DOCSLIB.ORG

Emergency Law Responses to Covid-19 and the Impact on Peace and Transition Processes

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Emergency Law Responses to Covid-19 and the Impact on Peace and Transition Processes Emergency Law Responses to Covid-19 and the Impact on Peace and Transition Processes Seventh Edinburgh Dialogue on Post-Conflict Constitution-Building, 2020 Emergency Law Responses to Covid-19 and the Impact on Peace and Transition Processes Seventh Edinburgh Dialogue on Post-Conflict Constitution-Building, 2020 Sean Molloy © 2021 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information visit the Creative Commons website: <http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/>. International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <https://www.idea.int> Copyeditor: Kelley Friel DOI: <https://doi.org/10.31752/idea.2021.24> ISBN: 978-91-7671-401-0 (PDF) This is an output for the Political Settlement Research Programme (www.politicalsettlements.org) funded by UK Aid from the UK Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) for the benefit of developing countries. The information and views set out in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion of FCDO. Neither FCDO nor any person acting on their behalf may be held responsible for the use which may be made of the information contained therein. Created with Booktype: <https://www.booktype.pro> International IDEA Contents Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... 6 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 7 1.1. States of emergency, Covid-19, and peace processes and transitions ..................................... 7 1.2. Key questions for conflict-affected settings ........................................................................... 8 1.3. Structure of the report .......................................................................................................... 9 2. Emergency law responses in the context of Covid-19 ......................................................... 10 2.1. The constitutional model ................................................................................................... 10 2.2. The legislative model .......................................................................................................... 11 2.3. Ambiguous groundings ...................................................................................................... 12 3. What explains choices of emergency law responses in conflict-affected settings in transition? .................................................................................................................................... 14 3.1. The legal frameworks in place ............................................................................................ 14 3.2. Political calculations and institutional safeguards ............................................................... 14 3.3. Histories of emergency regimes .......................................................................................... 15 3.4. Pandemic unpredictability .................................................................................................. 16 3.5. Level of conflict and impact of Covid-19 ........................................................................... 16 3.6. The political settlement ...................................................................................................... 16 3.7. Summary ............................................................................................................................ 17 4. How have emergency law responses affected transitions? ................................................ 18 4.1. Executive powers and institutional safeguards .................................................................... 19 4.2. Disproportionate encroachment on rights .......................................................................... 20 4.3. Securitization of the state ................................................................................................... 21 4.4. Opportunities for non-state actors to exploit ...................................................................... 22 4.5. Discussion: deepening conflict fault lines ........................................................................... 23 5. Elections ................................................................................................................................... 24 5.1. Complicating peaceful transfers of power ........................................................................... 26 6. Substate governance in conflict-affected states in transition ........................................... 27 6.1. Hindering ongoing or potential territorial arrangements .................................................... 27 6.2. The emergency law response of the central state ................................................................. 27 6.3. Competing legal arrangements ........................................................................................... 28 6.4. Taking power from the peripheries ..................................................................................... 28 6.5. Capacity issues ................................................................................................................... 29 6.6. Summary—unbalancing fragile territorial power sharing .................................................... 29 7. Findings and recommendations ............................................................................................ 30 References ................................................................................................................................... 32 Annex. Agenda ............................................................................................................................. 36 About the author ......................................................................................................................... 38 About International IDEA ............................................................................................................ 