Harvard Workers Got the Cold Shoulder This Winter by Geoffrey P
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1 Building Bridges: the Challenge of Organized
BUILDING BRIDGES: THE CHALLENGE OF ORGANIZED LABOR IN COMMUNITIES OF COLOR Robin D. G. Kelley New York University [email protected] What roles can labor unions play in transforming our inner cities and promo ting policies that might improve the overall condition of working people of color? What happens when union organizers extend their reach beyond the workplace to the needs of working-class communities? What has been the historical role of unions in the larger struggles of people of color, particularly black workers? These are crucial questions in an age when production has become less pivotal to working-class life. Increasingly, we've witnessed the export of whole production processes as corporations moved outside the country in order to take advantage of cheaper labor, relatively lower taxes, and a deregulated, frequently antiunion environment. And the labor force itself has changed. The old images of the American workingclass as white men residing in sooty industrial suburbs and smokestack districts are increasingly rare. The new service-based economy has produced a working class increasingly concentrated in the healthcare professions, educational institutions, office building maintenance, food processing, food services and various retail establishments. 1 In the world of manufacturing, sweatshops are coming back, particularly in the garment industry and electronics assembling plants, and homework is growing. These unions are also more likely to be brown and female than they have been in the past. While white male membership dropped from 55.8% in 1986 to 49.7% in 1995, women now make up 37 percent of organized labor's membership -- a higher percentage than at any time in the U.S. -
Introduction Darlington, RR
Introduction Darlington, RR Title Introduction Authors Darlington, RR Type Book Section URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/17902/ Published Date 2008 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Introduction Introduction During the first two decades of the twentieth century, amidst an extraordinary international upsurge in strike action, the ideas of revolutionary syndicalism connected with and helped to produce mass workers’ movements in a number of different countries across the world. An increasing number of syndicalist unions, committed to destroying capitalism through direct industrial action and revolutionary trade union struggle, were to emerge as either existing unions were won over to syndicalist principles in whole or in part, or new alternative revolutionary unions and organizations were formed by dissidents who broke away from their mainstream reformist adversaries. This international movement experienced its greatest vitality in the period immediately preceding and following the First World War, from about 1910 until the early 1920s (although the movement in Spain crested later). Amongst the largest and most famous unions influenced by syndicalist ideas and practice were the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) in France, the Confederación Nacional de Trabajo (CNT) in Spain, and the Unione Sindacale Italiana (USI) in Italy. -
Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture. -
Tudents Walk out to Support Teachers
'OMCAITI ON A2 Serving Newport 1.. c~ . Cotta Mtsa, Huntington INch, lrYIM, LllUN IHch, FCMH\teift Vlley lftd louttt Orenge County C A LIF O RNIA TUESDAY MAY 14, 1985 -;~Cf NTS tudents walk out to support teachers .\t Edison H igh School 1n H unt womed ahout graduatio n " he \aid. ~cm9 nstrat1on'> or other protl''> I'> JI ha'>tl' 11 tht' ' "'dnted." ~1d teachers B . FV educators say they'll appear inato n Beach. students walked o ut of Thebo" I area wa., ' 1nu<tll\ dl'ared the d1 stnl't''> fi,c other campuS\.'' "''" pl.rn 10 apJ)t'ar at tht• ..chool their 9 a.m . second period classes to of studcnh b~ about I 0 a m : acrnrd- Gerald T olman. a math tealha at J1\tnl.'t mn·ting ton1gh1 ,cn mas~ to night 'en masse' at bOard m~eung congregate in the o utdoor bowl area. 1ng to Virl' Princ ipal ( hm Rice fountain Valle} H igh School "'hu protnt tht· lark of an agrl'emt· nt. " There's nothing goin~ on all over She estimated. huweH·r that about '>Oon "''II becomt president uf thl' 1 ru\tl'l' '> are \t· heduk-d to meet at 7 Sf ROB ERT BARKER teachers ~m broiled in a bitter eon thl' entire campus.'' said Paul Dc 500 student!> left rnmpu., aft er the teachers· unio n. said an earl' -hour pm al d1 .. 1nc 1 head~uam·~ . I0.:!5 1 De11, "llol ...., •ttte tract dispute with the school district Maio. an editor of the.- studc.-m o pening bell 'pot check showed o nl> ahout Ii' l' or "\ o r ~ I u..-. -
