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Multikulturell Rugekasse
Multikulturell Rugekasse Fremskrittspartiets argumentasjon om innvandring før valg 1987-2001 Universitetet i Bergen • Institutt for informasjons- og medievitenskap MEVI350 • Masteroppgave medievitenskap • Oskar Hjartåker Vår 2017 1 Tittel: Hentet fra et sitat av Jan Christensen (FrP) som omtalte bydelen sin som en «multikulturell rugekasse» (Ringheim, 2016: 155). Bilde: 21st Century Schizoid Man, lagd av undertegnede. Navnet er hentet fra sangtittelen til en låt av King Crimson. 2 Sammendrag Avhandlingen tar utgangspunkt avistekster fra Aftenposten, Verdens Gang og Stavanger Aftenblad, samt bøker om Fremskrittspartiets historie for å se på sammenhengen mellom Fremskrittspartiets indre konflikter og partiets argumentasjon om innvandring før valg mellom 1987-2001. Den historiske gjennomgangen viser sammenheng mellom konflikter og partiets argumentasjon om innvandring i avisene. Særskilt to konflikter skiller seg ut. Første konflikt ender med Dolkesjø-oppgjøret i 1994, hvor den liberalistiske medlemsmassen i partiet ble sterkt redusert. Den andre går fra Godlia-møtet frem til perioden rundt millenniumskiftet, hvor de upopulære innvandringskritikerne ble kastet ut eller fikk en redusert rolle i partiet. Argumentene til Fremskrittspartiet viser også at partiets representanter ikke utelukkende bruker retorisk argumentasjon om hva som bør gjøres, men også adresserer nåværende verdier, samt hva som har vært. Dette er ikke uvanlig i seg selv, analysen viser der i mot at dette skjer ofte. Samtidig knytter argumentasjonen til Fremskrittspartiet seg til en streng forståelse av statsborgerskap, noe som blir tydeliggjort i argumentasjonen. Fremskrittspartiet bruker tidvis bevisst strategi om stillhet i innvandringsdebatten, for eksempel under innvandringsdebatten i 1991. Implikasjonene for debatten er blant annet underinformering av innvandringsteamet. Her vises det til et eksempel i klartekst som viser svarunnvikelse av spørsmål fra partiet i perioden. -
The Toulouse Murders
\\jciprod01\productn\J\JSA\4-1\JSA127.txt unknown Seq: 1 28-JUN-12 15:42 The Toulouse Murders Manfred Gerstenfeld* On March 19, 2012, Mohammed Merah, a Frenchman of Algerian ori- gin, killed a teacher and three children in front of the Toulouse Jewish school Otzar Hatorah. Earlier that month, he murdered three French soldiers. A few days after the Toulouse murders, Merah was killed in a shootout with French police.1 Murders in France and elsewhere are frequent, and a significant per- centage of murder victims are children. Yet the murder by this fanatic drew worldwide attention,2 which usually focused far more on the killing of the Jewish victims than that of the soldiers. For French Jews, this tragedy recalled events of past decades, the more so as the murderer was an Al Qaeda sympathizer. Six people in the Jewish Goldenberg restaurant in Paris were killed in 1982 by terrorists, most prob- ably from the Arab Abu Nidal group.3 In the past decade, antisemitic motives were behind murders of Jews committed by Muslims living in France. Sebastien Selam, a Jewish disc jockey, was killed by his Muslim childhood friend and neighbor Adel Amastaibou in 2003. Medical experts found the murderer mentally insane. When the judges accepted this conclusion, such finding prevented a trial in which the antisemitism of substantial parts of the French Muslim commu- 1. Murray Wardrop, Chris Irvine, Raf Sanchez, and Amy Willis, “Toulouse Siege as It Happened,” Telegraph, March 22, 2012. 2. Edward Cody, “Mohammed Merah, Face of the New Terrorism,” Washing- ton Post, March 22, 2012. -
Annual Report 2003
ANNUAL REPORT 2003 >>02 Main Events >>19 Social responsibility >>30 Newspapers >>53 Schibsted Eiendom >>03 Key Figures >>20 Statement of the >>40 TV, Film & Publishing (Property >>04 The Schibsted Group Election Committee >>48 Business Management) >>05 President & CEO >>21 The Tinius Trust Development >>54 Articles of Kjell Aamot >>22 Focus on Newspaper >>49 Management Association >>06 Business Areas >>24 Focus on Mobile Development >>55 Annual Accounts >>10 The Board of phone >>50 Shareholder >>87 Auditor’s Report Director’s Report >>26 Focus on TV, Film & Information >>88 Company Structure >>16 Corporate Publishing >>52 Schibsted Finans >>89 Addresses Governance >>28 Focus on Internet (Finance) Tomorrow’s media society will be different from that of today. Anyone who doubts this needs only look at how young people use media. Their choices are forging the future direction. Schibsted follows this development closely. In this way, we are better equipped to exploit our strength as a leading media group in Scandinavia. >> 2 THE SCHIBSTED GROUP ANNUAL REPORT 2003 MAIN EVENTS • avis1 cuts approx. 