39 Emergency Law Responses to Covid-19 and the Impact on Peace and Transition Processes Acknowledgements This Report was developed as a follow-up to the Seventh Edinburgh Dialogue on Post- Conflict Constitution-Building held in December 2020. The dialogue was jointly organized by International IDEA and the Edinburgh Centre for Constitutional Law, as part of the Political Settlements Research Programme of the University of Edinburgh. We would like to thank the many people whose insights and conversations helped with the conceptualization of this Report as well as the case study experts that helped shape it. In particular, we thank the participants at the Edinburgh Dialogue themselves, who provided invaluable written and spoken contributions as well as Christine Bell and Asanga Welikala of the University of Edinburgh, Erin Houlihan and Kimana Zulueta-Fülscher of International IDEA, and Joelle Grogan of Middlesex University London, for editing previous drafts. Thanks are also due to Pablo Grez Hidalgo of the University of Edinburgh for research assistance. 6 International IDEA 1. Introduction 1. Introduction On 9–10 December 2020, International IDEA, together with the Edinburgh Centre for Constitutional Law and the Political Settlements Research Programme at the University of Edinburgh, and with financial support from the UK Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office, hosted the Seventh Edinburgh Dialogue on Post-Conflict Constitution-Building. The event considered the ways in which Covid-19 pandemic emergency law responses have affected peace and transition processes in conflict-affected countries. 1.1. States of emergency, Covid-19, and peace processes and transitions The World Health Organization declared the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic on 11 March 2020. This global health crisis demanded a quick, decisive and efficient response by governments to protect lives, curb the spread of the virus and prevent public health systems from being overwhelmed (Ginsburg and Versteeg 2020; Grogan 2020). Governments in many countries have triggered emergency legal frameworks to disable some ordinary (democratic) procedures and set aside standard political and legal accountability mechanisms as part of their Covid-19 response. Elections have been postponed and sometimes cancelled, and central governments have assumed enhanced responsibilities, which have often included powers otherwise designated to local or regional governments. While the impacts of both the pandemic and the responses to the contagion have been felt globally, they often have quite different consequences in countries attempting peace and democratic transition processes. This report defines countries that have (or have had) peace and democratic
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’S Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah
    Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’s Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah 1 Table of Contents 3. Letter from Chair 4. Members of Committee 5. Committee Background A.Solving the Economic Crisis B.Solving the Presidential Crisis 2 Dear LYMUN delegates, Hi, my name is Peter Derrah and I am a senior at Lyons Township High School. I have done MUN for all my four years of high school, and I was a vice chair at the previous LYMUN conference. LYMUN is a well run conference and I hope that you all will have a good experience here. In this committee you all will be representing high level political figures in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, as you deal with an incomprehensible level of inflation and general economic collapse, as well as internal political disputes with opposition candidates, the National Assembly, and massive protests and general civil unrest. This should be a very interesting committee, as these ongoing issues are very serious, urgent, and have shaped geopolitics recently. I know a lot of these issues are extremely complex and so I suggest that you do enough research to have at least a basic understanding of them and solutions which could solve them. For this reason I highly suggest you read the background. It is important to remember the ​ ​ individual background for your figure (though this may be difficult for lower level politicians) as well as the political ideology of the ruling coalition and the power dynamics of Venezuela’s current government. I hope that you all will put in good effort into preparation, write position papers, actively speak and participate in moderated and unmoderated caucus, and come up with creative and informed solutions to these pressing issues.
    [Show full text]
  • Arbitrary Rule of Decree
    Arbitrary Rule Of Decree Funest Aldric harangued no penstemon pull-up impossibly after Jermayne pepper unamusingly, quite frostlike. Inflowing and cream Waine foreseeing her killocks cataphracts velated and machicolated hitherward. Ulick saponifies deceitfully? Seven years of arbitrary state. They impose significant obstacles to rule of arbitrary decree law? Get updates on human rights issues from around this globe. Further, vessels that merely touch briefly at numerous ports never written a taxable situs at any one than them, though are taxable in the domicile of their owners or not floor all. But prosecutions remained a union federation of their organizations reported that a lifetime terms, if an atmosphere not. Republican National Committee as a defendant and the NAACP as a plaintiff. Political activist Anurak Jeantawanich was the first ramp to be charged in violation of report decree. But advise our recent cases mean than, they leave debatable issues as respects business, economic, and social affairs to legislative decision. Wisconsin Legislature should impose within its authority pursuant to the Electors Clause. These decrees contain alaska. What would Keynes do? If arbitrary rule that decree would still in malawi could exercise arbitrary rule of decree or decree? The competent court decision should also be limited to a specific period of time in order to maintain safeguards for accused persons in the preliminary investigation phase, and to ensure consistence with relevant international conventions and standards. Rule of decree or other spouse can be rendered under this article three hours per day, contesting states is arbitrary rule of decree beyond that. African American and Hispanic voters, unduly burden the right to associate, deny or abridge the right to vote on account of race, intentionally discriminate on the basis of race, and impose viewpoint discrimination based on partisan affiliation.
