Biotechnology, the Environment, and Alternative Media in Malaysia

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Biotechnology, the Environment, and Alternative Media in Malaysia Biotechnology, the Environment, and Alternative Media in Malaysia Sandra Smeltzer The University of Western Ontario Abstract: The Malaysian government has embarked on an ambitious path to make biotechnology a key driver of the country’s economic future. This bur- geoning sector is being developed by a state with a problematic environmental track record, which does not bode well for the future. As mainstream Malaysian media are heavily controlled through a range of restrictive laws and hegemonic pressures to self-censor, critical coverage of biotechnology and its implicit ties to the environment is, not surprisingly, sparse. The focus of this article, however, is the relative scarcity of critical discussions about these issues in the country’s vital alternative media. This article offers a number of suggestions for this short- fall, including government restrictions on available information, the complexity of relevant issues, a lack of recognition of the industry’s importance, and the ten- uous relationship between environmental NGOs and alternative media practi- tioners and organizations. Keywords: Malaysia; Alternative media; Biotechnology; Environment Résumé : Le gouvernement malaisien a entamé le projet ambitieux de faire de la biotechnologie un moteur-clé de l’avenir économique du pays. Cependant, l’état qui développe ce secteur a à ce jour obtenu des résultats problématiques en matière environnementale, ce qui n’est pas de bon augure pour l’avenir. Comme un éventail de lois restrictives et de pressions hégémoniques effectue un contrôle assez lourd des médias malaisiens prédominants, une couverture réellement cri- tique de la biotechnologie et de ses liens implicites à l’environnement se fait rare, ce qui n’est pas trop surprenant. L’objectif de cet article, cependant, est le manque relatif d’examens critiques provenant des médias alternatifs vitaux du pays. Cet article propose certaines explications pour ce manque, y compris : des restrictions gouvernementales sur l’information disponible, la complexité des questions per- tinentes, une reconnaissance insuffisante de l’importance de l’industrie, et un rap- port ténu entre les ONG environnementaux et les médias alternatifs. Mots clés : Malaisie; Médias alternatifs; Biotechnologie; Environnement Sandra Smeltzer, PhD, is Assistant Professor in the Faculty of Information and Media Studies at The University of Western Ontario, North Campus Building, Room 253, London, ON N6A 5B7. Email: [email protected]. Canadian Journal of Communication, Vol 33 (2008) 5-20 ©2008 Canadian Journal of Communication Corporation 6 Canadian Journal of Communication, Vol 33 (1) Biotechnology is set to be one of the key drivers of Malaysia’s economic future. As Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi proclaims: “Malaysia possesses the richest biodiversity on the planet. It is a gift, a competitive advantage that is God-given and we must find ways to harvest it to the best of our abilities” (2003, emphasis added). To do so, Badawi announced in 2005 that his government would commit financial and political resources to jumpstart this new sector. Though biotechnol- ogy endeavours may produce positive scientific and economic benefits, the gov- ernment’s problematic environmental track record should be of particular cause for concern—and thus discussion and debate—in the media. Despite attempts of some critical mainstream journalists, coverage of sensitive environmental issues— especially the potential socio-cultural and environmental ramifications of the gov- ernment’s new biotechnology strategy—is extremely limited. Given political and economic constraints placed on mainstream Malaysian media, this dearth in criti- cal reporting about biotechnology and the environment should not be surprising. The focus of this article, however, is the relative scarcity of coverage in Malaysia’s alternative media, which include “politically contentious” (George 2005; 2006) professional online newspapers, non-governmental organization (NGO) websites, and journalistic blogs. The primary objective of these alterna- tive forms of communication is to challenge “the consensus that powerful inter- ests try to shape and sustain through the mainstream media” (George, 2005; 2006, p. 3). The discussion below offers possible explanations for why these media have said little about Malaysia’s new thrust toward biotechnology and its implicit ties to the environment. Biotechnology in the Malaysian environment In 2005, the Malaysian government introduced three new mechanisms to facili- tate growth in the domestic biotechnology industry: the National Biotechnology Policy, the Malaysian Biotechnology Corporation, and BioNexus.1 The National Biotechnology Policy was