10 full-time jobs. duction of 925 new episodes of the • Knut L. Tiseth appointed Managing popular series Hotel Cæsar. Q 1 03 Director of Schibsted Trykk. • Establishment of European Works • Morten Kongrød appointed Chief Council (ESU) in the Group. Executive Officer of Sandrew • Sandrew Metronome renews coopera- Metronome. tion agreement with Warner Bros. • Kristin Skogen Lund appointed Chief • 20 Min Holding AG enters into agree- Executive Officer of Scanpix ment with tamedia for the sale of Scandinavia. Swiss operations by 1st quarter 2007. • Metronome Film & Television enters into agreement with TV 2 for the pro- • 20minutos launched in Seville, with a • Aftonbladet’s online version shows its circulation of 50,000. -
Report No. 15 (2008–2009) to the Storting
Report No. 15 (2008–2009) to the Storting Interests, Responsibilities and Opportunities The main features of Norwegian foreign policy Table of contents Introduction. 7 5 The High North will continue Norwegian interests and globalisation . 8 to be of special importance The structure of the white paper . 9 to Norway . 49 5.1 Major changes in the High North Summary. 10 since the end of the Cold War. .. 49 5.2 The High North will continue to be Part I Challenges to Norwegian a major security policy challenge . 51 interests . .15 5.3 A greater role for the EU and the Northern Dimension . 52 1 Globalisation is broadening 5.4 International law issues . 53 Norwegian interests . 17 5.5 Cross-border and innovative 1.1 Globalisation and the state . 18 cooperation in the High North . 54 1.2 Globalisation is a challenge to 5.6 Increasing interest in the polar Norway . 18 areas and the Arctic Council . 55 1.3 Norway is becoming more closely involved in the global economy. 20 6 Europeanisation and Nordic 1.4 Norway’s broader interests . 22 cooperation . 57 6.1 The importance of the EU . 57 2 The downsides and 6.2 Further development of the EU . 59 counterforces of globalisation . 24 6.3 Europeanisation defines the 2.1 Globalisation includes and excludes 24 framework . 60 2.2 The new uncertainty of globalisation 6.4 Agreements and cooperation . 60 – new security policy challenges. 26 6.5 Fisheries policy. 63 2.3 Threats to Norway from global 6.6 Broad Nordic cooperation . 63 instability . 27 6.7 The Council of Europe and the OSCE . -
Partisan Influence on Immigration: the Case of Norway
ISSN 0080–6757 Doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9477.2010.00250.x © 2010 The Author(s) Journal compilation © 2010 Nordic Political Science Association Partisan Influence on Immigration: The Case of Norwayscps_250 248..270 Frøy Gudbrandsen* Do governments decide the size of immigration? This article analyses partisan impact on refugee immigration to Norway.The first part maps party positions on refugee immigration and demonstrates that the views of Norwegian parties are far from consensual. The second part tests whether the number of refugees admitted has been affected by changes of government by way of a panel analysis covering the period 1985–2005 and 143 sending countries. Controlling for other determinants of immigration both in receiving and sending countries, the analysis suggests that that the number of refugees admitted to Norway has been significantly lower during Conservative rule. Among parties with government experience, the Conservative Party also has adopted the most restrictive stand in its manifestoes. No significant differences between Labour Party and centre governments were found, even though the centre parties express more liberal preferences. The partisan influence on immigration remains uncertain. Scholars come to diverging conclusions, both on the validity of the partisan theory in general (see, e.g., Blais et al. 1993; Imbeau et al. 2001) and on states’ capacity to control immigration (see, e.g., Sassen, 1996, 2000; Guiraudon & Lahav 2000). Although some studies reject a partisan effect on national economic indicators, many find strong empirical support for the hypoth- esis (e.g., Huber & Stephens 2000; Cusack 1997; Reed 2006; Pettersson- Lidbom 2004). Yet what about immigration? Do governments control it, or is it determined entirely by external determinants? Not only scholars, but politicians, too, disagree on their influence on immigration. -
