 military units, and floats. One of the more unusual floats featured an elephant. Elephants, because of their rarity in Northern Europe, were considered the nobility of the animal king dom. History had also made the elephant a symbolic creature. According to Bochio, a king of Luisitania had 22 presented Augustus Caesar with some elephants. Bochio also implied that the Archduke was particularly fond of them. Several were used during this entry in the Public Ceremony of Thanksgiving which took place in front of the old Forum, located in the market place. The elephant, which can be seen in Figure 18, on page 8 9, carried a fourteen-foot high column, supported by a huge base 23 strapped to the elephant's back. On the top of this column was the statue of a soldier armed for battle; and in his hand was an angel holding a victory wreath in her hands. The soldier was leaning against the shield of Archduke Ernest. The symbolic message is apparent. The people were hoping that Archduke Ernest would bring victory and peace to the strife-torn country. If the symbolism had not been clear in the decorated elephant, the inscription on the cart upon which the elephant rode attested to the 22 Bochio, op. cit., p. 112. 23 Bochio, op. cit. , p. 113. Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. FIGURE 18 An Elephant Decorated for a Festival 90 role of Archduke Ernest in protecting the people of his province. Australis veni Libyae, spectator, ab oris Austriacum subiturus onus: nam maxima magne Pondera conueniunt, animantia cetera gestent ^ Vulgus, ad Austriacos non suffectur a triumphos. Also as part of the entry, a gigantic statue of Antigoni was prepared, carried into the Old Forum, and set before the feet of Ernest and the spectators. The Giant, as seen in Figure 19 » on page 91 * was made in the 25 likeness of Antigoni. Excluding the base, the statue stood twenty-seven feet tall, and was elaborately deco- 2 6 rated with colorful paper and artificial flowers. Antigoni was a legendary giant who protected the city of Antwerp from adversity. In Figure 19 he can be seen holding a large sceptre, symbolic of justice. The statue was dressed in red and white cloth robes. Grouped on either side of the platform, upon which the statue rests, were two armed men. At his feet reclined three women portraying goddesses of Fury, Despair and Diffidence. 2k Bochio, op. cit., p. 112. "I have come as an attendant from the shores of sunny Libya, to accept the Austrian burden, for the greatest tasks are consistent with greatness, while other creatures may assist the masses with no plan of concerning themselves with Austrian triumphs.n 2 5 Bochio, op. cit., p. 109. Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. 2 6Bochio, op. cit., p. 108. He offers no clue as to the materials used in the structure itself. It would be lightweight, since Bochio reported that it was carried into the Forum. 91 FIGURE 19 The Float Bearing the Statue of Antigoni 92 Fury, in the center, is seen holding a lighted cresset. On the front of the platform appeared a quotation, only partly visible in the engraving, which read: Vidimus Austriacos totics, Erneste, triumphos, Nunc cadem fortuna manus dare cogit cidem Imperio, victostsmen oppressosq fateri 27 Non pudet, Austriacis nam flectitur orbis habenis. The message in the inscription, and the presentation of the statue of Antigoni was an admission by the citizens of Antwerp of their submission to Austrian rule. Summary While both festivals employed the entry as an ele ment, the Antwerp festival contained the more sophisti cated entry since it was associated with a political event. Both festivals employed the meeting outside the city gates in preparation for the formal entry; however, in Diisseldorf the entry terminated with the arrival of the combined parties in the city. The planned parades of the Entry in Antwerp were political, didactic, and were designed to acquaint Archduke Ernest with the problems of the country he was to rule. The Antwerp Festival, therefore, is more clearly illustrative of the entry as a festival element. The 27Ibid. "So often, Ernest, we have witnessed Austrian triumphs, now a similar fortune compels us to surrender to that same power, yet it is no disgrace to admit defeat and suppression, for the whole world is bowing to Austrian rule." combined efforts of the Rhetorical guilds and artists provided a poetic and visual experience for Archduke Ernest and those who greeted his arrival. Audience par ticipation was enriched by the spectacle which they viewed in the arches, parades, and floats; however, the full enrichment of the audiepce came when they witnessed Archduke Ernest's reactions to the features of the entry. The theatrical quality of the entry is apparent in the didactic treatment of both the visual and poetic aspects of the arches. The arches were structured to provide both entertainment and instruction for Archduke Ernest and the audience, the citizens of Antwerp. CHAPTER V FIREWORKS AS AN ELEMENT OF THE FESTIVAL Fireworks, smoke devices, lighting effects, and military weapons were used in combination with other festival elements to provide scenic spectacle, as illus trated in both printed festival books. Some examples of the integrated use of fireworks within other festival elements, such as the tournament and the entry, will be cited along with specific constructions of Feu d 1Artifice which were independently used to entertain and instruct at the festivals. Most authorities, including Graminaeus and Jones, cite Bartholdus Schwartz as the inventor of fireworks in ■\ the year 1354. The actual sophistication of fireworks as an art form did not materialize until the late six teenth century. Although Jones cited the discovery of gunpowder as the impetus for displays of fireworks, Graminaeus offered an interesting Christian explanation for their increasing popularity: So halt ichs gleichwol (meinem einfalt nach) darfur/ dieweil Gottes lesterung/ Ketzerey/ 1Graminaeus, op. cit. , p. 84; Robert Jones, A New Treatise on Artificial Fireworks (London: J. Milan, 1765). 95 muthwilliger ungehorsam/ Tyranney und unzucht/ so geschwindt uberhandt genommen/ und Gott der Almechtiger dem Engel des verderbens/ so uber alsolche mut willige Gottslesterer herschet/ seine macht und gewalt uber die Kirch. Gottes/ auch der ordentlicher obrigkeit/ so wol Geistlich als Weltlich/ bisz zur bestimpter zeit gestattet/ und nach umbgang derselben/ dessen ein end machen wird/ und der hoher Ubrigkeit wider alsolchen ungehorsam/ dieselbe zu dempffen und zu sturtzen/ die herrligkeit und hocheit widerumb werde zukommen lassen... ^ The Theatrical Spectacle of Fireworks For centuries man had been impressed by his own ability to harness the elements. It was a logical devel opment that such ability would be exploited "theatrically” to entertain the court and the public. It is not sur prising that the majority of engravings used in this study to illustrate other festival elements contain some usage of fireworks to enhance the spectacular nature of the scene. The Arches of Triumph, the colonnaded ele phant, and the giant statue of Antigoni (which were part of the Entry for Archduke Ernest) incorporated fire and 2 Graminaeus, op. cit., p. 8k. "Even so, I consider the reason (according to my understanding) to be that blasphemy, heresy, wanton disobedience, tyranny and unchastity had so quickly taken over that God had given his authority over the Church of God and its officials, worldly as well as spiritual, to the angel of destruc tion, who rules wanton heretics, until a certain time, and after the passage of this time will make an end of it, and to overthrow and dampen disobedience and to reinstate splendor and majesty..." 9 6 3 lighting effects as spectacle. The tournament games at Dttsseldorf employed many such devices as can be seen in 4 5 Figure 20, on page 97* and in Figure 21, on page 98. At the games held in the Tornierbahn on Saturday, June 21, 1585, fire was used and can be seen springing from the lists in Figure 20. This fireworks display was the con cluding event at the games. Traditionally the perform ing knights rode toward the fire and threw their broken lances and swords into the flames. From the center of the fire (which incidentally appears in the engraving to have burned a portion of the upper rail of the lists) trajectories, firebombs, and rockets can be seen sailing through the air. In Figure 20 the path of the rockets drawn by the engraver can be seen. Some device (which is not visible) was undoubtedly buried within the flames to ignite and propel the fireworks into the air. Behind the judges' stand can be seen a volley of gunfire which added to the spectacle of the fireworks. The opposite side of the Tornierbahn was ringed with spectators who watched the fireworks display. Assembled on either side of the lists were trumpeters and colorfully attired 3 See Figures 17, 18 and 19 for the lighting effects referred to in the text. 4 Graminaeus, op. cit., Plate 27 > p p • 233-234. Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago. Graminaeus, op. cit., Plate 34, pp. 261-262. Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago. FIGURE 20 FIGURE 21 Fireworks at the Fusztornier at Dttsseldorf VO 00 99 horses and riders. The excitement generated by the fire works attested to the entertainment value of the display as part of an existing festival element. In the Fusztornier (as seen in Figure 21 on page 9®) which was held on June 23, Sunday, fireworks probably enhanced spectator interest in the hand-combat occurring in the center of the market place in Dtlsseldorf. At either end of the combat area were strips of fire ema nating from the earth. The colored flames from the firestrips were used as a method for igniting the, rockets which can be seen flying from the fire. It appears that one of the occupants of the judges’ stand was hurling the rockets into the fire. Although the artist chose to show us only two sides of the square, one can see that the audience must have been of considerable size. In addition to the spectators who lined the street, every window and balcony was filled with onlookers. By the late sixteenth century fireworks were an important asset to the spectacle provided by other ele ments of the tournament. Gunfire, colored fire and smoke, lighting devices, and rockets enhanced the scenic spec tacle at the festivals at Antwerp and Dtlsseldorf. The Scenic Usage of Fireworks A fireworks display as a self-contained festival element appeared as elaborately staged devices, sometimes referred to as Feux d*artifice, Feurwerk-Aufbau, or 100 Pirotecnica. Normally these were intricately designed free-standing structures, such as the facades of castles, fortifications, or sea monsters. On cue, the display was ignited (usually with a concealed mechanism) and would last a few hours until fire consumed the entire struc ture. All forms of fireworks were combined in the feux d'artifice to produce a most spectacular scenic effect. An artfully designed Feurwerk-Aufbau can be seen in Figure 22, on page 101. Used during the sixteenth cen tury at Niirnberg, the entire structure was made of wood and canvas. Barbeck believed that the model (as seen in Figure 22) was constructed from a sketch of Amman's 7 Jagcd von Jost. The illustration of the model shows an attack upon a fortification by a seven-headed monster being ridden by a wild man. On the walls of the draw bridge and fortification of the Aufbau pastoral scenes were drawn. In each of the four main turrets cannons can be seen projecting from the crenellations. In the ^Hugo Barbeck, A1t-Nftrnberg (NUrnberg: Heerdeger Barbeck, 1901) Blatt 9 from Kaisertage und Burgerlust. Courtesy of the Ohio State University Libraries, Columbus. 7 Barbeck, op. cit. , Footnote to Blatt 9 in chapter on "Kaisertage und Burgerlust." Amman was a popular artist who constructed fireworks displays in Niirnberg in the middle of the sixteenth century Some of his work is displayed at the Koniglichen Kreisarchiv at Niirnberg. FIGURE 22 A Model for a Feuerwerk-Aufbau in Niirnberg 101 102 center of the unit was a large fountain, which might have housed a display of fire and smoke for the climax of the Aufbau. On the lower walls of the fortification one can see small openings which might have been used also to emit fire at the height of the display. One of the Fugger correspondents expressed an inter esting comment about the festivities presented in honor of Archduke Maximilian (who ruled from 1597 to 1651) upon his arrival at the house of Herr Marx Fugger. After describing the tournament, a Bavarian peasant wedding feast, and a beautiful ball, he said of the fireworks: When the dance came to an end at seven at night, two little sham castles and a mighty firework were set alight with innumerable explosions and highflying rockets. Thanks be to the Lord that all passed safely and well.8 The Fugger correspondent's last remark indicated that at least some of the displays did not end or were not fired according to plan. His reference to "sham castles" is another example of a type of feu d'artifice which became popular during sixteenth century festivals. Fireworks Displays in Antwerp During the Antwerp festival an elaborate Ignes Trivmphales was held in the public square. Figure 23, on page 103, is a reproduction of the double-paged O Klarwill, op. cit., p. 220, Letter 195* FIGURE 23 The Ignes Trivmphalea held at Antwerp in 159^ 104 o illustration of this fireworks display. Four wooden towers were constructed in the square adjacent to the Archduke’s palace.^ The outer two towers each had three tiers of staved barrels which had been filled with combustible material which was designed to produce colored smoke. On top of each of these two towers were victory emblems. In one tower (located farthest from the Archduke's palace) was a victory wreath, which was topped by the crest of a two-headed bird. In another tower (located near the palace) there were four tiers of fire barrels. The white flag of peace was flying from the top of this tower. The center towers each had two tiers of fire barrels. Behind all four towers was a building which, in the engraving, appears to be ablaze. From each window hung smoking cressets, and in the center of the building were located four cannons. The device used to ignite the towers and inaugurate the display can be seen below the tower (located near the palace), and was a seven-headed monster, whose tail threw fire. On the opposite side of the court can be seen a three-level stage. No mention of its use was made in the text of the printed festival book; however, Bochio men tioned that some of the spectators climbed to its top in o Bochio, op. cit., pp. 132-133* Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Libraries, London. 1 0 Bochio, op. cit., p. 131* The engraver has drawn the composition looking from the palace. 