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Alyssa Kariofyllis, MA, 2016 Scholar in the Park

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Alyssa Kariofyllis, MA, 2016 Scholar in the Park Alyssa Kariofyllis, M.A., 2016 Scholar in the Park Minute Man National Historic Park What role did women in Concord, Lincoln, and Lexington play in the social, political, and military needs of their communities on April 19th? (Divide myth from fact in local lore, e.g., Catharine Smith caring for a wounded British soldier, Mary Hartwell personally spreading the alarm, Mary Hartwell ensuring proper burial of British soldiers, women taking their valuables and hiding in woods, etc.) Men and women alike were startled out of bed in Concord, Lincoln, and Lexington early on April 19, 1775. As the alarm spread through the towns, men gathered their guns and congregated with their neighbors and friends to meet the approaching British troops. Many of the stories about this historic day focus on the movements of the Minutemen and the British Red Coats throughout the Massachusetts countryside. Yet, behind the valiant actions of Concord, Lincoln, and Lexington’s Minutemen were the many women and children who watched over the contraband the Regulars searched for, prepared food for their fathers, husbands, and brothers, and waited anxiously to hear whether the British had succeeded and if everyone was safe. There are many myths that have circulated about the various ways women participated on the day of the battle. While it is difficult to verify each one as true, these stories represent pieces of the true events of the day, even if they might be credited to the wrong people or places. Women received word of the alarm in various ways. Phebe (née Bliss) Emerson was alerted by Frank, one of her slaves who had been chopping wood in the back. He entered their home with an axe in hand saying, “The Red Coats have come!” Phebe fainted from the news. Reverend William Emerson, Phebe’s husband, seems to have stayed at their home during the fighting. While some have thought he had been with the soldiers for the entire day, Phebe said that many people visited the Emerson home in search of protection. When telling these stories to her grandchildren, she also mentioned that she also felt hurt he was not spending more time with his own family. At one point, she may have tapped on one of the windows in her home to get his attention so she could tell him “she needed him as much as the others.”1 This story seems to have originated with William and Phebe Emerson’s graddaughter Sarah Ripley and Ansley and great- granddaughter Phebe Ripley Chamberlin. Both women claimed their grandmother told them as much before she died in 1829.2 Other women received word of the approaching troops from friends and neighbors. Mary (née Flint) Hartwell may have personally delivered word to the nearby Smith household on the morning of April 19. There is much controversy around what actually happened in the Hartwell household on April 19. Historians have discovered many discrepancies in the literature surrounding Mary’s heroic actions. Some accounts claim that the Hartwell family owned a slave named Sukey, who was directed to run to Captain Smith’s home to notify them the British were coming. Sukey was scared and lamented that the British would catch and kill her, thereafter refusing to leave the house. Mary gave her five-month-old daughter to Sukey and agreed to deliver the news herself if Sukey looked after the child. Mary then put on her cloak and stepped 1 David Hackett Fischer, Paul Revere’s Ride (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 168-169. 2 Amelia Forbes Emerson, Diaries and Letters of William Emerson, 1743-1776 (Privately printed, 1972), 73; Phyllis Cole, Mary Moody Emerson and the Origins of Transcendentalism: A Family History (Oxford University Press, 2002), 64. 1 out into the early morning to warn her neighbors.3 Mary allegedly returned to her home to prepare breakfast, milk the cows, and turn the cattle loose. Only after her children were fed and her morning chores were completed did she take her children to her father Ephraim Flint’s Lincoln home.4 Other sources suggest the Hartwells did not own a slave at all but instead were notified by Ephraim Hartwell’s slave Victoria or Violet.5 Alternately, the Concord Freeman reported in 1880 that the Hartwells were notified by a free woman of color living nearby.6 Despite the discrepancies surrounding the story, we know that Mary left her children in someone else’s care while she delivered the news to neighbors close by.7 The first and most common description of women’s actions on the day of the battle is that they fled. Women gathered their children and valuable possessions and left the town to hide in the woods, in other houses, or in other towns entirely.8 Stories