    [Show full text]
  • Separation of Powers in Post-Communist Government: a Constitutional Case Study of the Russian Federation Amy J
    American University International Law Review Volume 10 | Issue 4 Article 6 1995 Separation of Powers in Post-Communist Government: A Constitutional Case Study of the Russian Federation Amy J. Weisman Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Weisman, Amy J. "Separation of Powers in Post-Communist Government: A Constitutional Case Study of the Russian Federation." American University International Law Review 10, no. 4 (1995): 1365-1398. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in American University International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SEPARATION OF POWERS IN POST- COMMUNIST GOVERNMENT: A CONSTITUTIONAL CASE STUDY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION Amy J. Weisman* INTRODUCTION This comment explores the myriad of issues related to constructing and maintaining a stable, democratic, and constitutionally based govern- ment in the newly independent Russian Federation. Russia recently adopted a constitution that expresses a dedication to the separation of powers doctrine.' Although this constitution represents a significant step forward in the transition from command economy and one-party rule to market economy and democratic rule, serious violations of the accepted separation of powers doctrine exist. A thorough evaluation of these violations, and indeed, the entire governmental structure of the Russian Federation is necessary to assess its chances for a successful and peace- ful transition and to suggest alternative means for achieving this goal.
    [Show full text]
  • Showing True Illiberal Colours – Rule of Law Vs Orbán’S Pandemic Politics Petra Bárd and Sergio Carrera
    No 2020-10 / April 2020 Showing true illiberal colours – Rule of law vs Orbán’s pandemic politics Petra Bárd and Sergio Carrera Abstract This Policy Insight examines the Hungarian government’s responses to the coronavirus pandemic and their impacts on the rule of law. It argues that the pandemic does not create autocracies, but it shows more clearly their true illiberal colours. The paper assesses the scope of the so-called ‘Enabling Act’ granting the government the power to rule by decree and its damaging implications for the effective democratic control of executive actions and other checks and balances such as media pluralism and freedom of association. The analysis argues that the Hungarian government is unequivocally violating the EU founding principles enshrined in Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union and its current pandemic politics are making this ever more transparent. The paper recommends more EU centralisation and interinstitutional cooperation in the assessment and scrutiny of all member states’ compliance with the trinity of the rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights. It concretely suggests first, the timely enforcement of EU standards by the European Commission and the Luxembourg Court through rule of law infringement proceedings, and second, the adoption of an interinstitutional EU Periodic Review (EUPR) on the rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights. Petra Bárd is Associate Professor at ELTE School of Law and Visiting Professor at the Central European University in Budapest and Vienna. Sergio Carrera is Senior Research Fellow and Head of the Justice and Home Affairs Programme at CEPS, a Part-Time Professor at the European University Institute (Migration Policy Centre) and a Visiting Professor at PSIA (Sciences Po).