105 order to have a better view. Across the square (directly opposite the Archduke's palace) was another building’ magnificently outfitted for a display of fireworks. In front of each window-bay were three lighted candles. Discernible in the sky were trajectories, fired from some device located behind the building. The fires themselves signified that victory had been won. Bochio reported that people from several cities attended this event because of its tremendous spectacle and popularity. Furthermore, he described how all of the roofs of the buildings surrounding the square seemed to be on fire. Senators were positioned to watch the fires so that no destruction would occur. The spectators were allowed to carry home sparks and pieces of the burn ing materials, which they housed in urns and vases. Bochio described the spectators' appreciation of the spectacle as follows: Postridie sunt ignes denuo instaurati, pari ciuitatis applausu & letita, noc minorum speatatorum quam pridie frequentia, nee inamoeniori tubicinum, tibicinum, cornicinum, buccinatorum & liticinum concentu, totam fere noctem insomnem traducentium.11 11 Bochio, op. cit., p. 131. "On the following day the fires were removed, with equal praise and delight from the citizenry. The gathering of onlookers was not less than that of the previous day. There was an equally delightful group of trumpeters, flutists, horn players of all sorts including clarions and shepherd's horns who assisted in passing the time throughout the evening.” 10 6 The Fireworks in Dflsseldorf As in Antwerp, the Dusseldorf festival employed fireworks as part of other festival elements, such as the tournament games. In addition (as discussed in subse quent chapters), fireworks were a part of the Naumachia and the dramatic presentation of Hercules Furens, a play by Seneca staged on the Rhine River. It was on Wednesday, June 19, 1585, that one of the most unusual feu d Tartifice was staged. Although its presence on the river might support its inclusion as a naumachia, its usage, and the fact that it was completely consumed by fire, more accurately places it as a fire works display. Figure 24, on page 107, depicts this feu d 1artifice on the Rhine at the height of its splen- 1 2 dor. Graminaeus reported that a whale and a dragon were constructed on large flat-boats which had been colored to appear concealed in the water. According to the engraving, all that the spectators could have seen were these two large sea monsters. The whale was con structed to represent Leviathan, the Biblical whale described in the Book of Job, Chapter 41. When the whale had reached its location on the Rhine in front of the castle, the sounds and sights of fireworks attracted the ^Graminaeus, op. cit., Plate 30, pp. 242-243. Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago. FIGURE 2k Whale and Dragon Feu d 1artifice on the Rhine I Lo 108 spectators to the windows of the castle and to its docks to witness the presentation. From the mouth of the whale could be seen a powerful light which played upon the river. On the back of the whale's tail was the figure of a grasshopper. Once the whale reached this prescribed position, a dragon with a large head emitting fire floated to meet the whale. The dragon possessed two large wings on its back, and its eyes were burning-fire. Wrapped in a knot in its tail was the Son of Perdition, a symbol of sinful mankind and a false messiah. When the dragon reached the whale, fire leaped from its mouth as if to consume the whale. The whale-ship reacted by spouting water in two streams from the back of its head. Graminaeus reported that the air was filled with a dark smoke, while addi tional fire streamed from the mouth of the whale in an effort to consume the dragon. Fireworks could be heard from inside the two monsters, and rockets and trajectories were hurled into the air. After this interchange of fire works, men dressed as sea creatures crawled from the mouth of the dragon-ship and attacked the whale. From the mouth of the whale came a number of soldiers, who. fought on the backs of the monsters, in. the water, and on the platform which connected the two feu d'artifices. The dragon's soldiers captured the whale and threw all of its soldiers overboard (at which time they presumably swam to safety). The whale, by virtue of hidden 109 fireworks within, exploded and began to be consumed by fire. The dragon-ship which was still attached to the whale was also ignited. The dragon's soldiers leaped into the water and chased those from the whale-ship to the shore. Graminaeus concluded his description by stating that the two feu d*artifices floated together down the 1 3 Rhine until they were completely destroyed by fire. There is no question that this must have been an impressive display of pyrotechny. The illustration (Figure 24) and the textual description by Graminaeus present a vivid picture of the event; however, no expla nation was given for the appearance of the two winged creatures which can be seen shooting arrows into the center of the smoke and fire from the sky above the sea monsters.4- l2f Certainly the spectacle which the spectators had witnessed must have been impressive and highly enter taining; however, Graminaeus added a Christian inter pretation to the event which implied that the spectacle was as instructive as it was entertaining. Throughout the festival book of the Dilsseldorf wedding, the author not only described but also interpreted that which he had seen. The text did not clarify whether these 1 -^Graminaeus, op. cit. , pp. 240-243* 14 It is feasible that the engraver was simply embellishing the action which he had seen. 110 meanings were as clear to one viewing the event as they were to Graminaeus. He explained that the battle of the two monsters showed the misery existing in the world. The chaos of the world was bred according to Graminaeus by the works of the Devil through the children of super stition and distrust, war, and misfortune. He stated that even though the dragon and the whale had been ex pelled from heaven, they joined with other enemies of the Church to battle against Her. In doing battle, the enemies of the Church argued and fought one another until they destroyed themselves. Graminaeus explained the Christian symbolism of the battle between the dragon and the whale as follows: Des Drachen Geister bestreitten die so in dem Walfisch versteckt/ aber werden nachmals auch beschedigt/ und gehen durch den Brandt und das Fewer zugrundt und ins v e r d e r b e n . ^5 Graminaeus continued his argument by maintaining that unless the enemies of the Church were destroyed, or destroyed themselves, that Christ would destroy all (including water and air) with fire: .../doch sol alles mit helffen/Sonder die Hewschrecken der Sohn des wird verderbens mit dem Walfisch und Drachen/ ja die, ganze Welt undergehen/ Lufft/ Wasser und alles 1 5 Graminaeus, op. cit., p. Zbh. "The spirits of the Dragon fight those hidden in the whale but are in the end ruined themselves and by fire and flames are destroyed." 111 durch das Fewer verzehrt werden/ Und der Herr Christus mit seinen ausserwehlten in Ewigkeit regieren und herrschen...^6 Summary Fireworks as a festival element appeared in six teenth century Northern Continental festivals. In both the Dtisseldorf and Antwerp festivals, fireworks and related devices were integrated with other festival elements. Fireworks played a role in the entry and tournament, as well as in naumachia and dramatic pageants. Furthermore, both celebrations (Antwerp and Dtisseldorf) employed the fireworks display as a structural element of the festival. The Antwerp usage seemed to stress spectacle, while the Dtisseldorf festival employed not only spectacle but also symbolism in its Feu d fartifice for the fireworks on the Rhine. The fireworks displays in both festivals were struc tured to support an audience. In addition, the festivals of both cities utilized theatrical devices to strengthen and enhance the staged fireworks displays. Allegorical characters were used in the feu d*artifice (which had been staged on the Rhine) to supplement the dramatic conflict between the forces of evil, symbolized in the whale and 16 Ibid., "...but nothing shall help, against the grasshoppers, and the son of perdition together with the whale and dragon, indeed the whole world shall perish, air, water and all shall be consumed by fire..." 112 dragon-ships. Another theatrical device (popular in the fireworks displays) was scenic embellishment, illustrated by the burning towers and the seven-headed monster at Antwerp, and by the colored smoke and burning-trajecto ries in the tournament games at Dtisseldorf. Xn both festival cities, spectator interest played an important role in the total dramatic presentation of the fireworks displays. CHAPTER VI SECONDARY ELEMENTS WITHIN THE FESTIVAL While those festival elements discussed in the three preceding chapters seem to be the most prevalent, other festival elements thrived at particular festivals on specific occasions. Those elements selected for dis cussion in this chapter are sotteltes, ornamentation, and naumachia. Because of its social character, the Dtisseldorf Festival Book was richer in its illustration and textual description of these secondary elements. Of the three secondary festival elements only the naumachia was described in any detail in the Antwerp festival. The importance of water to Antwerp’s prosper ity might explain the inclusion of naumachia as part of 1 the festivities staged for Archduke Ernest. While sotteltes might have existed at the Antwerp festival, the author did not consider them in his discussion of the festivities, nor did he spend any time on ornamenta tion unless it related to a particular element of a •j The absence of a waterway did not preclude the staging of Naumachia. Some were staged in watertanks, flooded orchestra pits or even in a rotunda with painted water, and ships on wheels. 113 11 k larger nature. For example, Bochio described in detail the artistic and symbolic ornamentation on the arches and other units of the entry; however, he made no expla nation of the tapestries which decorated some of the building's in the festival city. Sotteltes Sotteltes, Zuckerwerk, suttelties, or subtleties are defined as cakes and confectionaries which were made of jellies and sugars for decoration and symbolism on the banquet tables. While the majority of them were for dis play only, some were designed so that they might be eaten in their entirety. Graminaeus reported that at the end of the evening's festivities the guests ate the Zuckerwerk. Da nun vorermeltes Bancket so wunderbarlich anzusehen vorgetragen/ hat sich der Filrstlicher Breutigam sampt seiner vielgliebsten Braut mit andern F. Personen und 0Frawenzimer zu ermeltem zugerichtem Tisch verfugt. Als aber die F. Personen irem gefallen nach/ etwas abgebrochen/ und von berurtem Zuckerwerck genossen.. When the royal party retired to their rooms, the remainder of the guests and the servants had their share of the Zuckerwerk. 2 Graminaeus, o p . cit., p. 68. "When this banquet, wonderful to look at, had been prepared, the princely bridegroom and his beloved wife and others of the nobility went to the prepared table. After these persons had broken off some of the sweets and tasted them accord ing to their pleasure,..." The banquet and the Zuckerwerk table were located in the large hall of the palace and were held after the con clusion of the dancing on the evening of the wedding, Sunday, June 16, 1585* Figure 25, on page 116, is a reproduction of the engraving of the Zuckerwerk table at 3 the Diisseldorf festival. This table was designed in the shape of a garden with trees decorated with all varieties of fruit, attached to the trees by golden sequins. Cliffs and mountains were designed in perspective with the riv ers and streams which surrounded the castle on display; however, the perspective was limited to the preceding configuration. The animals, birds and other figures on the table were not constructed in this same perspective. From elephants to rabbits, falcons to pelicans, and snakes to turtles, all species of the animal and bird kingdom (known to the artisans) were included in the scene. In addition, human representations in the forms of a falcon-hunter, camel-rider, and soldiers were grouped around the table. The bride (as can be seen in Figure 2 5) was standing in the doorway of the castle. The latter was a fair representation of the Dilsseldorf castle, complete with its towers and fortifications. Replicas of the flags of state can be seen flying over the confectionary castle. ^Graminaeus, op. cit., Plate 7, PP• 69-70* Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago. FIGURE 25 117 The table decorations were not just ornamental, since many carried political symbolism. In the fore ground of Figure 25 a replica of the imperial crown can be seen above the double-headed eagle who held the 4 Austrian coat of arms. The eagle was perched on top of two lions. To their right was a pelican who had stabbed her breast with her beak in order to feed her young. Under her wings were placed the respective coats-of-arms of the families of both bride and bridegroom. The peli can figure symbolized the protector. This royal marriage was seen by the artist and the spectators as a union which would produce freedom from the strife that had plagued the combined provinces of Cleve, Berg, Jtllich and Mark. On the right of the pelican were the figures of two lions holding the family crests of the Duke's father, Wilhelm, and his late mother, the former Queen Maria of Hungary and Duchess of Austria. The Dflsseldorf Zuckerwerk table was the only sottelte prepared for the two festivals within this study. Klarwill, in the Fugger Newsletters, referred to a list of the meat, poultry and sweetmeats prepared for a wedding feast in Prague; however, he did not indicate whether the preparations were of an allegorical or h This same symbolic figure was seen perched on top of one of the fireworks’ towers at the Antwerp festival, as seen in Figure 23. 1 18 5 symbolic nature. An examination of the printed festival books of the late sixteenth century would tend to elimi nate sotteltes as a major festival element in Northern Europe. A preparation as elaborate as the Dtlsseldorf Zuckerwerk seems to be unique within festival prepara tions. Its appearance in Dflsseldorf added considerably to the use of allegory and symbolism within the events of the social festival and supported the entertaining and didactic tone of the sixteenth century festival. Ornamentation While the Antwerp Festival Book contained no dis cussion of ornamentation or tapestry, Graminaeus in the Dtlsseldorf Festival Book embellished his description and interpretation of the ornamentations used within this fes tival. While a few of the tapestries were hung on the outside of buildings, the majority of them were found in the rooms of the palace (in particular the room which Graminaeus called the "Great Hall11). Figure 26, on page 119, shows the scene at the Hall.