Employer Neutrality Agreements: Union Organizing Under a Nonadversarial Model of Labor Relations*
Industrial Relations Law Journal VOLUME 6 1984 NUMBER 4 Employer Neutrality Agreements: Union Organizing Under A Nonadversarial Model of Labor Relations* William J. Guzickt This Article examines the recent growth of agreements, negotiated between employers and unions, which provide that an employer shall re- main neutral when unions seek to organize non-unionfacilities andsubsid- iariesowned by the employer. After analyzing the causes of recent decline in union membership, the author argues that this decline has spurredthe growth of neutrality agreements. Such agreements are not violative of the National Labor Relations Act nor of employer free speech rights, but rather are legally binding and may be enforced by arbitrationand injunc- tion. Neutralityagreements are therefore an appropriateextension of col- lective bargaining and can contribute to an emerging attitude of cooperation between labor and management. INTRODUCTION Over the next generation, I predict, society's greatest opportunities will lie in tapping human inclinations toward collaboration and compro- mise rather than stirring our proclivities for competition and rivalry. If lawyers are not leaders in marshaling cooperation and designing mech- anisms which allow it to flourish, they will not be at the center of the most creative social experiments of our time.' President Derek C. Bok Harvard University March, 1983 * The author wishes to thank Professor Paul C. Weiler, Harvard Law School, for his assistance in the preparation of this Article. t Law Clerk to the Honorable Roszel C. Thomsen, United States District Judge for the District of Maryland. A.B., A.M., Economics, Brown University, 1980; J.D., Harvard Law School, 1983. 1. The President's Report 1981-1982, Harvard University 19 (Mar. -
Brains Brilliancy Bohemia
Brains Brilliancy Bohemia Art & Politics in Jazz-Age Chicago Jack Jones in Court, 1932. PUBLISHING INFO CONTACT INFO ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This publication and accompanying exhibition would not have been possible without the support of several organizations and individuals, most significantly the Newberry Library, whose extensive collection of Dill Pickle related materials, provided much of this publication’s content. I would also like to thank Lila Weinberg, Tim Samuelson and Mess Hall for their exceptional support and generosity. Introduction f you walk by Tooker Alley, the unmarked alleyway between Dela- ware and Chestnut off Dearborn Street in Chicago, it looks not unlike many other alleyways in the city. Passersby would have little Ireason to stop and take notice of the parking lots, dumpsters and back porches of the adjacent townhouses. And yet 80 years ago, Tooker Al- ley was nationally known as home to Jack Jones’ notorious Dill Pickle Club. This club served simultaneously as a tea room, lecture hall, art gallery, theatre, sandwich shop, printing press, craft store, speakeasy and one-time toy manufacturer — and just about the most curious venue in the known universe. And so goes the dependability our collective memory. The non-remem- brance of the Dill Pickle reminds us of which histories are kept alive and which are lost to the dustbins. Our historical amnesia also recalls the importance of preserving the stories of our social movements for future generations. This booklet documents one such effort: a re-circulation of ephemera from The Dill Pickle Club, one of the most creative, politically engaged and influential American cultural centers of the 20th Century. -
One Big Union—One Big Strike: the Story of the Wobblies
One Big Union—One Big Strike: The Story of the Wobblies Early in the 20th century, the Industrial Workers of the World, called the "Wobblies," organized thousands of immigrant and unskilled workers in the United States. The union eventually failed, but it helped shape the modern American labor movement. In 1900, only about 5 percent of American industrial workers belonged to labor unions. Most unions were organized for skilled craft workers like carpenters and machinists. Membership in these craft unions was almost always restricted to American-born white men. The American Federation of Labor (AFL), led by Samuel Gompers, dominated the labor movement. Gompers wanted to assemble the independent craft unions into one organization, which would work to improve the pay and working conditions of the union members. Gompers and the AFL believed that unskilled factory and other industrial workers could not be organized into unions. Therefore, the vast majority of American workers, including immigrants, racial minorities, and women, remained outside the labor union movement. In 1905, a new radical union, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), began to organize workers excluded from the AFL. Known as the "Wobblies," these unionists wanted to form "One Big Union." Their ultimate goal was to call "One Big Strike," which would overthrow the capitalist system. Big Bill Haywood and One Big Union One of the main organizers for the IWW was "Big Bill" Haywood. William Dudley Haywood grew up on the rough and violent Western frontier. At age 9, he began working in copper mines. Haywood eventually married and took up homesteading in Nevada. -