survive about the different ways women chose to escape the tensions of battle, though nearly all of them are based in the widespread terror that took hold of the towns. One such story was remembered at a meeting of the Lexington Historical Society in 1887. In a paper about Colonel Francis Faulkner’s participation in the battle, Reverend Cyrus Hamlin told the story of an unnamed woman. As she found the British were getting closer, she picked up her child and ran quickly from her house to another house off the road nearly a mile away. Only upon arriving at the second house did she realize she had taken the cat instead. Hamlin continued his story saying she “flew back with still swifter steps” and found her child uninjured. Hamlin ended the tale by commending the British for having the decency not to harm the child.9 While this story was likely not based in truth, it demonstrates how stories of the day evolved over the next century to showcase women’s decision to flee their homes to seek safety out of fear. Other stories of women attempting to save their children from the battle have been preserved in family histories. In his 1860 book, Henry Austin Whitney retold the life stories of Samuel 3 Frank Wilson Cheney Hersey, Heroes of the Battle Road: A Narrative of Events in Lincoln on the 18th and 19th of April, 1775, wherein are set forth the Capture of Paul Revere, Escape of Samuel Prescott, Heroism of Mary Hartwell, and other stirring incidents (Boston: Perry Walton, 1930), 21-24. While Hersey’s work is often consulted, historians have discovered that much of the information is not verifiable and relies on materials published well after the Revolution ended. As a result, this source should be consulted carefully. 4 Hersey, 24. 5 Texts identify different names. Malcolm writes Victoria while Luzader writes Violet. Joyce Lee Malcolm, Peter’s War: A New England Slave Boy and the American Revolution (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2014), 51; John Luzader, Samuel Hartwell House and Ephraim Hartwell Tavern Historic Structures Report, Part I Historical Data Section (Division of History, Office of Archaeology and Historic Preservation, 1968), 20-25. 6 Donald Hafner, “Mary Hartwell and the Alarm on April 19, 1775,” December 22, 2016, unpublished but available upon request. 7 See Donald Haftner’s essay and John Luzader’s structure report for very thorough examinations of the various iterations of Mary Hartwell’s story and what we can learn from what they have in common. 8 This is cited widely in secondary literature and also appears in primary sources, such as Martha Moulton’s Petition to the General Court, February 4, 1776, published in Richard Frothingham, History of the Siege of Boston, (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1851), 369-370. 9 Reverend Cyrus Hamlin, D.D., “Colonel Francis Faulkner and the Battle of Lexington,” in Proceedings of the Lexington Historical Society (Henceforth, Lexington Proceedings), vol. 1, 114-115. 2 Whitney, a well-respected merchant and Concord’s muster master who briefly lived with his wife at their Concord home, which would later become known as The Wayside. During their tenure in Concord, they would have nine children, though in April 1775, they had six. On April 19, Samuel Whitney left his home to continue to spread the alarm and join the men who had already gathered. His wife, Abigail (née Cutler), remained at their home with their children until later in the day when Samuel deemed it necessary to send his family to a safer place. Abigail, who was forty years old at the time, and the children were placed in their large country chaise, a luxury most colonists could not afford, and began the journey toward Bedford. As they traveled through town, a bullet entered the chaise, “just grazing the heads of the children.” Abigail and the children returned to their home in the afternoon to find it largely undisturbed, a very lucky discovery compared to the destruction residents of Lexington encountered the same day.10 Sarah (née Whittemore) Reed, daughter of Jacob Whittemore and wife of Moses, had given birth to their third child, Sarah, just eighteen days before the fighting broke out on April 19. She had still not recovered from the event and was quite ill. The story generally told about the Whittemores surrounds the fact that Moses did not report for muster that day. Historians have argued that it is likely he was concerned for the health and safety of his bedridden wife and three young children. Reed family history suggests that Sarah was wheeled away from the house in a cart as the British soldiers moved closer to the house. She and her parents, husband, and children hid in the woods until it was safe.11 Lydia Mulliken of Lexington also decided to seek a safer space on April 19.
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