^ In the center of the engraving can be seen six pairs of special dancers all carrying lighted torches. The royal party can be seen seated on a raised platform in the upper portion of the ^Klarwill, op. cit., p. 97, Letter 7 8. ^Graminaeus, op. cit., Plate 6 , pp. 65-6 6. Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago. FIGURE 26 ^ h'i\ £ t* \ W '■€f P 1 1 9 The Scene at the Great Hall in Dtlsseldorf 120 engraving. In the lower portion some of the guests can be seen assembled to watch the dancing. In the lower right hand corner of this illustration a group of musi cians can be seen playing a viola, bass, lute, and a harpsichord. Just above them can be seen a grouping of trumpet players. Seen in the extreme left of the en graving is a series of shelves, which housed goblets of varying sizes and shapes for serving wine. Waiters can be seen distributing the wine among the guests. Cover ing the opening which led to other rooms of the palace were two large tapestries which, as seen in Figure 26, have been rolled back to provide a draped central open ing. On this tapestry were pastoral scenes with unusual 7 trees, rivers, strange birds, and animals. Located at the opposite end of the large hall was one of the tapestries designed to illustrate the pere grinations of the Apostle Paul. According to Graminaeus, there were ten such tapestries hung in the large hall; additional ones depicting Paul’s travels and teachings appeared elsewhere in the palace. One tapestry (described by Graminaeus as the tenth in the historical series de signed for the festival) depicted the execution of Paul, 7Graminaeus, op. cit., p. 8 3. Without Graminaeus’ description the scene depicted on the tapestry would be impossible to describe. The original engravings, as seen in the Newberry Library, do not make the tapestries ap pear any clearer. Although he described ten tapestries, it is possible to identify only a few. 121 who was beheaded at the urging of Nero. Although Graminaeus did not describe the artistic work within each tapestry, his comments concerning the nature of the work indicated that a great deal of care went into each tapestry in terms of historical research, color, and selection of fabrics. The two tapestries hung on either side of the platform erected for the royalty also depicted events in the life of Saint Paul. Figure 27* on page 122, illustrates the wedding g dinner which was held early on the day of the wedding. This banquet hall was also hung with tapestries in honor of Saint Paul.^ In addition to the musicians (who can be located in the lower portion of the engraving), wai ters in full dress can be seen carrying in covered-dishes for the royal table (located on the left hand side of the engraving). Hanging behind the table was a large tapes try (of which only a portion is visible) depicting the conversion of Saint Paul. Graminaeus reported that the perspective of Paul and his companions was most artfully g Graminaeus, op. cit., Plate 5* PP« 61-62. Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago, 9 No textual reference was made for the selection of the history of Saint Paul as the subject of the tapes tries; however, the bridegroom, John William, had recent ly been converted to Catholicism, in spite of his father's objections. The fact that a conversion was involved in the case of both men might have offered a parallel to the artist in search of a subject for his tapestries. FIGURE 27 WHVS The Banquet Hall Scene at Dtlsseldorf 122 123 constructed in relationship to the city walls, fortresses, 10 and towers in the background. Located' on either side of the windows in the hall were two additional tapestries. The one on the left of the windows depicted the meeting between Paul and the high priest of Jove, Pontifex. The priestTs robes were said to be so magnificent that the tapestry (according to Graminaeus) spoke eloquently of the high cost which hea- 1 1 thens put into their false service of gods. On the other side of the windows was a tapestry representing the stoning of Stephen, at which Paul was an onlooker. Of particular interest in this tapestry (although the illustration in the text of the manuscript does not show it) was the embroidery of the eyes of an old Jew. He was watching the stoning of Stephen from behind a small mountain (which can be located in the upper right hand corner of the engraving). Graminaeus indicated that the man appeared to be looking directly at the viewer, regard- 1 2 less of where the viewer stood. In the festival at Dtlsseldorf the ornamentation, which was incorporated into the historical tapestries, indicated the nature of the complex preparations made for 1 0 Graminaeus, op. cit., p. 82. 1 1Graminaeus, op. cit., p. 81. 1 2Graminaeus, op. cit. , pp. 80-81. 124 this occasion. While Graminaeus neither discussed nor illustrated all of* the tapestries, his remarks concerning their character and excellence attested to the artistry of the embroiderer. A high degree of ornamentation was present in the fabrics hung at Dtlsseldorf, while in Antwerp more effort seemed to have been spent upon the sculpture and painting of the arches designed for the entry in honor of Archduke Ernest. The Naumachia Unlike, the festivals in Spain and Italy, mock naval battles (naumachia) were not a regular part of the fes- 1 3 tivals on the Northern Continent. The catalog descrip tions of festival books, as cited in Appendix A, rarely include discussion of naumachia; however, the two festi val books in this study do include some discussion of the use of ships in parades and of mock naval battles. In Antwerp For the arrival of Archduke Ernest, two naval or 1 4 water shows were held on the Scaldis River. A water 1 3 For an interesting discussion of mock naval battles see Karl Niessen, Das Buhenbild Din Kulturgeschichlicher Atlas (Bon: Kurt Schroeder, 1924), Taffel 47• The text was the result of a University of Leipzig study made by Niessen. 14 . The river mentioned as Scaldis in the Bochio text is known today as the Scheldt River. 1 25 vessel which can be seen in Figure 28, on page 126, was 1 5 featured in one of these naumachia. Although the ves sel floated on the river, it was propelled by men from the shore. The ship, which was made of carved wood on the frame of a covered barge, was delicately and beauti fully painted and represented a seahorse. It measured seventeen feet from the water to the top of its fin, and streams of water were shot from its head. The 1 6 length of the vessel was eight feet. Seated behind its head was a man (possibly Neptune) wearing the crown of a sea god. Two men who carried highly ornamental staffs can be seen in Figure 28 riding upon the barge. Bochio indicated neither the presence of other ships nor whether any pageants were staged as part of this naumachia. A second event which employed the use of water vessels was held in Antwerp as the Parade of Sailboats. Figure 29» on page 127» suggests that the units within this parade were floats, propelled on land. 1 7 The ship, which can be seen in Figure 29 > was completely outfitted with cannons, sails, masts, and rigging. A crew of 1 5Bochio, o p . cit., p. 123. Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. ^Bochio, op . cit. , p. 122. 1 7'Bochio, op. cit., p. 121. Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. FIGURE 28 A Sea-horse in the Parade of Ships at Antwerp 1 26 FIGURE 29 ?,m i e .s t i m - o * imi A Ship in the Parade of Sailboats 128 sailors can be seen tending the ship. This vessel was thirty feet long and twenty feet wide and supported masts 1 8 which were as high as twenty feet. Inscribed on the side of the ship was this promise: Ernesti Ducis imperior, qui vellere fulget Aesonio, non Cyanei Symplegada ponti, Non hostes horremus, auet gens omnis in altum Veladare, & solias unuisere puppibus oras.^9 The ship appeared to represent those of an earlier age when Antwerp was one of the leading sea ports in Northern Europe. The ships in the Parade of Sailboats attempted to demonstrate for Ernest that a continued support of the shipping industry was needed. In Dtlsseldorf At the festival in Dtlsseldorf, a mock naval battle was held. Figure 30, on page 129? is an illustration of 20 the Schiffsturmung held on Monday, June 17> 1585* Graminaeus reported that early in that evening a hand some ship, which was completely rigged with sails, carried ammunition, weapons and sailors. The ship 21 dropped anchor in front of the castle on the Rhine. 1 8 Bochio, op. cit., p. 120. 1 9 Ibid. "Under the rule of our leader Ernest, who has the brilliance of the (golden) fleece of Jason, we dread neither the Symplegades of the Pantec Sea nor any enemy, our whole race dares to set sail out into the deep, and to visit in our barks all the accustomed shores.” 20 Graminaeus, op. cit., Plate 8, pp. 87-8 8 . Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago. 21 Graminaeus, op. cit., p. 8 5. FIGURE 30 DVS SELDOM Hit if&tl JfD , i\TXI5.V&Vt Nj, The Schiffsturmung Performed at Dtlsseldorf 130 Three smaller ships, -which bore attacking- warriors, flew colorful flags of evil. After the smaller ships attacked, the larger ship began to shoot its cannons, sending fire balls over the others and toward the city. The larger ship, although better equipped with fire power, was finally conquered by the three smaller vessels. A fifth ship (seen in Figure 30 to the left of the main vessel) appeared in the harbor and sounded trumpets when the order to evacuate came from the larger ship. The sailors in the larger ship jumped overboard and swam to shore, or were picked up by the smaller boats. The trumpets again sounded as the large ship began drifting down the Rhine and finally sank while still in sight of the castle. This mock naval battle employed fireworks as an element of spectacle. The fireballs were thrown from a Buller constructed within the larger ship. Graminaeus reported that those on shore were concerned that the fire-balls would strike the other ships or damage the city; however, he noted that the Buller was so con structed that it overshot the boats and fell short of the wharf at Dtlsseldorf. Graminaeus’ text compared the performance of this naval battle with that of a tragedy in which dialogue was replaced by spectacle. To Graminaeus, the meaning of this performance on the Rhine was clearly one asso ciated with religious symbolism. The large ship represented human life on earth, or mankind. Like ships, man was under constant attack from the real and 23 imaginary world which surrounded him. This Christian interpretation given to the battle might have been Graminaeus' own, since there was no indication that the same meaning was clear to the spectator. It is clear, however, that the Schiffsturmung was an exciting, thea trical experience during the festival at DtLsseldorf. Summary Sotteltes, ornamentation and naumachia were found within the two printed festival books examined for this study, although their lack of popularity in festivals relegated them to secondary roles. Fireworks, entries, and tournaments seemed to play a more dominant role in festival activity during the late sixteenth century. Graminaeus, op. cit., p. 8 9. ^ I b i d . , p . 90 . CHAPTER VII DRAMATIC PERFORMANCES AS AN ELEMENT OF THE FESTIVAL Ranging from the historical pageants presented during the Entry of Charles V into Brugge in 1515 to the commedia dell 'arte performances held at the 1568 wedding of the Duke of Bavaria in Munich, some type of 1 dramatic performance was associated with the festival. While it can be argued with validity that the tournament, fireworks, entry, and naval battles were theatrical, the role of the festival as an event of theatrical importance would not be complete \\rithout an examination and evalua tion of those performances which were labeled "drama" during the festivals under study. 1 The festival held on April 18, 1515» at Brugge for the Entry of Charles V features pageants of religious, civic, classical, and political nature. For further in formation see the Bruges' 1850 publication of Societe' d 1emulation de Bruges which contains Remy Dupuys1 account of the festival entitled La Triomphante et Solennelle Entree de Charles-Quint en saville de Bruges le 18 Avril 1515« The commedia performance at the 1568 Duke of Bavaria's wedding in Munich was written by Massimo Trojano with music by the Belgian composer, Orlando di Lasso. The former also played the young lover, Polidoro, while the latter doubled as Pantalone di Bisognosi. Zanni, servants, and courtesans filled out the cast of the play. A brief synoposis of the scenario used at this festival is found in Winifred Smith, Commedia dell* arte (New York: Benjamin Blom, 1 ^6kY~, p p . 103-1 1 1 . 132 133 In Antwerp the name Ludvorum referred to the plays and pageants presented to honor the arrival of Archduke Ernest, while the Dtlsseldorf festival staged Mascarada, mummery, allegorical pageants, and a pantomime of Seneca's Hercules Furens. The stages for these "plays” varied from a barge on the Rhine River to the pegma erected on the streets of Antwerp, to performances on a mountain constructed in the Tornierbahn, to musical per formances in an auditorium in Antwerp called Theatri Pacis. Although the two selected festival books pro bably do not represent all forms of dramatic activity performed at festivals in the latter portion of the six teenth century on the Northern Continent, the activity is interesting, varied and theatrically stimulating. The Theatri Pacis in Antwerp Of all the dramatic presentations and the stages erected for them, none can compare in scope to the Theatri Pacis, constructed for Archduke Ernest's 159^ arrival in Antwerp. This theatre was constructed on Pons Marinas, the largest street in the city. A view of the exterior can be seen in Figure 31? on page 13^* The exterior circumference of the structure measured ninety- seven feet. The overall height of the physical struc ture was forty-two feet and the diameter measured only 2Bochio, op. cit., p. 80. Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. FIGURE 31 Exterior view of the Theatri Pacis in Antwerp 135 3 thirty-two feet. The structure's size would have had an extremely limiting- effect upon the type of dramatic activity performed within it. Bochio readily admitted that the style of the struc ture was similar to that which he assumed was the style of ancient theatres. Exterior autem machinae forma triplici columarum ordine constabat, ad opticam rationem acquabili raensura depictarum, ad theatrorum antiguorum aemulationem. Prima dispositio aterra surgens, Dorica erat; huic ordo Ionicus succedebat, quern Corinthuis consequebatun, cum suis singuli stylobatis, capitulis & zophoris ad perpendiculum lineamque formatis. The total effect of the columns and style of capitals, as described above, must have been impressive. As can be seen in Figure 32, on page 13 6, twelve graduated levels were constructed allowing for six rows of performers. At the top of the structure (seen both in exterior and interior view) were fastigio plutei (balustrades) which measured three feet in height.