Schibsted Annual Report 2019 Who We Are
Index Who we are .................................................................................................................................. 3 Message from the CEO ................................................................................................................ 4 Board of Directors’ report ........................................................................................................... 5 Sustainability report ................................................................................................................. 12 Corporate governance .............................................................................................................. 36 Financial statements for the Group .......................................................................................... 44 Financial statements for parent company ............................................................................... 91 Share information ................................................................................................................... 104 Members of the Board (2019-2020) ........................................................................................ 107 SCHIBSTED ANNUAL REPORT 2019 WHO WE ARE Who we are Schibsted is an international family of digital consumer brands with more than 5,000 employees. We have world-class media houses in Scandinavia, leading marketplaces and digital services that empower consumers. Millions of people interact with Schibsted companies every day. What we do We rely on -
Explaining Membership Growth in the Norwegian Progress Party From
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives Explaining Membership Growth in the Norwegian Progress Party from 1973 to 2008 Hilmar Langhelle Mjelde Master Thesis November 2008 The University of Bergen Department of Comparative Politics Abstract This thesis is concerned with explaining the membership growth in the Norwegian Progress Party, Fremskrittspartiet, from its founding in 1973 to 2008. Two major studies, Katz and Mair (1992) and Mair and van Biezen (2001), have demonstrated that West-European parties, including Norwegian ones, are losing members, and have been doing it for several decades. Although this development was not as pronounced in the first study, it had become clear by 2001. The Progress Party has clearly deviated from both the national and the international trend of dwindling mass membership with its relatively stable growth in this respect. Through the application of relevant academic literature, I set forth seven theoretically informed hypotheses about the causes of the Progress Party’s membership growth. At the macro-level, I examine the impact of electoral success and public subsidies on membership growth. At the meso-level, the efforts of the Progress Party leadership, the party’s organizational network, and its executive structure are considered. Finally, at the micro-level, I study support in the electorate for the Progress Party’s policies and the availability of political positions for members in the party as possible causes of membership growth. The central finding of the thesis is that leadership efforts appear to be the key component in the explanation, although it may depend on several other factors to be successful. -
1 Nordic Otherness
Cordelia Heß 1Nordic Otherness Research on Antisemitism in the NordicCountries in an International Context In December 2008 and January 2009,anti-Israel demonstrations in Oslo turned into riotswith adistinct antisemitic character,whereprotesters shouted “Death to Jews!” and “Hunt the Jews!”¹ In March 2009,several thousand people demonstrated against the participa- tion of Israeli tennis players in amatch in Malmö, many of them screaming anti- semitic slogans,comparing Israel to National Socialist Germany, and displaying maps of the Middle East in which the Jewish State was eradicated.² In the year 2009,police reported seventy-nine attacksonthe synagogue and Jewishcemetery in Malmö.