Harvard Workers Got the Cold Shoulder This Winter by Geoffrey P

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Harvard Workers Got the Cold Shoulder This Winter by Geoffrey P OFFICIAL NEWSPAPER oF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD Happy May Day Fellow Workers! INDUSTRIALMay 2015 #1774 Vol. 112 No. 4 $2/ £2/ €2 WORKER Camp Counselors Of How To Be A Life-Long Review: Elizabeth Strikes, Worker The World Unite! Wobbly: Six Tips Gurley Flynn, Modern Revolts Worldwide 3 6-7 Revolutionary 10 16 Harvard Workers Got The Cold Shoulder This Winter By Geoffrey P. Carens would encourage you not to be.” During what the New York Times Members of the Harvard Union of called a “Winter from Hell,” four bliz- Clerical and Technical Workers (HUCTW) zards dumped record amounts of snow were required to use vacation or personal on the Harvard University campus in the days at times when they feared their com- three weeks between Jan. 27 and Feb. 15. mute to work, such as was the case on Jan. True to form, Harvard closed due to the 28. Parents faced particularly troubling inclement weather fewer times than other choices when their childrens’ schools local universities. Harvard remained open closed, yet they were expected to work on a number of days when it was unsafe their regular hours. One union member or impossible for many employees to get commented, “I’ve lost all my personal and to work. For example, the university was vacation time. Now I have no extra time...I open on Jan. 28, when Boston had a park- don’t think I should lose my earned time ing ban that wasn’t lifted until 5 p.m., Bos- because I have to make a decision about ton’s public schools were closed, and plow my safety and health.” Last year, a group drivers were reporting close calls with of HUCTW members filed a grievance residents who were walking in the streets because they did not receive paid time off (due to sidewalks not being shoveled, etc.). during a severe storm in February, but Television station WCVB reported that were made to report to work or use vaca- Governor Charlie Baker stated on Jan. tion or other benefit time, despite what Wobblies protest discriminatory layoffs at Harvard Photo: Geoffrey P. Carens 27: “Unless you have a reason to be out the HUCTW contract says, that “When a University in January 2013. tonight or tomorrow after midnight, we Continued on 13 May Day: Remembering Our Past, Looking Toward The Future By Staughton Lynd radical grouplets. But they celebrated Somehow the IWW has done well in May Day together: “In the spring of 1936, its ceremonial calendar. On May 1 it of- my father joined the Italian chorus on the fers its own version of the universal spring stage of the Venetian Hall in Kensington.” festival. The typically gloomy weather in They sang, in Italian: November is the occasion for “In Novem- “Come, oh May Day; ber We Remember.” The mood resembles the people await you, that of the Latin American “Day Of The The liberated hearts salute you, Dead,” held in the same season. Sweet Easter of the working class.” There are two May Day happenings That same day in 1936, I was part of that I have written about and ask the a gigantic May Day parade in New York indulgence of readers to recall with me. City. One of my mother’s students had When Alice and I interviewed older a brother named Sam Levinger who car- workers for our first book of oral history, ried me on his shoulders. Soon after, Sam “Rank and File”(Haymarket Books has joined the Abraham Lincoln Brigade and published an expanded fourth edition), went to Spain to fight in the Spanish Civil Mario Manzardo was a favorite of mine. War. In September 1937 Sam Levinger was His family came from Italy. His grandfa- mortally wounded at the Battle of Belchite. ther was one of Garibaldi’s “thousand.” Many years later Sam’s niece, Laurie Mario remembered that, “As an old man Levinger, discovered letters from her uncle he’d sit in front of his door, in his chair, to his parents and to Sam’s sweetheart. wearing his red Garibaldi shirt.” The old On the basis of the letters and the memo- Graphic: pkro.org man “wouldn’t take his shirt off—he was ries of veterans of the Spanish Civil War When Sam Levinger had twice been As Stephen Spender says in his poem so proud of it.” she has written a biography, “Love and wounded, the rules of the Brigade required about those like Sam Levinger, he “left Mario told us that like all Left move- Revolutionary Greetings: An Ohio Boy in that he return to the United States and do the vivid air signed with his honor.” The ments the Italian immigrants in South the Spanish Civil War” (Resource Publica- support work. Instead he slipped out of heart-breaking picture of Sam on the cover Chicago were divided