^ On top of these balustrades can be seen lighted torches and the profile of Archduke Ernest placed within the 2+ Bochio, op. cit., p. 7 9. "The exterior plan of the device consisted of a triple bank of columns represented to the eye with equal measurement, in imitation of the ancient theaters. The first arrangement rising from the ground was Doric, Tonic followed this type, which the Corinthian followed, each with its base, and capitals and friezes." 5 Bochio, op. cit., pp. 87-8 8 . Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. Bochio, op. cit., p. 79* FIGURE 32 ■ ; \ \ ! : * 1 36 The Interior of the Theatri Pacis in Antwerp 137 wreaths of peace. The steps and seats were covered with a large red cloth extending from the top down to the walkway, located above the inner circumference of arches. The seats and steps were used for performers while the audience stood in the middle of the theatre on ground- level . On the sixth level in the center of the row of char acters sat a woman who was richly clad in a dress covered with silver ornaments. Xn her right hand she held the sceptre of peace. Above her was a five-foot statue of 7 Victory crowned with the laurel wreath symbolizing peace. Seated with the woman representing Peace were others, who personified Fortitude, Virtue, Prudence, Temperance, Glory, Honor, Justice, Constance, and Fidelity. In the fifth row, musicians, playing a variety of instruments, can be seen situated between beautifully-clad women hold- f ing the musical score for the performance. At the ends of some of the rows of performers were men, variously cos tumed, bearing an assortment of weapons each of which illustrated the need to preserve peace with armed pro tection. While the majority of the performers were female, both Apollo and Mercury were represented by men dressed in appropriate costume.^ 7 Bochio, op. cit., p. 81. g Each of the characters and the meaning of his costume and properties were explained by Bochio on pages 81, 84, and 85 of his text. 138 The performance given in honor of Archduke Ernest was largely musical, although the costuming and the sym bolism of the production were didactic in purpose. Characteristic of this tone were the words of the main chorus of the musical production which praised Ernest as follows: Ernestura cantate Dea, celebrate sorores, Auspicio cuius munera nostra vigent. Pramia cultores nostri desuctaresument, _ Laurus at Ernesturn gloria, lausque manet. The words of the song, sung as part of the performance in honor of Ernest, can be seen in Figure 33 > on page 139♦ together with two of the pages of music for the performance.^0 This music was arranged to be sung by two groups of singers. Although the music was written in a Renaissance style of notation, it is easily tran scribed into modern clefts and musical notes. The theatre structure was an admirable facility but contained no scenic machinery. In From Art to Theatre, Kernodle described an amphitheatre similar to the Theatri 1 1 Pacis which revolved on a turntable. The 159^- 9Bochio, op. cit. .p. 8M-. "Sing to the goddess and praise (our) Ernest, sisters, under whose guidance our offices flourish. Our people will take up anew their neglected exploits, and honor, glory and praise await (our) Erne s t." 1 0 Bochio, op. cit., pp. 82-83* Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. 1 1 Kernodle, op. cit., pp. 76 and 107- FIGURE 33 D**e*»»Tt6 I Rodhoaaata to Dec, oclc ba if A r D ec, eels braze » rosc% An fpi d o cu isa ma ne n a o 8 a d g o t Ata (pi d o cu ini mu oe n o o to d gent Pi* roi a cul- Launuat Er oefbmgiori a iaoatyacouaa I ■ n u t Er aeiosi ftri de fi>c a rclimient l*» « • « Ernefhimglori thou (joe glori a batty* maoec gu net. LiuruiatEmeftuiDjgJori * Uus^ue maiKt, Rrsdtumcann tc EVe r , ce le b a K to ro m , As- R dc (him a n a cc D ec, cc k b n te to ro ret, Ipiao caiinnu K n m trad ga*. Loans at Er oc- ^ Aofpi I h /m d ri o M caM imm HI aner* no finvi gene. Pi* mi a cul* ftura glo ti a biutyxm inct L ta n a x E r s e is m gjori abasty* to r n no (bide foe rate foment. L a u ra s Ernefhimglori a Um^oe ' o u tx t Laarus at Er oeftnm glori a bosijuc miner. Roc 6nmcann R Dcx.cc IcbcaR £>rom, Ao* R nc Ham a n a ccDe *, ce Jc bn R £> ro fpi d o co ios sm oe n o o R a d gent. Ptz mi a col to in An ipi do coinsmancB noftmri gmr Pscmil cul* l i ii i i t i do (badc fiscti ic£imcntXaanB*EnaeftamglonaUi»4ncounctUutai to ret noftridefucu rtfuroent. LaundatEmditnglon a batty* at Erocftussglori abusty* manrt. net Laarusat EraeAom glori a bus tyiema no. H a Er- pHM fflLiy Lyrics and Music from "Performance at Antwerp 140 structure built for Archduke Ernest contained no such device although other texts and catalogues described 1 2 such a revolving stage for this festival. It is pos sible that a device used in 1599-1600 for the festivals of Archduke Albert and Isabella might have been confused with the structure erected for the 159^ Entry. Bochio's text and both illustrations of the Theatri Pacis offered no evidence to support the presence of a mechanical device such as the turntable described by Kernodle. The 1 59^ structure was built for the symbolic musical per formance described above. A Pageant in Dtisseldorf Although presented on a less spectacular stage, the dramatic pageant in the Tornierbahn at Dttsseldorf was dramatically and scenically more exciting than the 1 3 Theatri Pacis. Figure 3^» on page 141, shows the engraver's (Hogenberg) concept of the medieval moun- 11\. tain. Graminaeus, in his description of the mountain, 1 2 For example, the A & B Book sellers Catalog AB585 described Bochio’s 159^ festival book (their number D5) as containing a structure with a revolving theatre: "Two of the plates show the amphitheatres specially designed for this occasion (the entire theatre was on rails, and could turn while the spectators remained in their places!).” ^Graminaeus, op. cit., Plate 10, pp. 99-100* Courtesy of Newberry Library, Chicago. 1 kThe relationship of the mountain to the Tornierbahn can be seen in Figure 5> Chapter III. FIGURE 3^ ’smcntrm ivn^l t tta n St!2 tUTTUi iJa cm tn s The Medieval Mountain in the Tornierbahn ^k2 spoke also of the artistry of the structure: Aber und nefoen dem/ dass ermelter Berg mit solcher herrlicher Inventionvn erfindung/ auch auffs aller kunstlichst zugericht/ auffgetragen/ ist bey denselben alsolche Musica auss und inwendig gebraucht/ dass man nit anders hette vermuten mogen/ als wehren die Musae selbst/ Orpheus and Amphion mit iren lieblichen gesang und spilen nach Poetischer lehr und erzehlung vorhanden und zugegen gewesen/ order aber etwan eine eroffnung des Erdischen Paradeiss geschenen/ order ein Engelische freud gehort worden.^ His strong impressions of the medieval mountain extolled its scenic qualities. At opposite ends of the mountain Orpheus and Amphion, the classical musicians, were seated.^ Both were played by actors, who G-raminaeus identified only as living young men. In addition to the characters of Orpheus and Amphion, Pan, the god of the shepherds was portrayed on a lower level of the mountain attempting to 1 5Gratninaeus, op. cit . , p. 103. "Above and beyond the fact that the mountain had been prepared with such ingenius artistry and inventiveness, such music was used both within and outside that one could have supposed that the muses themselves, Orpheus and Amphion with their lovely songs and playing, according to poetic teachings, were present there, or that the earthly Paradise had been opened or angelic joy was heard." 1 6 Graminaeus, op. cit., p. 101. Orpheus, the more popular of the two musicians, was the son of the Greek god, Apollo, and a mortal, Calliope. According to tradi tion, Orpheus, a Thracian poet and musician, upon his wife's death went to Hades where he played so well that Pluto agreed to send his wife back to him. Orpheus is also connected with a variety of myths, all of which add to the concept that he could perform miracles with his music. For example, Jason took him along in the search for the Golden Fleece so that Orpheus' playing could sooth the wild animals and afford Jason an opportunity to sneak past them. To add to the classical image of the 143 control his rams. His performance, according to Graminaeus, was like that of a dance. The facade of the mountain was designed as the gate to the city of Thebes. Characters, who represented the unifying force of a marriage which was strengthened by the birth of a male 1 7 heir, stood in front of this gate. Although Graminaeus offered no dimensions for the scenic unit, its magnitude can be determined by three factors: (l) it was a relatively large unit placed in side the large playing area of the Tornierbahn; (2) since the characters appearing on the mountain and those appear ing in the gate to the city of Thebes were human beings, the physical size of the mountain can be estimated; and (3) additional spectators can be seen on the side of the mountain, in perspective, thus offering a comparative relationship. Using these three factors, the mountain's size can be estimated at twenty feet in height (exclusive of the actors appearing on its peaks) and twenty-five feet in depth. The width appears to be about eighteen feet. By any standards the mountain was an impressive, free standing scenic unit. Adding to the impressiveness of mountain, the artist included Amphion playing on his lyre. As legend has recorded, Amphion was the King of Thebes and husband of Niobe; however, he killed himself over grief for the loss of his children, slain by the arrows of Apollo and Diana. l7I bid. 1 bb the mountain was Graminaeus’ statement (quoted heretofore) which implied that music came from within the structure. The scene, as depicted in Figure 3b, was not com plex in intent. The music of Orpheus calmed and soothed all of the wild beasts. The music of Amphion created order (the formal gate to the city of Thebes) from chaos (the mountain). Stones can be seen falling into place to create a classical structure of order, beauty, and form. This meaning derived from the pictorial evidence of the structure was amplified by the poem which appeared on the engraving (seen left of the mountain). Lines two through five of the Latin poem are particularly descrip tive of the action inherent in the scene. Leniet haec rapidas tigreis, tumidosqui Leones Quardupedu & Bipedum choreas agitabit arnicas; Saxa trahe rigidas formabit in oppida cautois Plandiloqui plectri ductu:^® Freely translated, the poem implied that the prince could pacify the fierce tigers and enraged lions, and that he could cause all four-footed and two-footed animals to dance and form a chorus around him. The prince could draw together loose stones from the rigid rock and form them into cities which he could control with a soft spoken voice. The poem added dimension to the scenic representation of the medieval mountain. It implied that the young duke, recently married, would be able to 1 8 See Figure 3^ for the complete poem. Ik5 restore law and order to the troubled Province over which he was to rule. Certainly the area, torn apart by battles such as the Cologne War (a religious conflict of 1583-8 ^)» was in need of some unified and orderly solution to its 1 9 problems. The medieval mountain pageant dramatically communicated the idea that the consummated union of the Bavarian Princess with Duke William could result in a restoration of law and order. Graminaeus (probably privy to the artist's intent and his assignment) further delineated the "theme" of the mountain and its pageant. He related the roles of Orpheus and Amphion to the Regents who were to control the Province under the leadership of Duke William. Wise control of those tools available to the Regents (repre sented by the musical instruments) would produce statutes of law leading to peace. The many kinds of animals sug gested to Graminaeus the different kinds of people who constituted the province and who would have to be con trolled through the Harmonia of the governing Regents. The couple appearing in the gate of Thebes suggested that 1 9Gebhard, Dapifer of Waldburg, became Archbishop of Cologne in 1577* When he wished to marry Countess Agnes of Mansfeld, he became a Calvinist in 1582 but attempted to hold his office of archbishop. The Pope deposed him and appointed Prince Ernest of Austria in his place. This event led to the heretofore mentioned War of Cologne which caused great destruction to the Rhinelands. It ended shortly before the 1585 Dtisseldorf festival with the defeat of Dapifer, who fled to the Netherlands. See Klarwill, op. cit., p. 258. 146 a normal order of succession could help in preserving the 20 peace. Of those symbolic representations found in the entries, naumachia, and other dramatic presentations, the medieval mountain pageant in Dttsseldorf was the most direct in scenic concept and symbolic meaning. A Mummery at Dtisseldorf In addition to the pageant of the medieval mountain held in the Tornierbahn on Tuesday, June 18, a mummery was held inside the palace on Sunday evening, June 23 • Figure 35? on page 14-7, illustrates the colorful nature 21 of this mummery. Two balconies which faced the open courtyard served as the primary audience areas. Other members of the audience can be seen in the windows of the building facing the courtyard. In the opposite building (the point from which the engraver-artist illustrated the scene) was the royal viewing place. Graminaeus made no attempt to explain the action of the mummery in the text ofthe festival book. His only reference to it was in associating this mummery with other pastimes prepared 22 for the court's entertainment on that evening. It is 20Graminaeus, op. cit., p. 103. ^Graminaeus, op. cit., Plate 3 6, pp. 268-270. n p Graminaeus, op. cit., p. 264. Klarwill, op. cit., pp. 172-173, reported that many pastimes were presented for the wedding of the King of Poland on May 26, 1592, FIGURE 35 A Mummery held at Dttsseldorf •P- 148 possible that Hogenberg incorporated elements from some of the other planned pastimes in his engraving of the mummery (Figure 35)• For example, a bear, which can be seen in the engraving, tied to a stake might have been used in a later feature of the evening's entertainment. The scene of the mummery is important to our under standing of the divergent dramatic forms used at a festi val. The scene is of theatrical interest because of its employment of lighting, costuming, spectacle and an audience. Graminaeus' only concrete reference to the scene was a poem which was a part of Hogenberg's engraving. Im Filrstlich Hoff woll in der nacht Will ross gar artlich zugemacht, Dreiben mit lust gar gut kurtzweill, Werden veriagtt in kurtzer eill. Von schutzen, so auf dem selben ort Die wilden ross baldt dreiben fortt, Darnach die reuitter einen standt Nemen, Bekhommen uberhandt. Verachten der soldaten schiessen, Verdreiben sie mit feur aussgiessen, So maul und schwantz, zu gleich verricht Verwor, war, ein lustich geschicht.