³ In February 2010,the mayorofMalmödeniedthat there had ever been any violence against Jewish institutions, and demanded the city’sJewish community denounce Israeli human rights violations against the civilian population in Gaza.⁴ In June 2011,asurvey carried out by the city of Oslo found that 33 per cent of Jewishstudents in Oslo were physicallythreatened or abused by other high- school teens at least two to threetimes amonth.⁵ In December 2015,aman wounded twopolice officers and killed ayoung Jewishman on security duty at the synagogue in Copenhagen.⁶ Eirik Eiglad, TheAnti-JewishRiots in Oslo (Porsgrunn: Communalism,2010). PerGudmundson, “Varken fredligteller lugnt,” Svenska Dagbladet,11March 2009, ‹ https:// www.svd.se/varken-fredligt-eller-lugnt ›. Ann-Helén Laestadius, “Hatbrott motjudar ökar,” 21 May2015, ‹ http://www.minoritet.se/1357 ›. Ilmar Reepalu, “Reepalu: Israel har skapat en ‘varböld’,” Skånska Dagbladet,27January 2010, ‹ https://www.skd.se/2010/01/27/reepalu-israel-har-skapat-en-varbold ›. AnetteHolth Hansen,Øystein Solvang, and Kjersti Kanestrøm Lie, “Ett av tre jødiskebarn hetses på skolen,” NRK.no,7June 2011, ‹ https://www.nrk.no/ostlandssendingen/en-av-tre- hetses-pa-skolen-1.7664103 ›. -
Satirising the Norwegian Language Conflict: Gabriel Scott’S Babels Taarn Contextually Reconsidered
Scandinavica Vol 52 No 1 2013 Satirising the Norwegian Language Conflict: Gabriel Scott’s Babels taarn Contextually Reconsidered Frederick Hale North-West University Abstract Gabriel Scott’s comedy Babels taarn (Babel Tower), first performed at the National Theatre in Kristiania in 1911, satirises the language controversy that was raging in Norway at the time. The play is regarded as important in linguistic and literary terms, but has been largely forgotten. This article argues that Scott was disillusioned by the politicisation of the language controversy and regarded the advance of landsmål as an artificial and unwelcome phenomenon in the unfolding of Norwegian culture which failed to understand the complexities of inevitable cultural syncretism. Babels taarn is discussed as a means by which Scott critiqued the defenders of riksmål for their passivity. Finally, it is argued that Babels taarn is a scathing indictment of what Scott perceived as misdirected and shallow nationalism. Keywords Gabriel Scott, Babels taarn (play), Norwegian drama, landsmål, language politics 17 Scandinavica Vol 52 No 1 2013 For many decades the history of the Norwegian language controversy, or språkstriden, has attracted the attention of linguists and other scholars both in Norway and abroad. They have illuminated many facets of the endeavours by advocates of landsmål or nynorsk to place their form of the tongue on an equal footing with riksmål or bokmål, as well as the establishment and life of Det Norske Teatret, the politics of Riksmålsforbundet, and other dimensions of the protracted strife. Historians of the Nordic languages thus have at their disposal a moderate wealth of scholarly literature in which such works as Einar Haugen’s Language Conflict and Language Planning: The Case of Modern Norwegian (1966) and Egil Børre Johnsen’s Vårt eget språk (1987) figure prominently. -
Background on Jens Stoltenberg
UP CLOSE AND PROFESSIONAL A Case Study of Norway’s Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg’s Communication on Social Media By Sandra Hasselknippe Dahl-Hansen Supervisor: Kristina Riegert Examiner: Christian Christensen MASTER THESIS, 30 HP (SPRING 2013) Master’s Programme in Media and Communication Studies Stockholm University Department of Journalism, Media & Communication Submission date: May 27th 2013 Abstract It did not take too long before the politicians found the social media sites Twitter and Facebook as good ways to connect to the people and spread their politics. However, due to the somewhat personal origin of these sites, how much of their personal lives do they include within their political reasons for being there? How do they balance the combination of presenting their political and professional self and the personal self? That is what this thesis aim to find out. This is not the first research about political communication on social media, but most of the research in this field has focused on the social media communication during an election. This research however, aims to expand this knowledge by gathering material from a non-election period in order to investigate the day-to-day political communication on social media. Due to the length and structure of this thesis I limit my aim and topic to investigating one politicians social media use and thereby making it a case study. Using an interpretive coding with a grounded approach method I investigated Norway’s Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg’s communication on Twitter and Facebook during the year 2012. By applying theories about visibility, the presentation of the self, image creation and political communication, the aim is to understand how Stoltenberg use these social media sites. -