into a variety of tions, Eugene, Ore.). the hospital and went back to the front. is worth the price of the book. Industrial Worker Periodicals Postage PO Box 180195 PAID NYC IWW: Beverage Plus, Pay Up! Chicago, IL 60618, USA Chicago, IL From Wobbly City and additional Several former workers at ISSN 0019-8870 mailing offices Beverage Plus and their sup- ADDRESS SERVICE REQUESTED porters visited the company in Maspeth, Queens in early April to demand that the owner Yun Cho pay the more than $1.2 million owed to the workers from a wage theft lawsuit. Cho was present but did not come Photo: wobblycity.org out to talk to the workers who then left a The workers are still seeking the payments letter demanding payment. The company, in court but have also called upon support- which has also operated under the names ers to join their campaign to get the money YS Beverage and Grand Beverage, is a dis- owed to them. The workers have been long tributor in New York City (handling prod- time members of the Brandworkers and the ucts such as Coca Cola and Poland Spring IWW campaign to organize and improve beverages. In 2012, the company was found conditions in New York City’s food produc- liable for multiple violations of the Fair tion and distribution sector. Labor Standards Act for unpaid minimum Stay tuned for more actions in support wage and overtime for dozens of workers. of the Beverage Plus workers! Page 2 • Industrial Worker • May 2015 Fellow Workers: Regarding Patriarchy In The IWW Dear Editors, Readers and (the same type Fellow Workers: of college boys Boycott Xfinity The facts reported in “Fighting Patri- who were strike- Greetings fellow workers, archy In The One Big Union” (September breakers in the I recently wrote a letter to the Indus- 2014 Industrial Worker, page 3) and Bread and Ros- Letters Welcome! trial Worker calling for a boycott of Xfinity “How We Struggle: A Response to Ongoing es strike, as is Comcast for their treatment of the network Patriarchal Violence In The IWW” (No- seen in that fa- Send your letters to: [email protected] with Estrella TV. In writing my original letter “Letter” in the subject. vember 2013 Industrial Worker, page 3) mous picture of I mistakenly believed and claimed that are shocking, but not totally surprising. It them on horse- Mailing Address: Xfinity had completely shut down Estrella seems that those sexually predatory men, back confronting Industrial Worker, P.O. Box 180195, TV, and therefore left its employees job- including “serial rapists,” deliberately strikers). Women Chicago, IL 60618, United States. less, which was not the case. What Xfinity chose political and religious groups to must be trained in Graphic: wikimedia.org Comcast did do, however, was eliminate infiltrate, where the members are very un- self-defense. And Get the Word Out! Estrella TV as an available network on likely to use the prevailing legal system to able-bodied men who are not predatory its service. In an attempt to stifle the im- IWW members, branches, job shops and redress these outrages—although the legal should be chivalrous. I say this without migration reform, Xfinity Comcast has other affiliated bodies can get the word system (and other establishment powers intending to fall into gender stereotyping. extinguished the voice of Estrella TV on out about their project, event, campaign such as college administrators), including I stress again that I believe that these its service. or protest each month in the Industrial police, courts and social services, often re- predators are not indigenous to the IWW I still stand solidly against Xfinity Worker. Send announcements to iw@ victimize the victims. There has also been and anarchist movements, but rather that Comcast and its anti-worker and racist iww.org. Much appreciated donations for predator infiltration in anarchist and other predators choose political and religious actions and reaffirm my call for a boycott the following sizes should be sent to: Leftist groups. groups where they believe they will have of the channel and its services. It is not only that these things, such immunity. Some may also be hoping to IWW GHQ, Post Office Box 180195, as sexual abuse, should not happen in destroy the IWW. Don’t let them. Some In solidarity, Chicago, IL 60618, United States. the IWW—it should not be possible in the may be provocateurs or creative agent Edgar Arturo Sazo #1671069 IWW! This is the type of thing that I know provocateurs. $12 for 1” tall, 1 column wide Gib Lewis Unit is done on college campuses by rich white $40 for 4” by 2 columns 777 fM 3497 college boys, to both female and male Yours for the One Big Union, $90 for a quarter page Woodville, TX 75990 victims, who are perceived as vulnerable Saul B.