^ including masques, Italian dancers, and a Mascarada which cost in excess of 60,000 ducats. ^ I b i d . , pp. 269-270. "In the royal courtyard at night many very skillfully made-up horses and riders carry out a pleasant pastime. (The horses) are quickly chased off by foot-soldiers, as in this same place the spirited (live) horses are driven off. Then the cavalry takes a stand and gets the upperhand. They (the mounted horsemen and their made-up horses) scorn the infantry's shots and drive them off by pouring out fire, at mouth and tail; truly a jolly tale." 149 The horses, which shot fire from both ends, and the decorations appearing on them suggest that the horses may not have been real. It is feasible that a horse- costume, with its mechanical fire device, was attached to the men who appeared to be riding the horses. Graminaeus’ description of the "pastime11 suggested that the mummery might have been more entertaining than , . . 2k instructive. The Pegma Used in Antwerp During the festival at Antwerp, four pegma were erected in honor of Archduke Ernest of Austria, and were placed in varied locations throughout the city. The pegma were free standing structures, each with a raised stage framed by a decorative arch; each contained a scene which, through inscriptions, dialogue, or mono logue, told of particular problems confronting the people of Antwerp. A description of the device George Kernodle used the term 11 street theatres” to refer to both the pegma and the triumphal arches built 25 for the festival staged in honor of Archduke Ernest. 2k Judging from Graminaeus' extensive comments on other features of the festival, his paucity of material on this mummery may attest to its non-instructive character. 25 Kernodle, op. cit., pp. 52-110. T50 An examination of the iconographic and textual material in the Antwerp Festival Book would support the concept of a dichotomy of purpose. The triumphal arches appeared to have been viewed momentarily, while the pegma (as a dramatic device) told a complete story. Apart from direct references to the pegma in the text of the festival, there appears to be little other primary support for the use of the term. For example, in English festival studies, Withington referred to the model of a city which was erected on the top of an arch for a 160k English Royal Entry as a pegme; however, his reference seemed to describe a festival element which bore little connection to the pegma of the Northern Con tinent, and in particular to those of the Netherlands. In the early church in Rome, for example, the term was associated with the raising of the altar in the sanctuary. The term also referred to a piece of wooden machinery, used in the Roman Theatre, which was capable of raising and lowering the floor of the stage complete with actors and scenery. Although the latter usage cer tainly would have been feasible in the pegma erected for 159^ festival in Antwerp, neither iconographic nor tex tual material illustrated or described the operation of any lifting device. The term may also be associated with Pegasus, a winged horse in Greek mythology which p /C Withington, op. cit., Volume 1, p. 22k. Footnote 1. 151 sprung from Medusa’s head at the time of her death. One of the feats of Pegasus was his attack on Mount Helicon, which caused a fountain of the Muses to spring forth from the depths of the mountain. This mythical allegation to Pegasus is consistent with the usage of pegma in both the early church and early Roman theatre; that is, the concept of an object (or scene) emerging from below. It is also feasible that the term originated from the Greek word, pegma, which meant something fastened together. The term was used both for physical connection (hence peg) and abstract associations. Both denotations would be in keeping with the thematic and physical linking of the subject matter and architectural facade in the pegma erected at Antwerp. The pegma, designed for Archduke Ernest's visit in 159^, were located in diverse portions of the city. It is feasible that the scenic spectacle and figures present within each were not to be viewed until the moment when the Archduke was present for the production. The use of a device to raise the scene into view would be in keeping with some of the definitions of the pegma cited above. The pegma in the Public Forum The pegma located in the Public Forum, can be seen 27 in Figure 36 , on page 152. In this pegma the space ^^Bochio, op. cit., p. 111. Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. V f P O. M. »[ (J\ on I'.iTINi'TV ^ V d I VINlTVTtS The Pegma erected in the Public Forum under the stage (located seven feet off the ground) might have been adequate to house the machinery needed to raise the stage, actors, and scenery into view. This unit was thirty-three feet in height and extended from the ground to the top of the slanted roofed-structure (located on top of the main flat roof of the pegma). This dimension probably did not include the two-headed eagle perched on top of the gable. The stage was forty feet wide, and the height from the floor of the stage to the first roof was Q O fifteen feet. As an architectural part of the permanent pegma, the four pillars of Hermes (two male and two female), 29 supported the roof of the stage. The pillars of Hermes divided the stage into three sections. All eight maidens seated in the three stages of the pegma were clothed and ornamented in gold and silver and sat in front of a cur tain of red velvet. Over their heads were wreaths of ivy designed to accent the crown in the center. Two of the maidens sat in the middle stage, in what appears in Figure 36 to have been a slightly elevated area. The maiden on the left, clothed as a vestal virgin, represented Religion 2 8 Bochio, op. cit., p. 110. 29 One might conjecture that the ropes for raising and lowering the stage floor were concealed within the statues of Hermes and were controlled from the gable located on the roof of the stage; however, no working drawings or textual material supported this theory. 15^ the other, on Religion's right, represented Justice and can be seen holding a golden sword. Angels, who can be seen descending in a cloud, crowned both maidens with laurel wreaths, the symbol of peace. Two more angels, dressed as servants, can be seen flanking the maidens. On the left (stage right in Figure 36) Law can be seen holding two books representing the laws of the church and those of the government. Next to Law was seated Moderation who can be seen holding her silver staff up right. Seated on the outside of the inner stage was Companionship. On the right (stage left in Figure 36) three virgins can be seen. One represented Grain and was crowned with a wreath of ripe corn and can be seen holding a wicker-basket of bread. Moneta, who can be seen in the center of this group of maidens, held a ma chine for coining money. The third maiden, State, can be seen holding a shield of silver which represented public administration. The pictorial scene on the stage was completed with two soldiers, each holding rods bear ing the symbols of the consul of the Holy Roman Empire and the province of Austria. On top of the main stage roof were burning torches which flanked the center gable, and obelisks which were on the outer ends of the roof. Inscriptions of warning to Ernest were located on the face of the gable on the front of the stage. The pictorial scene in its entirety was for Archduke Ernest an allegorical message which 155 depicted the wise relationship of Government, virtues, money and religion. Since the Archduke was both the Ruler of the province of the Netherlands and Prefect of the Catholic Church, the dramatic message of this pegma was certainly appropriate for the occasion. The pegma on the Ioannis Bridge The Ioannis Bridge, which crossed the Scaldis River flowing through Antwerp, was the site of a more complex pegma than the one erected in the Public Forum. The stage of the pegma on the Ioannis Bridge, as can be seen in Figure 37 > on page 156, added depth to house an or- 30 chestra of trumpets and drums. This pegma was forty feet high and thirty feet wide. 31 On the roof of this pegma, there was an urn from which seaweed and a crab seemed to appear. Two sea creatures, who sustained themselves by food from the water, can be seen flanking the urn. Also located on the roof of the pegma were two sea nymphs who supported burning candles. Even without an interpretation of the scene in the Zophorvm (the central stage), the message of the pegma would emerge. The Scaldis River, which had been dammed upstream by other seaport towns, was a TO Bochio, op. cit. , p. 119. Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. 31 Bochio, op. cit., p. 118. FIGURE 37 K K \ ’F.ST\^ -Sl'AI.PI, nkrkipk^ The Pegma built on the Ioannis Bridge 157 threat to the prosperity of the citizens of Antwerp who depended upon the River for their livelihood. In the center of Figure 37 > the god of Fertility can be seen chained to an urn. The water flowing from the urn represented the Scaldis River. Fertile maidens can be seen attempting to free Fertility from the chains which were binding him to the urn. In Figure 37 the water from the urn appears to be actually flowing over the front of the stage. The painting on the facade of the stage represented the death which had been caused by the damming of the river. The beached boat, the dying sea creature, and the castoff cultivating tools created for the audience a bleak picture of the effect the blocked river had on fertility and prosperity in Antwerp. The pegma expressed a didactic and distinct dramatic message to Archduke Ernest of the problems created by the blockade of the Scaldis River. If the scene depicted on the stage were not clear, the message inscribed upon the urn on top of the roof of the stage expressed it for the viewer: Ernestus Scaldi, Nereides, arcta leuari Vinclainbet, restueque vadum sulcare moatu Rursus, & aquorcis iterum colludere nymphis. 32 Bochio, op. cit.. p. 118. "Ernest orders the tight barriers of the Scaldis (Scheldt River) to be removed, oh nymphs. The shales are to be furrowed with the renewed stream and will spout once more with water nymphs.M 1 58 The public pegma on the Via Qvae The third pegma erected for the 159^ festival in the Netherlands was called Pegma Pvblicvm in Via Qvae.33 Figure 38, on page 159, is an illustration of this public 3 4 stage. Unlike the other pegma, no scene was portrayed here. The stage was set in an allegorical and symbolic manner but awaited the presence of the Archduke Ernest fof its completion. This pegma was erected near the main entrance to the city (Caesar’s Gate) and was meant for public addresses by Ernest. The stage itself was slight- ly smaller than those of the other pegma, measuring only seven feet in depth, twenty-five in width and twelve feet O C in height (excluding its roof and base). The stage was decorated with a military motif and used statues of Mercury’s soldiers to support the roof. At its rear sat four maidens who represented the Arts. They were clad in costumes of multi-colored silk. On the front of the podium was a scene depicting the history of military weapons. Inscriptions placed on the pegma told of speeches to be made on this public stage. 33 Bochio, op. cit., p. 93* Public stage on the street known as Long and New. -^Bochio, op. cit., p. 9^, Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. 3 5Bochio, o p . c i t . , p. 93* 159 FIGURE 38 Pegma Pvblicvm in Via Qvae 16 o Although this pegma is not as theatrically interest ing as those already discussed, it completes the picture of the festival as it was held in Antwerp in 159^« The pegma in the Triangulum The pegma erected near the Spanish Triumphal Arch, in a public area called Triangulum, was constructed by the Senate and the people of Austria. The pegma, seen as Figure 39 > on page 161, was thirty feet wide, thirty' two feet high and nine feet deep, with a stage extending more than seven feet above the street. 37 Unlike the other pegma, the artist included more of the audience in the scene. Among those spectators seen in Figure 39> looking up at the stage, are a mother and child, an old man leaning on his staff, a horseman, a man and woman, and two men in formal dress. It is feasible that the artist was attempting to depict more accurately the nature of the audience since it probably was composed of the citizens of Antwerp and the royal political party. The scene which was depicted by this pegma empha sized the needs of agriculture. This theme was inscribed on the three-foot thick frieze: ^Bochio, op. cit., p. 71 • Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. 37Bochio, op. cit., p. 70* FIGURE 39 - ^ — u .i ^ n o r.r i*vjcto principi efwesto avstrio —IIKA5..JJ 1,91 Vi The Pegma Erected in the Triangulum 162 PIO ET INVICTO PRINCIPI, ERNESTO AYSTRIO, QYI AGRVM BELGICVM SOLI FERTILITATE, ET SITVS AMOENITATE CELEBERRIMVM. AB OMNI DIREPTIONE, ET VASTITATE D. PHILIPPI CATHOLICI PRINCIPIS NOSTRI CLEMENTISSIMI NVRV VINDICATVRVS, ET PACATVRVS, AB EXTREMIS VSQVE PANNONIS AD NOS VENIT.^8 Termini (pillars) carried similar inscriptions which announced Ernest's intention of allowing neither enemy nor threat of war to drive the farmer from his fields where he was needed to support the economy of the Netherlands. On the ends of the frieze, cupids displayed the symbol of the Marchioness of the Holy Roman Empire, and held a torch to which was attached the insignia of both the Netherlands on one side and Austria on the other. In the center of the roof two figures with burning tor ches held the insignia of Brobantia carved on a black tablet. Carved on the front of the stage were the implements of labor. Symbolic of the agricultural theme of the pegma, was the head of an ox, representing the act of labor. On either side of the tablet were two figures carved into the pedestals which supported the columns of Termini. The figure on the right (stage left) can be seen in Figure 39 > watering vegetation from a Clepsydra o O Bochio, op. cit., p. 69. "To the holy and uncon quered leader, Ernest of Austria, who has come to us from farthest Pannonia, to free the Belgian land most famous for its fertility of soil and pleasant location, from all plunder and destruction as well as to bring peace by the assent of our most merciful Catholic leader, D. Phillip." 