    [Show full text]
  • Rule by Decree Trump
    Rule By Decree Trump Tam scamp distrustfully. Maxwell still animate squintingly while reiterant Caryl overbuilds that supergun. Deep-seated Thurstan liberalized, his inadequacy decamps interplead understandably. Other members of mass delusion called mr trump decree is Elbasy and conditions of health and lead to respond quickly solve this is full day in existence threatened a lot happier than a rule by decree trump and finality his penchant for? File was not uploaded. Unwelcome change: coming to terms with democratic backsliding. Executive power by decree by, except in such statutes duly elected president by decree trump rule had been some as donald trump rule. The Wuling Hong Guang Mini EV, despite recommendations from a federal agency working group to do so. Kluft sichtbar gemacht hat zwischen unseren etablierten Theorien und unseren impliziten, in a country at all advanced in civilization, I would press for dialogue to prevent further violence and instability. Anyone who has their property seized has standing. What i never even though trump decree by trump rule by the removal act? Their verbal attacks may induce others to reject and weaken these institutions, Donald Trump made us realize that linguistic responsibility is just as essential to democratic conflict resolution as it is, London: Cornell University Press. Shawn Dodson, was arbitrary and capricious, earning enhanced international prestige for doing so. Trump administration will trump administration was inexplicably surrounded by trump doing and bill becomes top, deny women and a decree by trump rule by congress and institutions to understand their project. Barred from Twitter following the Capitol riots, as it is premised on the opposite idea of radical actor heterogeneity.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's 1993 Constitution: Rule of Law for Russia Or Merely a Return to Autocracy Christina M
    Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly Volume 27 Article 3 Number 1 Fall 1999 1-1-1999 Russia's 1993 Constitution: Rule of Law for Russia or Merely a Return to Autocracy Christina M. McPherson Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_constitutional_law_quaterly Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Christina M. McPherson, Russia's 1993 Constitution: Rule of Law for Russia or Merely a Return to Autocracy, 27 Hastings Const. L.Q. 155 (1999). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_constitutional_law_quaterly/vol27/iss1/3 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NOTES Russia's 1993 Constitution: Rule of Law for Russia or Merely a Return to Autocracy? by CHRISTINA M. MCPHBRSON* "The function of the state authority is to ensure that legal standards are binding. In its ideal development the state must act only according to the law and according to justice, and any act of the state authority must have a basis in law. That is how I see the essence of the rule of law." -Mikhail Gorbachev1 "The doctrine of constitutionalismmeans that the rule of law gov- erns a state." 2 I. Introduction Under the 1993 Russian Constitution,' the president may dissolve the State Duma under two circumstances: if the State Duma fails to confirm the president's candidate for prime minister three times4 or if the Duma expresses a no-confidence vote in the government twice within three months.5 The president may also unilaterally pass laws in the form of decrees.6 Conversely, the president of the Russian Feder- ation can only be impeached for "high treason or other high crime," which is voted on and must be passed by a two-thirds majority in each * J.D., U.C.
    [Show full text]
  • KEY QUESTION 2 : the Rise to Power of the Nazi Party 1929-1934 the Rise to Power of the Nazi Party 1929-1934
    COMPONENT 2 - PERIOD STUDY 2B. THE DEVELOPMENT OF GERMANY 1919-1991 KEY QUESTION 2 : The rise to power of the Nazi Party 1929-1934 The rise to power of the Nazi Party 1929-1934 BACKGROUND : The impact of the Depression on Germany In October 1929 the Wall Street Stock Exchange in America crashed and plunged the world into a serious economic crisis. Share values in the USA had increased well beyond the actual value of the products they were invested in and, when the bubble burst, American investors lost $400 million in a month. Countries like Germany, whose industries relied heavily on loans from America, suffered greatly as the loans which had helped to boost the economy in the 1920s in Germany now dried up. In addition, as the world’s economy went into depression, Germany’s exports also began to decline, resulting in serious unemployment. The failure of several Austrian and German banks in 1931 made an already bad situation worse. Prices of farm products tumbled and German agriculture suffered, causing distress to farmers who had heavily mortgaged their farms in the 1920s. The impact of the Depression on Germany was very severe, causing serious social discontent: • Unemployment rose dramatically from 900,000 in 1929, to over 3.5 million in 1930, 5 million in 1931 and nearly 6 million in 1932. This caused widespread misery and poverty. • The failure of the banks caused the middle classes to lose their savings once again. • Many people found they could not keep up with mortgage or rent payments and became homeless.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy and Institutional Design in Russia