Recommended publications
  • 1 Building Bridges: the Challenge of Organized
    BUILDING BRIDGES: THE CHALLENGE OF ORGANIZED LABOR IN COMMUNITIES OF COLOR Robin D. G. Kelley New York University [email protected] What roles can labor unions play in transforming our inner cities and promo ting policies that might improve the overall condition of working people of color? What happens when union organizers extend their reach beyond the workplace to the needs of working-class communities? What has been the historical role of unions in the larger struggles of people of color, particularly black workers? These are crucial questions in an age when production has become less pivotal to working-class life. Increasingly, we've witnessed the export of whole production processes as corporations moved outside the country in order to take advantage of cheaper labor, relatively lower taxes, and a deregulated, frequently antiunion environment. And the labor force itself has changed. The old images of the American workingclass as white men residing in sooty industrial suburbs and smokestack districts are increasingly rare. The new service-based economy has produced a working class increasingly concentrated in the healthcare professions, educational institutions, office building maintenance, food processing, food services and various retail establishments. 1 In the world of manufacturing, sweatshops are coming back, particularly in the garment industry and electronics assembling plants, and homework is growing. These unions are also more likely to be brown and female than they have been in the past. While white male membership dropped from 55.8% in 1986 to 49.7% in 1995, women now make up 37 percent of organized labor's membership -- a higher percentage than at any time in the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction Darlington, RR
    Introduction Darlington, RR Title Introduction Authors Darlington, RR Type Book Section URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/17902/ Published Date 2008 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Introduction Introduction During the first two decades of the twentieth century, amidst an extraordinary international upsurge in strike action, the ideas of revolutionary syndicalism connected with and helped to produce mass workers’ movements in a number of different countries across the world. An increasing number of syndicalist unions, committed to destroying capitalism through direct industrial action and revolutionary trade union struggle, were to emerge as either existing unions were won over to syndicalist principles in whole or in part, or new alternative revolutionary unions and organizations were formed by dissidents who broke away from their mainstream reformist adversaries. This international movement experienced its greatest vitality in the period immediately preceding and following the First World War, from about 1910 until the early 1920s (although the movement in Spain crested later). Amongst the largest and most famous unions influenced by syndicalist ideas and practice were the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) in France, the Confederación Nacional de Trabajo (CNT) in Spain, and the Unione Sindacale Italiana (USI) in Italy.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
    Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture.
    [Show full text]
  • Tudents Walk out to Support Teachers
    'OMCAITI ON A2 Serving Newport 1.. c~ . Cotta Mtsa, Huntington INch, lrYIM, LllUN IHch, FCMH\teift Vlley lftd louttt Orenge County C A LIF O RNIA TUESDAY MAY 14, 1985 -;~Cf NTS tudents walk out to support teachers .\t Edison H igh School 1n H unt­ womed ahout graduatio n " he \aid. ~cm9 nstrat1on'> or other protl''> I'> JI ha'>tl' 11 tht' ' "'dnted." ~1d teachers B . FV educators say they'll appear inato n Beach. students walked o ut of Thebo" I area wa., ' 1nu<tll\ dl'ared the d1 stnl't''> fi,c other campuS\.'' "''" pl.rn 10 apJ)t'ar at tht• ..chool their 9 a.m . second period classes to of studcnh b~ about I 0 a m : acrnrd- Gerald T olman. a math tealha at J1\tnl.'t mn·ting ton1gh1 ,cn mas~ to night 'en masse' at bOard m~eung congregate in the o utdoor bowl area. 1ng to Virl' Princ ipal ( hm Rice fountain Valle} H igh School "'hu protnt tht· lark of an agrl'emt· nt. " There's nothing goin~ on all over She estimated. huweH·r that about '>Oon "''II becomt president uf thl' 1 ru\tl'l' '> are \t· heduk-d to meet at 7 Sf ROB ERT BARKER teachers ~m broiled in a bitter eon­ thl' entire campus.'' said Paul Dc­ 500 student!> left rnmpu., aft er the teachers· unio n. said an earl' -hour pm al d1 .. 1nc 1 head~uam·~ . I0.:!5 1 De11, "llol ...., •ttte tract dispute with the school district Maio. an editor of the.- studc.-m o pening bell 'pot check showed o nl> ahout Ii' l' or "\ o r ~ I u..-.