163 (a water clock or container). The other figure can be seen digging in .the earth to prepare it for planting. The pegma was decorated with garlands intertwined with green ivy and twinkling metals. White and red bands of silk tied the garlands to the frieze. Seated on the elevated rear portion of the stage were characters symbolic of the agriculture motif. In the center Agricultura, dressed in an elegant costume, can be seen with her hand upon a golden plough. On her right sat Nature, who can be seen in the form of a young girl with bare breasts and arms. Ceres can be located in Figure 39 by the grain adorning her hair and the reap ing scythe which she held in her hand. Likewise Pales can be located by a butter churning barrel which she supposedly held. In front of her, seated on the floor of the stage, were Pamona and Napes. In Figure 39 i the former can be identified by the basket of fruit, while the latter is seen with a bee hive at her side. Annus was attired with a laurel wreath on his head and a large gold ring in his right hand. He can be located in Figure 39 by the large phallic symbol which he supported in his hand. On his left sat the four seasons in the forms of a young man and three girls, two of whom were seated upon the stage. On stage right stood a man representing Day with his torch held high, and on stage left was a figure represent ing Night with his torch held to the ground. The stage 164 picture was nicely balanced and appears to be an accurate representation of the proscenium stage complete with a rear stage curtain of bright colors. The effect must have been quite outstanding. Unlike the other pegma, in this one there was dialogue. Bochio stated that upon Archduke Ernest's arrival at this pegma, Annus addressed him. 39 7 The role of the pegma The four pegma discussed heretofore were excellent devices for dramatizing the concerns of the people of the Netherlands. The problems of wise control of govern ment and religion, of the utilization of Antwerp's main waterway (the Scaldis River), of state and military duties, and finally of agriculture, were portrayed in the pegma. These "dramas" might not have been highly sophisticated in terms of dialogue and plot, but the dramatic message which they expressed was certainly ob vious to the spectator. The stages were richly adorned, eloquently symbolic, and sophisticated in terms of scenic embellishment. The presence of the picture-frame stage concept as part of the festival tradition is an interest ing discovery in the pegma designed for the 1594 festival at Antwerp. 39Bochio, op. cit., p. 70* 165 Performance of Hercules Furens in Dttsseldorf The 1585 marriage festival in Diisseldorf was not without drama. As has been shown, the wedding employed pageantry and mummery as entertaining and theatrical experiences for the royal party and the wedding guests. Dramatically one of the more interesting presentations was the pantomime of Seneca's play, Hercules Furens, presented on the evening of Tuesday, June 18. The cli matic ending of the pantomime is shown in Figure ^0, on page 166. ^ The staging of Seneca's play employed aspects of both fireworks and naumachia to successfully create If, 1 the scene of the play as interpreted by the Germans. The use of the Rhine River for a dramatic presen tation was selected not without justification. There was no formal area either within the city or in the castle for the staging of this pantomime. The setting of the Tornierbahn was excellent for the presentation of the pageant on the medieval mountain; however, the Tornierbahn was several miles outside the city, thus ^Graminaeus, op. cit. , Plate 25, pp. 177-178. 41 Most properly the presentation held on the Rhine could be described and discussed separately as a fire works display or as a naumachia; however, the strong literary and dramatic strains of the pantomime most pro perly place it as a part of the drama of the festival. From Graminaeus1 elaborate discussion of Das Argument der Tragedy Senecae; Hercules furens ( p a g e s 181-193), one would sense that to the court of Dttsseldorf, their presentation was a play - a tragedy. FIGURE 40 166 167 unsuitable for the presentation of an evening program. The mummery of the hunt was presented in theopen court yard of the castle, since it was performed only for the inhabitants of the palace. The presentation of the pan tomime of Hercules Furens was ideally suited to the Rhine River location since it allowed space for spectators both within the confines of the castle and on the city wharf. The stage for the pantomime was a floating barge equipped with an open area for the characters to stand upon, and a scenic unit made of wood and cloth to repre sent Hell. Spires, portals and gabions decorated the scenic representation of Hell. At the entrance to Hell could be seen the three-headed monster Cerberus, blocking the opening which led inside the hell-mouth. In front of b2 Cerberus was Hydra, a seven-headed monster. Also on the platform was Hercules who can be located within Figure ^0 by his lion skin and who in the engraving is beating Hydra with his club. To Cerberus’ right was Atlas who can be identified within Figure kO by the globe of the world perched on his back. Graminaeus did not reveal the preparations or the action of the pantomime except to report its conclusion. He stated that when Hercules began to beat Hydra, smoke and fire poured out of each of the monster’s heads. One Graminaeus, op. cit., p. 179* 168 boat of soldiers arrived and began to storm Hell, but Cerberus who was guarding the entrance attacked them with fire. Atlas then attacked Cerberus with lightning from the heavens which he was carrying. Hercules drove all of them into the gates of Hell, and it must have looked to the spectator as if he were to be consumed by the fire; however, he soon emerged unhurt from the fire and brought with him the soldiers, Atlas, and Cerberus. When they were out, the Devil crawled out of the top of Hell (as can be seen in Figure 40). The fires within 43 Hell quickly consumed the scenery representing Hell. After Hercules' victory was assured, a second boat with musicians came down the Rhine; and a prayer was sung. Da pacem Domine in diebus nostris quia non est alius, qui pugnet pro nobis, nisi tu Deus Noster.44 Two mermaids who were floating in the water during the spectacle sang another song as the barge floated down 45 the Rhine. 43 Graminaeus, op. cit., p. 180. 44 Ibid. "0 Lord give peace, remove fight and quarrel, without you no solace is on earth. Weapons, shield and defense do not help without your protection and sanction." 4 3 The two mermaids were the same two bare-back riders who were in the processional of the Ringrennen as noted in Chapter III. Of course the Ringrennen was staged on the morning of the same day as the pantomime described above, and it was possible that the procession was a Banns for other events in the festival. 169 Graminaeus offered neither substantial information as to the method of scenic construction nor the names of the actors portraying the roles of the characters in the pan tomime. It must be assumed that all were played by humans with the exceptions of Hydra, who was consumed by the fire, and the figure of the Devil, who was seen at k6 the climax as trying to escape from Hell. Concerning the Christian and classical significance of the panto mime, Graminaeus was more lucid. He included within his discussion of the pantomime an accurate accounting of the Senecan play, but also attempted to show how the play was Christian by inserting references to the ser vants of God. His only explanation of the pantomime, which differed in content from that of the actual play, was the conclusion which utilized a topical song in praise of God to give the pantomime a more Christian flavor. Summary The two festival books provided a rich source for theatrical materials and the discussion within this chap ter has attempted to demonstrate the validity of includ ing drama as an element within the festival. The type of dramatic activity was varied within each of the festivals, Actually no actors are listed in either festival with the exception of the characters of the Mascarada held at the Tornierbahn in Dilsseldorf. 1 70 and included pageantry, pantomime, musical drama, and mummery as part of its dramatic expression. Furthermore, a variety of architectural and theatrical forms provided the stages for the performance of the dramatic events presented at the festivals. Within each of the dramatic performances staged as a part of the festivals, the characters were portraying personified concepts rather than living human beings. Good versus Evil formed the basis for conflict. Within the Dttsseldorf festival Good was identified by Christian interpretation, while in Antwerp Good was associated with that which would benefit the people of Antwerp. The nature of the dramatic presentations influenced not only the structure of the stage but also the scenic treatment on that stage. The settings were designed for broad appeal as were the dramas for which they were created. CONCLUSIONS The most important single conclusion which can be drawn from this study is that the printed festival book of the late sixteenth century in Northern Europe is a valid historical source for theatrical activity. ‘While all of the activity was not necessarily formal drama, the ingredients of theatre were present within both festival books examined for this study. The dramatic activity varied from highly entertaining spectacles to didactic messages for the assembled spectators. Both festivals were structured to support an audience. The Elements of the Festival Of those festival elements described and evaluated in this study (Chapters III through VII) dramatic pre sentations were employed most extensively within both festivals, regardless of the occasion (social or poli tical) upon which the festival was held. The element least frequently staged within both festivals was naumachia. The tournament Whereas the tournament still flourished within the sixteenth century, the long-established games of skill 171 172 were recast to appeal to the audience’s increased sense of spectacle and desire for scenic embellishment. The elaborately designed Tornierbahn at Dttsseldorf was struc tured to allow for maximum appreciation by the audience of the scenery, lighting, performers, and costumes em ployed within the tournaments staged for the 15^5 wedding festival. A spirit of festivity was firmly established in the Antwerp tournament. Bochio’s text and van der Borscht's engravings documented the audience interest and parti cipation in the theatrical spirit of the games. Games, pageants, musicians, masks, costumes, and performers were blended with spectacle at both festi vals to create a strong element of theatricality within the festival of the sixteenth century. The entry The entry was a traditional element within both festivals of the sixteenth century. Regardless of the occasion of the festival, some type of formal entry initiated the festival activities. The political festi val (as in Antwerp) required a more sophisticated and embellished entry than the social festival (as in Dttsseldorf). The theatrical quality of the entry was apparent in the didactic treatment of both the visual and poetic aspects of the arches and tableaux vivants 173 erected in Antwerp. These arches were structured to provide both entertainment and instruction for Archduke Ernest and the larger audience, consisting of the citi zens of Antwerp. The theatricality of the entry was enhanced by the flags, banners, burning cressets, music, sculpture, and engravings which decorated the arches. Fireworks Used both to theatrically reinforce other festival elements (the entry, tournament, naumachia, and dramatic presentations) and as a separate festival element, fire works and fireworks displays were popularly used in both the 1585 and the 159^- festivals. The use of feu d 1 artifice within both festivals was theatrically effec tive. Both festivals employed fireworks displays for instruction and entertainment. The battle on the Rhine River of two sea-monsters was spectacular and instruc tive. The battle and destruction of the two sea-monsters was staged to illustrate the fury of the Devil. Burning towers, a fire-breathing monster, rockets, cannons, and smoking cressets were woven together by the sponsors of the Antwerp festival to not only entertain, but also to remind the audience of the victory which was being cele brated by the fireworks. Fireworks and fireworks displays were integrated within both festivals. Their employment in Dttsseldorf and Antwerp suggested that, as a unit within the festival, 172* fireworks were popular in Northern Europe by the end of the sixteenth century. Secondary festival elements Sotteltes, ornamentation, and Naumachia were not popular festival elements in either Dttsseldorf or Antwerp in the late sixteenth century. Sotteltes in the form of a Zuckerwerk table and ornamentation in the tapestries which depicted the life of Saint Paul played a minor role in the Dttsseldorf festival. Neither text nor engraving's suggested that sotteltes and/or ornamented tapestries were included in the events presented at Antwerp. As an example of symbolism, the intricately decorated banquet table at Dttsseldorf was rich in allegory and history, and expressed a meaning which was clear to the royal guests assembled for the 1585 wedding. The entertaining features of either the Zuckerwerk table or the tapestries hung in the Great Hall were minimal. The parades of sailboats and sea-monsters at Antwerp were instructional and reinforced the nautical theme of the festival staged in honor of Archduke Ernest; however, the paucity of textual and iconographic material describ ing and illustrating these naumachia relegated them to a secondary position in the festival. The mock sea-battle at Dttsseldorf was impressive and must have been theatri cally exciting to the audience gathered to watch this event. 175 Dramatic presentations Both festivals were designed to provide a maximum variety of dramatic forms and stages. The stages used in the combined festivals included the Tornierbahn, the pegma, a modified Roman auditorium, the Rhine River, and courtyards. The type of drama ranged from pageants to musical shows, and included mummery, allegorical and historical pageantry, and pantomime. The theatres which housed the drama employed stag ing techniques which were both medieval and Renaissance in style. Although no consistent theatrical pattern of performance can be cited, the variety of forms suggests that the sponsors of the festival were both conscious of existing forms and willing to be inventive. The use of Seneca’s play, Hercules Furens, as a pantomime was most interesting theatrically; however, in terms of theatrical form, the pegma, which provided the theatres and stages for the largely didactic per formances at Antwerp, strongly suggest the proscenium stage. Both festival books provide rich resource material for the theatre scholar and should not be overlooked in reconstructing a theatrical period which in Northern Europe was supposed to be dormant. 