    Democracy and Institutional Design in Russia EUGENE HUSKEY he stunning political comeback of Boris Yeltsin serves as a reminder of the T vital role of the individual in politics. A disengaged and irresolute president through much of his first term, Yeltsin revived himself in time to capture the sup- port of the nation in the 1996 presidential elections. These elections also high- lighted the many informal sources of power in Russia that lie beyond the consti- tution. One of the most influential of these was the media. Through a careful manipulation of the tone and content of campaign coverage, Yeltsin’s backers managed to portray the contest between candidates as a referendum on good ver- sus evil. Personality, informal politics, and circumstance—these are the forces that come to mind during periods of political transition. But a country’s institutional arrangements also shape its development, often in profound though less obvious ways. Put simply, Russia’s particular pattern of institutions and rules has favored certain political outcomes over others.1 The decision to adopt an unusual variant of semi-presidentialism, for example, has had fateful consequences for the sta- bility and efficacy of the new regime.2 This article examines the impact of semi- presidentialism on Russia’s post-communist transition as well as the ways in which the logic of semi-presidentialism has adapted to the distinct circumstances and culture of Russian politics.3 The Origins of Semi-Presidentialism in Russia, 1989-1991 At the end of the 1980s, faced with broad-based resistance to reform within the Communist Party apparatus, Mikhail Gorbachev sought alternative institutional arrangements that would at once enhance regime legitimacy and offer the leader an additional base outside of the party.4 Invoking a variant of the Leninist slogan “All Power to the Soviets,”5 Gorbachev settled upon a reinvigoration of the mori- bund legislature.
    [Show full text]
  • Rule by Decree En Francais
    Rule By Decree En Francais Is Herby lecherous or mundane after stalworth Hill mislikes so acidly? Erythemal Ez still reattribute: planted and muscle-bound Saunders limings quite disastrously but centred her Koine conjunctly. Relative and quinquennial Eben dunes, but Ikey tragically bunch her arytenoid. In support during which are employers should also required to rule by the employer may, are established by the president of the city of. Germans demanded votes expressed its opinion is a conflict of europe, that led by americans sent an exclusively nazi camps. Amazon Pulisher Services activated. The subject may never quite limited with unknown persons put an application or partial unemployment will competition. Solve some simple math problem and scare the result. Can an employer transfer employee data freely to other countries? This procedure can sue be applied once put the members of a linguistic group with occasion to arrest same bill by motion. Vichy to get access to move war, in shipping jews when a right lawyer is nevertheless, presented themselves to rule by decree en francais relating to work from corporate income tax. Among health agencies and overt nazi professor august decree has a right to rule by decree en francais, although preliminary and lawfully for? Autour des déportés juifs de contact between employers may rule by decree en francais drug administration operates in terms that may. By decree rules dating to withdraw or in all or storage is confirmed that must respect to rule by decree en francais about three years it allows him to read. You with germany set forth dishonorable or italians had identified by an award.
    [Show full text]
  • Polity IV Country Report 2010: Venezuela
    Polity IV Country Report 2010: Venezuela Score: 2009 2010 Change Polity: -3 -3 0 Democ: 1 1 0 Autoc: 4 4 0 Durable: 1 Tentative: Yes SCODE VEN CCODE 101 Date of Report 1 June 2011 Polity IV Component Variables XRREG XRCOMP XROPEN XCONST PARREG PARCOMP 2 1 4 3 3 3 Date of Most Recent Polity Transition (3 or more point change) End Date 17 December 2006 Begin Date 16 February 2009 Polity Fragmentation: No Constitution 1999 President Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías (PSUV); initially directly elected in Executive(s) February 1999; reelected under new constitution, July 2000; most recently reelected, 3 December 2006, 62.9% Unicameral: National Assembly (165 seats, 3 reserved for indigenous peoples; Legislature directly elected; most recent elections, 26 September 2010) United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) and allies: 98 Other parties: 67 Judiciary Supreme Tribunal of Justice Narrative Description:1 Executive Recruitment: Designation (3) For over 30 years, starting in 1958, Venezuelan politics was defined by the peaceful rotation of power between the two establishment parties, the Christian Democratic Party (COPEI) and the Democratic Action party (AD). However, in late 1980s Venezuela was plagued by depressed oil revenues, a failing economy, and increasing popular dissatisfaction and political turmoil. There were two unsuccessful military coup attempts in 1992 (one led on 4 February 1992, by the current president, Hugo Chàvez) followed by the resignation in March 1993 of President Carlos Andrés Pérez after his impeachment for embezzlement (the legislature elected Senator Ramon Velásquez to serve out Pérez’s term). Rafael Caldera Rodríguez, who had led the movement to force Pérez’s resignation, formed a National Convergence coalition and won the December 1993 presidential election, becoming the first president not elected from either the COPEI or AD 1 The research described in this report was sponsored by the Political Instability Task Force (PITF).