    [Show full text]
  • Employer Neutrality Agreements: Union Organizing Under a Nonadversarial Model of Labor Relations*
    Industrial Relations Law Journal VOLUME 6 1984 NUMBER 4 Employer Neutrality Agreements: Union Organizing Under A Nonadversarial Model of Labor Relations* William J. Guzickt This Article examines the recent growth of agreements, negotiated between employers and unions, which provide that an employer shall re- main neutral when unions seek to organize non-unionfacilities andsubsid- iariesowned by the employer. After analyzing the causes of recent decline in union membership, the author argues that this decline has spurredthe growth of neutrality agreements. Such agreements are not violative of the National Labor Relations Act nor of employer free speech rights, but rather are legally binding and may be enforced by arbitrationand injunc- tion. Neutralityagreements are therefore an appropriateextension of col- lective bargaining and can contribute to an emerging attitude of cooperation between labor and management. INTRODUCTION Over the next generation, I predict, society's greatest opportunities will lie in tapping human inclinations toward collaboration and compro- mise rather than stirring our proclivities for competition and rivalry. If lawyers are not leaders in marshaling cooperation and designing mech- anisms which allow it to flourish, they will not be at the center of the most creative social experiments of our time.' President Derek C. Bok Harvard University March, 1983 * The author wishes to thank Professor Paul C. Weiler, Harvard Law School, for his assistance in the preparation of this Article. t Law Clerk to the Honorable Roszel C. Thomsen, United States District Judge for the District of Maryland. A.B., A.M., Economics, Brown University, 1980; J.D., Harvard Law School, 1983. 1. The President's Report 1981-1982, Harvard University 19 (Mar.
    [Show full text]
  • Brains Brilliancy Bohemia
    Brains Brilliancy Bohemia Art & Politics in Jazz-Age Chicago Jack Jones in Court, 1932. PUBLISHING INFO CONTACT INFO ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This publication and accompanying exhibition would not have been possible without the support of several organizations and individuals, most significantly the Newberry Library, whose extensive collection of Dill Pickle related materials, provided much of this publication’s content. I would also like to thank Lila Weinberg, Tim Samuelson and Mess Hall for their exceptional support and generosity. Introduction f you walk by Tooker Alley, the unmarked alleyway between Dela- ware and Chestnut off Dearborn Street in Chicago, it looks not unlike many other alleyways in the city. Passersby would have little Ireason to stop and take notice of the parking lots, dumpsters and back porches of the adjacent townhouses. And yet 80 years ago, Tooker Al- ley was nationally known as home to Jack Jones’ notorious Dill Pickle Club. This club served simultaneously as a tea room, lecture hall, art gallery, theatre, sandwich shop, printing press, craft store, speakeasy and one-time toy manufacturer — and just about the most curious venue in the known universe. And so goes the dependability our collective memory. The non-remem- brance of the Dill Pickle reminds us of which histories are kept alive and which are lost to the dustbins. Our historical amnesia also recalls the importance of preserving the stories of our social movements for future generations. This booklet documents one such effort: a re-circulation of ephemera from The Dill Pickle Club, one of the most creative, politically engaged and influential American cultural centers of the 20th Century.