WALT WHITMAN and the WOBBLIES a Thesis
ONE BIG UNION: WALT WHITMAN AND THE WOBBLIES A Thesis Presented to the faculty of the Department of English California State University, Sacramento Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in English (Literature) by Elizabeth Ann Ketelle FALL 2015 © 2015 Elizabeth Ann Ketelle ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ONE BIG UNION: WALT WHITMAN AND THE WOBBLIES A Thesis by Elizabeth Ann Ketelle Approved by: __________________________________, Committee Chair Nancy Sweet __________________________________, Second Reader Susan Wanlass ____________________________ Date iii Student: Elizabeth Ann Ketelle I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the thesis. __________________________, Graduate Coordinator ___________________ David Toise Date Department of English iv Abstract of ONE BIG UNION: WALT WHITMAN AND THE WOBBLIES by Elizabeth Ann Ketelle In a dynamic interplay with the discourses of socialism, anarchism, humanism, and freethought in early twentieth century America, Walt Whitman’s texts helped to shape those forces while the texts themselves were re-shaped in the discourse. Chapter 1 discusses the process by which the British socialists appropriated Whitman’s poetry as their own. Chapter 2 traces the influence of Whitman’s literary executor, Horace Traubel, who shaped Whitman’s legacy as an American socialist. Chapter 3 explores how leaders of the radical left adapted Whitman’s memes to their own purposes, discussing Robert Ingersoll’s freethinker memes, Clarence Darrow’s humanist memes, Emma Goldman’s anarchist memes, and Eugene V. -
Civilmentalhealth00riesrich.Pdf
# University of California Berkeley Regional Oral History Office University of California The Bancroft Library Berkeley, California Francis Heisler and Friedy B. Heisler CIVIL LIBERTIES, MENTAL HEALTH, AND THE PURSUIT OF PEACE With Introductions by Julius Lucius Echeles Emma K. Albano Carl Tjerandsen An Interview Conducted by Suzanne B. Riess 1981-1983 Copyright 1983 by The Regents of the University of California ("a) All uses of this manuscript are covered by a legal agreement between the University of California and Francis Heisler and Friedy B. Heisler dated January 6, 1983. The manuscript is thereby made available for research purposes. All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to The Bancroft Library of the University of California, Berkeley. No part of the manuscript may be quoted for publication without the written permission of the Director of The Bancroft Library of the University of California at Berkeley. Requests for permission to quote for publication should be addressed to the Regional Oral History Office, 486 Library, and should include identification of the specific passages to be quoted, anticipated use of the passages, and identification of the user. The legal agreement with Francis Heisler and Friedy B. Heisler requires that they be notified of the request and allowed thirty days in which to respond. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Francis Heisler and Friedy B. Heisler, "Civil Liberties, Mental Health, and the Pursuit of Peace," an oral history conducted 1981-1983 by Suzanne B. Riess, Regional Oral History Office, The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, 1983. -
The Power of Place: Structure, Culture, and Continuities in U.S. Women's Movements