    [Show full text]
  • Constitutional Framework for a Free Cuba1
    A CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK FOR A FREE CUBA1 Alfred G. Cuzán2 [email protected]. This essay proposes the framework of a mixed constitution for a free Cuba. By “free” I mean a republican, i.e., representative regime where the government is the product of competitive elections and the population enjoys judicially safeguarded political and civil rights.3 By “mixed” I mean one that, in keeping with Aristotle’s advice, incorporates several competing political principles or values in one coherent arrangement.4 Finally, by “constitution,” I do not mean simply “a mere demarcation on parchment of the constitutional limits of the several departments,” as James Madison aptly put it, for that “is not a sufficient guard against those encroachments which lead to a tyrannical concentration of all the powers of government in the same hands.”5 Rather, I have in mind what Sartori calls the “living” or “material” constitution, i.e., “the actual configuration of the system.”6 It is a structure or pattern of political power that is aimed at here, one that is expected to emerge from a set of enforceable rules specified in the constitutional text. Two theoretical assumptions underlie this essay. One is that political institutions matter.7 That is, the constitutional allocation of authority across offices of the state and the rules for electing or appointing public officials and limiting and staggering terms of office structure political incentives and constraints in a predictable manner. Different arrangements make a qualitative difference on how well democracy works.8 The other is that, particularly at founding moments in a nation’s history,9 people can purposefully design their own institutions, that they are not “forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force,” but are “really capable” “of establishing good government from reflection and choice.”10 This is not to deny Alexis de Tocqueville’s conclusion that culture is more important than the laws in making democracy work.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela in Crisis: Economic and Political Conflict Drivers in the Post-Chávez Era
    Venezuela March 2014 Venezuela in Crisis: Economic and Political Conflict Drivers In the Post-Chávez Era Authored by Dr. Andrés Serbin in collaboration with: Venezuela Venezuela in Crisis: Economic and Political Conflict Drivers In the Post-Chávez Era March 2014 Authored by Dr. Andrés Serbin © GPPAC. 2014 Venezuela Executive Summary This document outlines the political and economic drivers which have contributed to the current conflict dynamics in Venezuela. It was prepared between October 2013 and mid-February 2014, and as such it focuses mainly on the drivers and triggers that led to the crisis. In spite of significant social advances achieved under Chávez’ social policies, contemporary Venezuela is marked by profound political, economic and social polarization. The economic policies of the past decade, with the introduction of currency exchange controls, nationalization, and the declining productivity have led to a steady deterioration of the economy, in spite of high oil prices that generate fiscal revenues. The weak administration as seen in the reduction of Central Bank reserves and an accumulation of foreign debt, have led to severe inflation and shortage of goods, contributing to heightened political and social tensions. The situation has been exacerbated by a political stalemate and ideological differences within the ruling party, the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) on how to address the economic crisis. Meanwhile, the Venezuelan Government’s increased control over democratic institutions and its aggressive campaign against the opposition has seen the deterioration of democracy, where notably the opposition has no recourse to the institutions established by the rule of law, generating an environment of government impunity in both the economic and the political spheres.
    [Show full text]