    [Show full text]
  • One Big Union—One Big Strike: the Story of the Wobblies
    One Big Union—One Big Strike: The Story of the Wobblies Early in the 20th century, the Industrial Workers of the World, called the "Wobblies," organized thousands of immigrant and unskilled workers in the United States. The union eventually failed, but it helped shape the modern American labor movement. In 1900, only about 5 percent of American industrial workers belonged to labor unions. Most unions were organized for skilled craft workers like carpenters and machinists. Membership in these craft unions was almost always restricted to American-born white men. The American Federation of Labor (AFL), led by Samuel Gompers, dominated the labor movement. Gompers wanted to assemble the independent craft unions into one organization, which would work to improve the pay and working conditions of the union members. Gompers and the AFL believed that unskilled factory and other industrial workers could not be organized into unions. Therefore, the vast majority of American workers, including immigrants, racial minorities, and women, remained outside the labor union movement. In 1905, a new radical union, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), began to organize workers excluded from the AFL. Known as the "Wobblies," these unionists wanted to form "One Big Union." Their ultimate goal was to call "One Big Strike," which would overthrow the capitalist system. Big Bill Haywood and One Big Union One of the main organizers for the IWW was "Big Bill" Haywood. William Dudley Haywood grew up on the rough and violent Western frontier. At age 9, he began working in copper mines. Haywood eventually married and took up homesteading in Nevada.
    [Show full text]
  • WALT WHITMAN and the WOBBLIES a Thesis
    ONE BIG UNION: WALT WHITMAN AND THE WOBBLIES A Thesis Presented to the faculty of the Department of English California State University, Sacramento Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in English (Literature) by Elizabeth Ann Ketelle FALL 2015 © 2015 Elizabeth Ann Ketelle ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ONE BIG UNION: WALT WHITMAN AND THE WOBBLIES A Thesis by Elizabeth Ann Ketelle Approved by: __________________________________, Committee Chair Nancy Sweet __________________________________, Second Reader Susan Wanlass ____________________________ Date iii Student: Elizabeth Ann Ketelle I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the thesis. __________________________, Graduate Coordinator ___________________ David Toise Date Department of English iv Abstract of ONE BIG UNION: WALT WHITMAN AND THE WOBBLIES by Elizabeth Ann Ketelle In a dynamic interplay with the discourses of socialism, anarchism, humanism, and freethought in early twentieth century America, Walt Whitman’s texts helped to shape those forces while the texts themselves were re-shaped in the discourse. Chapter 1 discusses the process by which the British socialists appropriated Whitman’s poetry as their own. Chapter 2 traces the influence of Whitman’s literary executor, Horace Traubel, who shaped Whitman’s legacy as an American socialist. Chapter 3 explores how leaders of the radical left adapted Whitman’s memes to their own purposes, discussing Robert Ingersoll’s freethinker memes, Clarence Darrow’s humanist memes, Emma Goldman’s anarchist memes, and Eugene V.
    [Show full text]
  • Civilmentalhealth00riesrich.Pdf
    # University of California Berkeley Regional Oral History Office University of California The Bancroft Library Berkeley, California Francis Heisler and Friedy B. Heisler CIVIL LIBERTIES, MENTAL HEALTH, AND THE PURSUIT OF PEACE With Introductions by Julius Lucius Echeles Emma K. Albano Carl Tjerandsen An Interview Conducted by Suzanne B. Riess 1981-1983 Copyright 1983 by The Regents of the University of California (&quot;a) All uses of this manuscript are covered by a legal agreement between the University of California and Francis Heisler and Friedy B. Heisler dated January 6, 1983. The manuscript is thereby made available for research purposes. All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to The Bancroft Library of the University of California, Berkeley. No part of the manuscript may be quoted for publication without the written permission of the Director of The Bancroft Library of the University of California at Berkeley. Requests for permission to quote for publication should be addressed to the Regional Oral History Office, 486 Library, and should include identification of the specific passages to be quoted, anticipated use of the passages, and identification of the user. The legal agreement with Francis Heisler and Friedy B. Heisler requires that they be notified of the request and allowed thirty days in which to respond. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Francis Heisler and Friedy B. Heisler, &quot;Civil Liberties, Mental Health, and the Pursuit of Peace,&quot; an oral history conducted 1981-1983 by Suzanne B. Riess, Regional Oral History Office, The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, 1983.