The Power of Place: Structure, Culture, and Continuities in U.S. Women's Movements By Laura K. Nelson A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Kim Voss, Chair Professor Raka Ray Professor Robin Einhorn Fall 2014 Copyright 2014 by Laura K. Nelson 1 Abstract The Power of Place: Structure, Culture, and Continuities in U.S. Women's Movements by Laura K. Nelson Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology University of California, Berkeley Professor Kim Voss, Chair This dissertation challenges the widely accepted historical accounts of women's movements in the United States. Second-wave feminism, claim historians, was unique because of its development of radical feminism, defined by its insistence on changing consciousness, its focus on women being oppressed as a sex-class, and its efforts to emphasize the political nature of personal problems. I show that these features of second-wave radical feminism were not in fact unique but existed in almost identical forms during the first wave. Moreover, within each wave of feminism there were debates about the best way to fight women's oppression. As radical feminists were arguing that men as a sex-class oppress women as a sex-class, other feminists were claiming that the social system, not men, is to blame. This debate existed in both the first and second waves. Importantly, in both the first and the second wave there was a geographical dimension to these debates: women and organizations in Chicago argued that the social system was to blame while women and organizations in New York City argued that men were to blame. -
Reclaiming Syndicalism: from Spain to South Africa to Global Labour Today
Global Issues Reclaiming Syndicalism: From Spain to South Africa to global labour today Lucien van der Walt, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa Union politics remain central to the new century. It remains central because of the ongoing importance of unions as mass movements, internationally, and because unions, like other popular movements, are confronted with the very real challenge of articulating an alternative, transformative vision. There is much to be learned from the historic and current tradition of anarcho- and revolutionary syndicalism. This is a tradition with a surprisingly substantial and impressive history, including in the former colonial world; a tradition that envisages anti-bureaucratic and bottom-up trade unions as key means of educating and mobilising workers, and of championing the economic, social and political struggles of the broad working class, independent of parliamentary politics and party tutelage; and that aims, ultimately, at transforming society through union-led workplace occupations that will institute self-management and participatory economic planning, abolishing markets, hierarchies and states. This contribution seeks, firstly, to contribute to the recovery of the historical memory of the working class by drawing attention to its multiple traditions and rich history; secondly, to make a contribution to current debates on the struggles, direction and options for the working class movement (including unions) in a period of flux in which the fixed patterns of the last forty years are slowly melting away; thirdly, it argues that many current union approaches – among them, business unionism, social movement unionism, and political unionism – have substantial failings and limitations; and finally, it points to the need for labour studies and industrial sociology to pay greater attention to labour traditions besides business unionism, social movement unionism, and political unionism. -
The Hobo Anomalous: Class, Minorities and Political Invention in the Industrial Workers of the World
Social Movement Studies, Vol. 2, No. 1, 2003 The Hobo Anomalous: class, minorities and political invention in the Industrial Workers of the World Nicholas Thoburn Department of Sociology, Goldsmiths College, University of London, New Cross, London SE14 6NW, UK This article is an analysis of minority political invention in the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). Against the tendency in recent social and cultural theory to dichotomize class and difference, it argues that it was in and through the IWW’s formulation of class that minority political and cultural invention occurred. Using the framework of Deleuze and Guattari’s minor politics, the article shows how the IWW’s composition in the simultaneously diffuse and cramped plane of work operated against the major political identities and subjects of worker, immigrant, American, citizen and ‘people’, and towards the creation of minority political knowledges, tactics and cultural styles premised on the condition that ‘the people are missing’. Seeking to understand the IWW’s modes and techniques of invention, the article explores the general plane of IWW composition, its particular political and cultural expressions (in songs, manifestos, cartoons and tactics), and its minor mode of authorship. The article focuses in particular on two aspects of IWW minority composition, the itinerant worker, or hobo, and the politics of sabotage. Keywords: Class, hobo, Industrial Workers of the World, minor politics, sabotage. Shall we still be slaves and work for wages? It is outrageous—has been for ages. (‘Workingmen, Unite!’, IWW 1989: 64) The wobbly movement has never been more than a radical fungus on the labor movement.