introduced to provide the regulatory and financial framework for the industry. The sections of the policy available to the public pro- vide a cursory overview of the government’s broad objectives, which range from increasing the “value creation” of Malaysia’s agricultural sector and the commer- cialization of nutraceuticals and pharmaceuticals derived from bio-products, to leveraging the strength of manufacturing by improving “opportunities in bio-pro- cessing and bio-manufacturing” (Badawi, 2005). The policy also outlines tax incentives for local and foreign biotechnology companies and promises access to sufficient venture capital, a cooperative legal and regulatory framework, and a sufficiently skilled workforce. Through this policy, the government also established the Malaysian Biotechnology Corporation (MBC) to administer government policies, advance the commercialization of biotechnology initiatives, and assist interested compa- nies and investors (MBC, 2006). Together, the National Biotechnology Policy and the MBC are expected to guide the country’s biotechnology industry toward creating 200,000 new jobs in agriculture, healthcare, industrial biotechnology, and bioinformatics. The industry is also supposed to contribute five percent of the national GDP by 2020, the year Malaysia is slated to become a self-sufficient developed country (Malaysia, 2006, pp. 157-169). To achieve these goals, the Smeltzer / Biotechnology in the Malaysian Environment 7 government also introduced a “nexus of centres of excellence from existing insti- tutions around the country, to be known as BioNexus Malaysia” (Badawi, 2005). Originally, a biotechnology hub was to be built within the country’s Multimedia Super Corridor—a geographically defined area dedicated to high-tech entrepre- neurship. The BioNexus strategy is a departure from these kinds of earlier infra- structure-heavy projects in that it draws upon expertise from the country’s various universities and research organizations. Badawi and his administration have placed significant political weight behind this three-part biotechnology strategy, promising that the industry will leverage Malaysia’s unique and abundant flora and fauna to positively benefit all Malaysians. That said, the sector is being developed within the historical context of a problematic environmental track record. Under former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, widespread logging and the introduction of commercial agriculture (particularly palm oil plantations) prompted a significant decline in the country’s forests, threatening flora, fauna, and the lives and livelihoods of local peoples (Article 19 & CIJ 2007; FAO, 2001; McMorrow & Talip, 2001; Nicholas, 2003; SAM, 2005; Vincent & Rozali, 2005). Mahathir also conceived and initiated construction of the colossal Bakun Dam project to supply electricity to the state of Sarawak and Peninsular Malaysia. Located along the Balui river, the Bakun Hydroelectric Project is expected to dev- astate the surrounding environment (close to 70,000 hectares will be destroyed in a tremendously diverse ecosystem) (Choy 2005), and force the inequitable resettle- ment of approximately 10,000 citizens whose lives and livelihoods have been inti- mately intertwined with the Bakun region for centuries (Allison, 2000; Choy, 2005; Thien, 2006). Despite the “irreversible environmental destruction” (Choy, 2005, p. 957) and socio-economic ramifications of the dam, the government approved and began planning the project prior to submitting a thorough environmental impact assessment (which could have also recognized potential alternatives to what will be the largest dam in Southeast Asia) (Choy, 2004; 2005). Although Mahathir and his administration initiated the project, Prime Minister Badawi’s government will fin- ish it—the Bakun Dam is expected to be completed in 2008 (Thien, 2006). The Badawi administration also initiated plans to construct the largest incin- erator in Asia. Slated to be built in the state of Selangor, the 1,500-tonne Broga Incinerator site was located adjacent to the Sungai Lalang forest reserve and on a river basin. In addition to the 229 animal species (some of which are “protected” or “totally protected” under Malaysia’s Protection of Wildlife Act) that inhabit the surrounding region, approximately 5,000 citizens live within five kilometers of the proposed project site (CAP, 2005, p. 4). Many of these individuals expressed serious concerns about the cancer-causing dioxins they suspected would be emit- ted by the incinerator and mounted an inspiring campaign that halted construc- tion; however, the government announced in early 2007 that it would be looking to other sites in Malaysia to build new incinerators (Netto, 2007). The lack of public consultation and transparency in the development of both the Bakun and Broga projects (especially
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