    [Show full text]
  • The Power of Place: Structure, Culture, and Continuities in U.S. Women's Movements
    The Power of Place: Structure, Culture, and Continuities in U.S. Women's Movements By Laura K. Nelson A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Kim Voss, Chair Professor Raka Ray Professor Robin Einhorn Fall 2014 Copyright 2014 by Laura K. Nelson 1 Abstract The Power of Place: Structure, Culture, and Continuities in U.S. Women's Movements by Laura K. Nelson Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology University of California, Berkeley Professor Kim Voss, Chair This dissertation challenges the widely accepted historical accounts of women's movements in the United States. Second-wave feminism, claim historians, was unique because of its development of radical feminism, defined by its insistence on changing consciousness, its focus on women being oppressed as a sex-class, and its efforts to emphasize the political nature of personal problems. I show that these features of second-wave radical feminism were not in fact unique but existed in almost identical forms during the first wave. Moreover, within each wave of feminism there were debates about the best way to fight women's oppression. As radical feminists were arguing that men as a sex-class oppress women as a sex-class, other feminists were claiming that the social system, not men, is to blame. This debate existed in both the first and second waves. Importantly, in both the first and the second wave there was a geographical dimension to these debates: women and organizations in Chicago argued that the social system was to blame while women and organizations in New York City argued that men were to blame.
    [Show full text]
  • Reclaiming Syndicalism: from Spain to South Africa to Global Labour Today
    Global Issues Reclaiming Syndicalism: From Spain to South Africa to global labour today Lucien van der Walt, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa Union politics remain central to the new century. It remains central because of the ongoing importance of unions as mass movements, internationally, and because unions, like other popular movements, are confronted with the very real challenge of articulating an alternative, transformative vision. There is much to be learned from the historic and current tradition of anarcho- and revolutionary syndicalism. This is a tradition with a surprisingly substantial and impressive history, including in the former colonial world; a tradition that envisages anti-bureaucratic and bottom-up trade unions as key means of educating and mobilising workers, and of championing the economic, social and political struggles of the broad working class, independent of parliamentary politics and party tutelage; and that aims, ultimately, at transforming society through union-led workplace occupations that will institute self-management and participatory economic planning, abolishing markets, hierarchies and states. This contribution seeks, firstly, to contribute to the recovery of the historical memory of the working class by drawing attention to its multiple traditions and rich history; secondly, to make a contribution to current debates on the struggles, direction and options for the working class movement (including unions) in a period of flux in which the fixed patterns of the last forty years are slowly melting away; thirdly, it argues that many current union approaches – among them, business unionism, social movement unionism, and political unionism – have substantial failings and limitations; and finally, it points to the need for labour studies and industrial sociology to pay greater attention to labour traditions besides business unionism, social movement unionism, and political unionism.
    [Show full text]
  • The Hobo Anomalous: Class, Minorities and Political Invention in the Industrial Workers of the World
    Social Movement Studies, Vol. 2, No. 1, 2003 The Hobo Anomalous: class, minorities and political invention in the Industrial Workers of the World Nicholas Thoburn Department of Sociology, Goldsmiths College, University of London, New Cross, London SE14 6NW, UK This article is an analysis of minority political invention in the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). Against the tendency in recent social and cultural theory to dichotomize class and difference, it argues that it was in and through the IWW’s formulation of class that minority political and cultural invention occurred. Using the framework of Deleuze and Guattari’s minor politics, the article shows how the IWW’s composition in the simultaneously diffuse and cramped plane of work operated against the major political identities and subjects of worker, immigrant, American, citizen and ‘people’, and towards the creation of minority political knowledges, tactics and cultural styles premised on the condition that ‘the people are missing’. Seeking to understand the IWW’s modes and techniques of invention, the article explores the general plane of IWW composition, its particular political and cultural expressions (in songs, manifestos, cartoons and tactics), and its minor mode of authorship. The article focuses in particular on two aspects of IWW minority composition, the itinerant worker, or hobo, and the politics of sabotage. Keywords: Class, hobo, Industrial Workers of the World, minor politics, sabotage. Shall we still be slaves and work for wages? It is outrageous—has been for ages. (‘Workingmen, Unite!’, IWW 1989: 64) The wobbly movement has never been more than a radical fungus on the labor movement.
    [Show full text]