176 Artists and Producers in the Festival In the two festivals examined, no outside profes sional assistance was used for the staging of their elements. Unlike the festivals of the Medici, as re ported by A. Nagler, neither the Antwerp nor Dttsseldorf festivals used artists that were known for their work with theatre presentations. The total omission of any discussion of the artists involved could temper this conclusion; however, the detail and scope of the festival books would tend to include their names within the textual accounts if, in fact, these artists were present. The city of origin provided the literary and visual artists, the actors, and the personnel necessary to stage the festivals. The court at Dttsseldorf and the city of Antwerp bore the responsibility of the overall prepara tions, cost, and production of their respective festivals. The Character of the Festival The festival was structured to support an audience. The festivals both entertained and instructed their respective audiences. The carefully scheduled events, the preparations, and the scenic designs suggest a thea trical quality which prevailed in both festivals. The nature of the activity held at a festival varied with the character of that festival. The more entertain ing aspects of each of the festival elements, heretofore 177 discussed, were found within the social festival (the wedding- in Dttsseldorf), while didacticism flourished at the political festival (the arrival at Antwerp of Archduke Ernest). The Festival Books As an historical source the printed festival book has importance for the researcher. Iconographic and textual materials are well correlated. This integration of material affirms the validity of the festival book as a source for research. While the selected books differed considerably in tone, both attempted to express a point of view which was consistent with the character of each festival. This difference in tone is found in the writing and in the content of the respective festival books. The chronologically arranged book by Diederich Graminaeus is specific, didactic, and exhaustive, whereas the festival book by Ioannis Bochio is more general and inconsistent in its treatment of the iconographic ma terial. Unlike Graminaeus' approach, Bochio assumes the role of a reporter in compiling his work. Suggestions for Further Research The printed festival book of the late sixteenth century in Northern Europe is theatrically valid in its examination and evaluation of the festival elements. For 178 the researcher of theatre activity in the late medieval and early Renaissance periods, the printed festival book provides an excellent source for further examination. While the study has attempted to state through its discussion that the printed festival book is a valid theatrical source, the question of the sources of the burgeoning seventeenth century Renaissance and eighteenth century Baroque Theatre, is still unanswered. A study which would attempt to discover these sources is needed. Appendix A and the text of this study cite a number of other printed festival books which would be valuable in such a study. Certain similar features appeared as festival ele ments in both books examined for this study. It is essential that those examined (plus others still to be uncovered) should be traced in detail for trends in their development. For example, the following briefly stated studies could support additional research activity: (l) the development of the tournament in relationship to its role as an element within the festival of a parti cular country or region; (2) the architectural facades and their modification, adoption or rejection by festival or legitimate theatres of later periods; and (3) the use of fireworks or naumachia as an element of spectacle in later festivals and in the formal theatre. APPENDIX A A Citation of* Printed Festival Books 1517-1618. The following list and description of printed fes tival books of the area heretofore described as the Northern Continent covers approximately a hundred year period from the time of the Reformation to the begin ning of the Thirty Years War. The selected period represents an extension of that period examined in this study and should serve as a source for other researchers who wish to continue the study of the festival and its related aspects. The citations which are. listed below include only formally printed festival books. The methodology of citations is relatively simple but does give the writer the basic available data concerning each festival book. A summary of the information which will be included for each citation is stated below. Year: If no date is available for the festival itself, a publication date will be furnished. If this date is not available, an approximate date xvill be used, for example, c.1580. Short title: Appearing in English, the short title will attempt to be descriptive and cite the participants 179 180 in the festival. The festival city will be underlined. Formal Title: The title of the festival book will appear in the language of the book. Where an author is known, his name will precede the formal title; last name first. Activity; The data given here will simply list the festival occasion as to its character: political or social. Source: This is a listing of the bibliographical, textual, or catalog source from which the material for the citation was obtained. Where the information is compiled from more than one source, those sources will be cited with appropriate bibliographical or catalog numbers. The sources will be listed by short title only as a full listing of the source can be found in the Bibliography. Library Location: This would reveal the library and appropriate catalog numbers needed by a researcher to locate the printed festival book. 1520 - An Entry into Antwerp of Charles V. Grapheus, Petrus Aegidius Cornelius. Hipoteses, sive argumenta spectaculorum... ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Kernodle p. 2 3 2. LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1522 - An Entry into Nflrnberg by Maximilien I. Durer, Albert (engraver). Triumphwagen. ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Vinet Number 65k LIBRARY LOCATION: Japanese Palace Library, Dresden OTHER EDITIONS: (1529-Hans Guldenmundt-Ntirnberg), (15^5-Cornelius Liefrinck-Anvers), (1609-Alard Koster and Dav. de Meyne-Amsterdam). 181 1530 - An Entry, procession and Coronation held at Bologna. Hogenberg, Nicolas (designer and engraver) original not located. facsimile reproduction by William Stirling Maxwell ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: A & B Booksellers, Catalog AB588, Number 214. LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1530 - An Entry of Kayser Carl into Augsburg. _ . Geschichtsbeschreibung unsers allergnedigisten Herren des R. Kayser Cals des funfften belehnung. ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Citado de Ruggieri Number 893* LIBRARY LOCATION: Biblioteca Nacional, 99-10.-En 4°. 1541 - An Entry of Roman Kaiser Caroli V into Nttrnberg. Mtiller, Balthassar (printer). Vonn ROmischer Kayserlicher Mayestat Caroli V ehrlich einreitten der Heyligen Reichsstat Ntirnberg den XVI February anno 15417 ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Citade de Ruggieri Number 905 Herrmann, page 63 (includes Hans Sachs description). LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1544 - Entry of Charles V and Francis I into Brussels. . Triomphi del Imperador in la citta de Bruselles. Le lettere de li honorati et superbi Triomphi tra la Maesta Cesara e el Re di Franza... fatto in la citta de Bruseles. ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Kernodle p. 232 LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1548 - Entry of Kaiser Carl into Augsburg. ______. Kurtzer Bericht, welcher gestalt kaiser Carl. . .Hertzog Moritzen zu Sachsen mit dem** Ertz-Marschalch Ampt und der Char zu Sachsen... Zu Augsburg belchnet hat. ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Ruggieri Number 907 LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1549 - Entry of Prince Philip of Spain into Brussels. . Die blyde Incomste den Hertochdomme van Brabant, in voori.jden by haren landtscheeren verleent. ende van Keyser Carole den V ...anno 1549» ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Kernodle, page 232. LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1 82 15^9 - Entry of Prince Philip into Antwerp. Grapheus, Cornelius. Spectaculoroum in susceptione Philippi Hisp. prin. divi Caroli V. Caesar F. an M . D . XLIX. Antwerpiae aeditorum, mirificus apparatus. ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Lipperheide, Number 2652, Kernodle, page 2 32. Berlin Katalogue Number 2937• LIBRARY LOCATION: Staatlichen Kunstbibliothek Berlin, B d . 279 : 195- 15^9 - Entry of Prince Philip into Anvers. Grapheus, Cornelius. La tresadmirable... entree, du...Prince d'Espaignes...en...Anvers. ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Berlin Katalogue Number 2939* LIBRARY LOCATION: Staatlichen Kunstbibliothelc Berlin, B d . 288 : 200. 1555 - Saint Michael's Day Celebrations in Wittenberg. Georgi, von Christian Siegismund. Wittenbergische Jubel-Geschichte, Welche...wegen des...15551 geschlossenen Religions-Friedens...(reprinted 1756 by Joachim Ahlfeld). ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Berlin Katalogue Number 2917- LIBRARY LOCATION: Staatlichen Kunstbibliothek Berlin, B d . 225 : 182. 1558 - Entry of Philip into Ghent. . Tractaet der triomphe of blyde inkomst van Philippus van Dostenryck, prins van Spangnien, binnen der stad Ghent der 13 dach in wedemanet. ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Kernodle, page 233- LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1559 - Funeral Procession of Charles V in Brussels. Doetecnum, Ioannes u. Lucas van. Amplissimo Hoc Apparatv Et Pvlchro Ordine Pompa Fvnebris Brvxellis A 1 Palatio Ad Divae Gvdvlae Templvm Processit Cvm Rex Hispaniarvm Philippvs Carolo. V. Rom. Imp. Pareti Moestissimvs Ivsta Solveret. ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Vinet Number 556. LIBRARY LOCATION: Staatlichen Kunstbibliothek Berlin, B d . 2k0 : 350. Musee Plantin at Antwerp 183 1562 - Coronation of Maximillen II, Emperor of Germany and King of Germany in Frankfort. ______. Litorum Magistratum et primerum figurae quae a German!s, Brugis constant qui adesse consacrationi imperatoris debent et sic forma et ordo postulat. ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Vinet Number 657* 1564 - Funeral Procession of Emperor Ferdinand I. (no one city) Meyerperck, Wolfgang and Sorg, Joach. (1566 edition printed in Augsbourg). Parentalia diro Ferdinando Caesari Augusto, patri Patriae... a Maximiliano imperatore, Ferdinando et Carolo ser. archiducibus Austriae, fratribus, singular! pietate persoluta Viennae, anno 1565« ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Vinet Number 6 5 8. LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1568 - Marriage of William V, Duke of Bavaria, and Renee, Duchess of Lorraine at Munich. Wagner, Hans. Kurtze doch gegrtindte Beschreibung des...Ftirsten und Herren Wilhalmen...(Pub. Adam Berg). Troiano, Massimo. Discorsi delli trionfi, Giostre... di Massimo Troiano di Napoli I (15 6 9edition) Wirre , EL (published in Augsburg in 1568). Ordentliche Beschreybung der fhrstlichen Hochzeyt, die da gehalten ist worden durch Herrn Wilhelm, Pfalzgraf beym Rehyn, Hertzog inn Obern und Nidern Bayern... ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Vinet Numbers 705 and J06. Pandolfi, pages 297-301. Smith, pages 103-111. LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1571 - Entry into Antwerp Sambucus, Ioannis. Arcvs Aliqvot Trivmphal...In Honor...Iani Avstriae, Victoris Non Quietvri. ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Berlin Katalog Number 29^0. LIBRARY LOCATION: Staatlichen Kunstbibliothek Berlin Bd. 285 ' 188. 1575 - Celebration at the University of Leyden. Fokke, S. Title Unknown ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE; OSUTC Bulletin Number 13 LIBRARY LOCATION: Bibliotheque de 1 ’Arsenal, Paris. 184 1577 - Entry into Brussels of William of Orange. Houwaert, Jan Baptista. De triumphante Inkomste des Prince van Oran.je 23 Sept. 1577- ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Kernodle, page 233* LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1578 - Entry into Brussels of Archduke Matthias. Houwaert, Jean Baptista. Sommare beschri .juinghe vade triumpheli.jeke Incomst van Aerts-hertoge Matthias, binnen...Brussele...1578-•.Gheinventeert. ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Berlin Katalog Number 2941. Vinet Number 618. LIBRARY LOCATION: Staatlichen Kunstbibliothek Berlin B d . 200 : 138. 1578 - Entry of William of Orange in Ghent. Heere, Lucas de. Beschryinghe van het ghene dat vertoocht wierdt ter Incomste van d'excellentie, des Princen van Oraengien binnern der Stad van Ghendt. ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Kernodle, page 233- LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1578 - Entry of William of Orange into Bruselles. Houwaert, Baptista. Declaratio van die triumphante incompst vanden doorluchtighen ende hoogheboren Prince van Oraingnien binnen die princelycke stadt van Brussele... ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Vinet Number 6 3 6. LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1580 - Entry of William of Orange in Amsterdam. . Incomste van den doorluchtighen Vorst ende Heere mijn Heere den Prince van Orangien binnen der vermaerde coopstadt van Amsterdam den xvii on Martii 1580. ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Kernodle, page 233• LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1582 - Entry of Francis into Ghent. ____-L'Entree magnifique de Monseigneur Francoys Filz de France...faicte en sa metropolaine et fameuse ville de Gand le XXme d'aoust anne 1582. ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Kernodle, page 233* LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1 85 .1 582 - Entry of Francis into Anvers. ______. La Joyevse...Entree de Monseigneur Franc oys . . .Dve De Brabant d !An.jou. . . en Anvers . ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Berlin Katalog Number 29^2. Lipperheide Number 2655• LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1 582 - Entry of Francis into Bruges. De heerlicke incomste van onzen ghenadighen Land-Vorst, myn Heere Francoys van Franckri ,j i . . .in zyn vermaerde stadt van Brugge, den xxvii dach .july anno 1582. ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Kernodle, page 233* LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1 584 - Funeral of William of Orange (no city given). Goos, P. (engraver). Haec pompa funebris spectata suit Batavorum Delphis"tertio die Augusti, 1584. ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Vinet Number 637* LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1585 - Royal wedding at Dttsseldorf. Graminaeus, Diederich. Fttrstliche Hochzeit... ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Martin Breslauer Catalogue Number 7^* ' Vinet Number 722. Berlin Katalog Number 2821 . LIBRARY LOCATION: Newberry Library, Chicago, Number fZP5^71.87. Ohio State University Theatre Collection, Columbus, Film Number 158. 1585 - Celebration of Fireworks in Landshut. Zehendtner, Pauln. Ordenliche Beschreibung mit was... Ceremonien und Zierlichheiten...den Orden dess Gttldin Flttss...(Printed in Insbrucht by J . Mayer, 1587). ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Berlin Katalog Number 2820. Vinet Number 660. LIBRARY LOCATION: Staatlichen Kunstbibliothek Berlin, B d . 192 : 1hk. 1 588 - Funeral service for William of Juliers in Cologne, Graminaeus, Diederich. Todtenfeier Herzog's Wilhelm von Gttlich... ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Vinet Number 723- LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 186 1592 - Funeral service for John William, Duke of Berg, in Dttsseldorf. Graminaeus, Diederich. Spiegel und abbildung der Yergengligkeit. Darinnen was der Toden Recht und Geburnuzz begriffen...Und wie...herr Johan Wilhelm . . .am funfftein tag Jannuari.j, im Jahr 1592. . . entschlassen / am zehenden Tag Marti.j in der Collegiat Kirchen zu Dttsseldorff...begraben und zur Erden bestellen lassen. ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Vinet Number 724. Lipperheide Number 2615* LIBRARY LOCATION: British Museum, London, Number 9930 g.61. 1594 - Entry of Archduke Ernest into Antwerp. Bochio, Johannes. Descriptio Pvblicae Gratvlationis, Spectacvlorvm Et Lvdorvm, In Adventv...Principis Ernesti Archidvcis Avstriae...1594. ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: A and B Booksellers Catalog AB585, Number D5. Vinet Number 620. Berlin Katalog Number 2944. LIBRARY LOCATION: Staatlichen Kunstbibliothek Berlin B d . 38O : 254. Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London. Bibliotheque Nationale 0c. 1612 and 1628 (2). Ohio State University Theatre Collection, Columbus, Film Number 1530. 1594 - Entry of Prince Maurice into Amsterdam. no title or author located ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Kernodle, page 233* LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1594 - Entry of Duke Ernest into Brussels. Bochio, Johannes. Descriptio et explicatio pegmatum, arcuum et spectaculorum quae Bruxellae, Brabant, anno 1594, exhibits fuere sub ingressum Ser. Princ. Ernesti, archiducis Austriae, ducis Burgundiae... ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Kernodle, page 233* Vinet Number 619* LIBRARY LOCATION: Bibliotheque Nationale Res. p. Yc. 1222 (7). 1 87 1596 - Baptism of the princess of Hess at Cassel.. Dilich, William. Historische Beschreibung der Ftirstlichen Kindtauff Frawlein Elizabethan Zu Hessen, welche im Augusto 1596 zu Cassel gehalten werden, mit beygelegten Abrissen der Ritterspiele. ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Martin Breslauer Catalogue, Number 95* Vinet Number J28. Lipperheide Number 2598. Berlin Katalog Number 2823* LIBRARY LOCATION: Newberry Library, Chicago, John M. Wing Collection. Staatlichen Kunstbibliothek Berlin Bd. 29^ : 202. 1598 - Wedding in Hohenzollern Family at Hechingen (Augsburg). Frischlin, J. Drey schttne und lustige Bticher von der Hohen Zollerischen Hochzeyt welcher gestalt: der Her Eytel Friderich, Graff zu Hohen Zollern... ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Vinet Number 732. LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1600 - The Entries of Archduke Albert and Isabella in The Netherlands: Antwerp, Brussels, Ghent, and Valenciennes. (an exhaustive study - above 500 pages) Bochio, Johannes. Historica Narratio profectionis et inaugurationis serenissimorum Belgii principum Albert et Isabellae, Austriae archiducum, et eorum optatissimi in Belgium adventus, rerumque gestarum et memorabilum, gratulationum, apparatuum et spectaculorum in ipsorum susceptione et inauguratione hactenus editorum accurata descriptio. (Antwerpiae, apud T * Moretum, 1602). ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: A and B Booksellers Catalog AB588, Number 6 5. Kernodle, page 233* Vinet Number 621. Berlin Katalog Number 29^5* LIBRARY LOCATION: Staatlichen Kunstbibliothek Berlin Bd. 386 : 2 5 6. Catalogue General Des Livres Imprimes de La ... of Bibliotheque Nationale, Number 0c. 1628 (l). 188 1602 - Entry of Isabella and Albert into Antwerp. (interesting contrast to festival book above as it represents different point of view and different engravings of one of the festivals held for Albert and Isabella in the Netherlands). Bock, Jan. Pompae Triumphalis et Spectaculorum in adventu et inauguratione Ser. Princ. Alberti et Isabellae...Antwerpia... ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Kernodle, page 233* LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1603 - Funeral of Georges-Frederic, Duke of Brandeburg, and Prussia, held at Ntirnberg and Onoltzbach. BBhm, Paul (printer). Ordnung♦..Georgen Friderichs Margrafen zu Brandeburg in Preussen. . . filrst. Leich-Begangniss... ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Vinet Number 695 • LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 160k - Fireworks display for the Dresden Court. Buchner, H. George. Warhaffte Abcontrafactur des Feurwercks, Welches...Herr Christianus der ander, Hertzog zu Sachssen...etc...hat vorbrennen lassen. AC TIVITY: Social SOURCE: Berlin Katalog Number 282^. LIBRARY LOCATION: Staatlichen Kunstbibliothek Berlin Bd. 350 : 536. 1609 - Wedding in Stuttgart of John Frederick, Duke of Wtirtemberg. Kttchler, Balthazar. Repraesentatio Der Fttrstlichen Auffzhg und Ritterspil, so bei des Herrn Johann Friderichen Hertzogen zu Wiirttenberg...und...Barbara Sophien geborne Marggravin zu Brandeburg...etc... Hochzeitlich~i Ehrnfest... 1 609 (November 6) . . .in Stutgarten...gehalten worden. 2nd edition: Etinger, J. 0. Warhafste historische Beschreibung der Fttrstlicher Hochzeit...(1610). ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Berlin Katalog Number 2825* Vinet Number 738. LIBRARY LOCATION: Staatlichen Kunstbibliothek Berlin Bd. 280 : 253- Fairholt- Taylor Collection in the Library of the Society of Antiquaries, London. 189 1609 - Fireworks at the Hague. Frisius, Simon. Illuminations et salves d'artillerie sur le vivier de La Haye, le 21 Avril 1609 a 1*occasion de la paix d !Anvers. ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Ohio State University Theatre Collection Bulletin Number 13* LIBRARY LOCATION: Bibliotheque de l'Arsenal, Paris. 1612- Coronation of Matthais at Frankfort on June 14. Bry, Johannes Theodorus d e. (and others). Electio et coronatio sereniss, et invictiss. Principis D. Matthiae electi Romani imperatoris aug. . . e.jusque sereniss. con.jugis Annae Austriacae. . . tabulis aeneis adumbrata... ACTIVITY: Political SOURCE: Lipperheide Number 2507* Berlin Katalog Number 2826. Vinet Number 662. LIBRARY LOCATION: Unknown 1613 - Wedding- between Frederick, Duke of Bavaria, and Elizabeth, daughter of England's James I. in the city of Oppenheim. Bry, Johannes Theodor de. Kurtze und eigentliche Beschreibung alles dessen was bei dem Eintritt dess ...Friederich, Hertzog in Beyern, mit...Elizabeth... ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Lipperheide Number 2555* Berlin Katalog Number 2828. Vinet Number 708. LIBRARY LOCATION: Staatlichen Kunstbibliothek Berlin B d . 307 : 196. c . 161 k - Wedding between Wolfgang William, Duke of Bavaria, and Madeleine, princess of Palatine. (Oppenheim) Zimmer, P. Beschreybung der ftirstlichen Hochzeit des Herrn Wolfgang Wilhelm, Pfaltzgraff bey Rhein, Hertzog in Bayrn; mit Magdalena, Pfaltzgrftfin bey Rhein. ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Vinet Number 709. LIBRARY LOCATION: 161 6 - Celebration for baptism of the son of John Frederick, Duke of Wurtenberg at Stuttgart. Hulsen, Esaiam van and Merian, Mathias. Repraesentatio der Flirstlichen Aufzug und Ritterspil. (held from March 10-17^ 1616). ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Vinet Number 739• Berlin Katalog Number 283O. Lipperheide Number 258^. LIBRARY LOCATION: Staatlichen Kunstbibliothek Berlin Bd. 350 : 2J0. 1617 - Continued accounts of the above but include the Festival Ballet staged on March U, 1617 An honor of Anna, Duchess of Wtlrtenberg, in Stuttgart. It was at this festival that the marriage of Louis Frederick, (younger Duke of Wttrtenberg) and prin cess Elizabeth of Hesse took place. Merian, Matthais and Hulsen, Isaie de with engrav ings by Balthazar Ktlchler. Aigentliche Wahrhaffte Delineatio und Abbildung aller ftirstlichen Aufzug und Ritterspilen. ACTIVITY: Social SOURCE: Vinet Number 7^-0* LIBRARY LOCATION: APPENDIX B Statistical Comparisons of Festival Type, Frequency and Geographic Distribution This brief statistical study is designed to illus trate the nature of festival activity in type, frequency and geographic distribution. While certainly not con taining all festival books printed in the selected per iod, Appendix A represents a compilation of printed festival books which reflect the pattern of the festival during the Sixteenth Century. Appendix A used citations from all major bibliographical listings, catalogs of rare books, and lists of library holdings to produce the forty-seven citations. The following summaries will attempt to correlate the information collected for each festival into a meaningful comparison. It is hoped that the combined appendixes will provide further research areas in Sixteenth Century Northern Continental Festivals. Type of Activity Of the forty-seven festival books listed in Appendix A, twenty-seven or fifty-eight percent of the activity during the sixteenth century was of a political charac ter. Of these twenty-seven festivals, the majority were 191 192 entries with a few coronations. The remaining twenty- festivals were of a social character, or forty-two per cent of the total activity as compiled in Appendix A. While the majority of the social festivals were wedding celebrations, funerals and baptisms were also represented. A few court functions such as fireworks and ballets were also included within the social festivals. Frequency of Activity The frequency of festival activity seemed to in crease in proportion to the age of the period. This can be explained in two ways: (l) the later the date, the more likely the prospects were for preserving the printed source; (2) the printed record of the festival became a more popular function of the court or city involved in the festival as the century advanced. The period covered by this study is divided into three periods to illustrate the increase in festival activity. The periods (about thirty years each) repre sent the early, middle, and late development of the festival. Period Social Political Total Percent of Total 1520-1552 0 10 10 21.2 1553-1583 5 1 1 1 6 34. 0 1584 -1617 15 6 21 44.8 193 Distribution of Festival Activity The two cities most frequently used for the loca tion of festivals were Brussels (seven) and Antwerp (five). A number of cities had three festivals in the period included in this bibliographical study including Ghent, Nlirnburg, Augsburg, and Stuttgart. Two festivals were staged at Diisseldorf, Anvers, Frankfort, and Amsterdam. A number of other cities staged one festival during the period in this study. It should be noted that many of these cities were the sites of other festi vals as recorded historically,* however, this study per tained only to those festivals which were recorded in printed festival books. BIBLIOGRAPHY Festival Books Bidloo. Relation Du Voyage De Sa Majeste" Britannique Et de la Reception qui luy a ete faite. Hague, 1691• Bochio, Johannes. Descriptio Pvblicae Gratvlationis Spectacvlorvm et Lvdorvm, in Adventv Sereniss Principis Ernest. Antwerp, 1595* Graminaeus, Diederich. Fttrstliche Hochzeit. Cologne, 1 5 8 7 • Bibliographies, Catalogs and Collections of Rare Books A and B Booksellers Catalog AB585. New York, 1958. Katalog der Ornamentstich-sammlung der Staatlichen Kunstbibliothek Berlin. New York, 1958. Lipperheide, M. Katalog der Freiherrlich von Lipperheide1 Kostumbibliothek. Berlin, 1896-1905* Murray, C. Fairfax. Catalogue of a Magnificent Collection of Rare Early Printed German Books. London, 1917* Pandolfi, Vito. Commedia dell 'arte. Firenze: Sansoni, 1957-61. Ruggieri, M.E.F.D. Catalogue des Livres Rares et Precieux Composant la Biblioth^que de Ruggierei. Paris, 1873* Rttxner, George. Von Anfang, Ursprung, und Herkommen des Thurniers. Siemern: Hieronymus Rodler, 1532. Vinet, Ernest. Bibliographie Methodique et Raissonnee des B eaux -Arts.P aris, 1 87k. 19^ 195 Selected Works Consulted for this Study Alewyn, Richard and Salzte, Karl. Das Grosse Weltheater. Munich: Rowohlt Hamburg, 1959* Carsten, F. L. Princes and Parliaments in Germany. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1959* Coltman, Celephan R. The Tournament. Its Period and Phases . London: Methuen and Co. Ltd., 1 9 9 - Creizenach, Wilhelm, Geschichte des Neuren Dramas. Vol. I. Halle: N. Niemeyer, 1893-1916. Francke, Kune. Social Forces in German Literature. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1896. Herrmann, Max. Forschungen zur deutschen Theatergeschichte des Mittelalters und der Renaissance. Berlin, 19144 Hosmer, James. A Short History of German Literature. St. Louis: G. Y. Jones and Co., 1879* Kernodle, George. From Art to Theatre. Chicago: The University of ChicagoPress,1954. Klarwill, Victor von (ed.). The Fugger News-Letters. Being A Selection of Unpublished Letters from the Correspondents of the House of Fugger during the Years 1568-1605» Series 1 . Authorized translation by Pauline de Chary. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1924. Menzel, Wolfgang. The History of Germany. 4th German Ed. Translated by Mrs. George Horrocks. Volume II. London: George Bell and Sons, 1883- Nagler, Alois M. Theatre Festivals of the Medici. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964. Ruprecht. L. "Das Turnier zur Zeit Maximilians I,” Velhagen und Klasings Monats-Hefte, Feb. 1941, pp. 322f. Scherer, W. A History of German Literature. Vol. I. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1887. Smith, Winifred. Commedia dell’arte. New York: Benjamin Blom, 1964. 196 Valentin, Veit. The German People. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 19^9 * Weydig, Otto. Geschichte des Mirakelspiels. Erfurt, 1910. Wickham, Glynne. Early English Stages 1300-1600. Vol. I. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1959* Withington, Robert. English Pageantry. 2 volumes. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1918. Young, Alexander. History of the Netherlands. New York: Saalfield Pub. Co., 1899.