The Norwegian Progress Party: an Established Populist Party Johan Bjerkem
EUROPeAN VIeW DOI 10.1007/s12290-016-0404-8 ARTICLE The Norwegian Progress Party: an established populist party Johan Bjerkem © The Author(s) 2016. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract This article sheds light on one of Europe’s successful right-wing populist parties, the Norwegian Progress Party. Since 2013 the party has been in a coalition with the Conservative Party. The history, ideology and position of the party in the Norwegian political system are factors that explain how a centre–right party and a populist one have been able to form a viable coalition. Over time the Progress Party has become increasingly well integrated into the political system. The fact that no cordon sanitaire or total boycott policy was implemented against it may explain why the party developed a more moderate and pragmatic approach than most other right-wing populist parties. In turn, this made it possible for the Conservative Party to offer to form a coalition with the Progress Party and placed the centre–right in the strategic position of cooperating with parties both in the centre and to the right. Keywords Populism | Right-wing politics | Political parties | Centre–right | Norway | The Progress Party J. Bjerkem (*) Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies, Rue du Commerce 20, 1000 Brussels, Belgium e-mail: [email protected] 1 3 EUROPEAN VIEW Introduction The Norwegian Progress Party is an example of a successful European populist party which has not only gained seats in parliament, but has also become a governing party. Established in the early 1970s, mainly as an anti-tax protest party, it transformed into an anti-immigration and anti-establishment party in the 1980s, before positioning itself as one of the main political forces in Norway. -
Reconstruction on Display: Arkitektenes Høstutstilling 1947–1949 As Site for Disciplinary Formation
Reconstruction on Display: Arkitektenes høstutstilling 1947–1949 as Site for Disciplinary Formation by Ingrid Dobloug Roede Master of Architecture The Oslo School of Architecture and Design, 2016 Submitted to the Department of Architecture in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in Architecture Studies at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology June 2019 © 2019 Ingrid Dobloug Roede. All rights reserved. The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part in any medium now known or hereafter created. Signature of Author: Department of Architecture May 23, 2019 Certified by: Mark Jarzombek Professor of the History and Theory of Architecture Thesis Supervisor Accepted by: Nasser Rabbat Aga Khan Professor Chair of Department Committee for Graduate Students Committee Mark Jarzombek, PhD Professor of the History and Theory of Architecture Advisor Timothy Hyde, MArch, PhD Associate Professor of the History of Architecture Reader 2 Reconstruction on Display: Arkitektenes høstutstilling 1947-1949 As Site for Disciplinary Formation by Ingrid Dobloug Roede Submitted to the Department of Architecture on May 23, 2019 in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in Architecture Studies Abstract With the liberation of Norway in 1945—after a war that left large parts of the country in ruins, had displaced tenfold thousands of people, and put a halt to civilian building projects—Norwegian architects faced an unparalleled demand for their services. As societal stabilization commenced, members of the Norwegian Association of Architects (NAL) were consumed by the following question: what would—and should—be the architect’s role in postwar society? To publicly articulate a satisfying answer, NAL organized a series of architectural exhibitions in the years 1947–1949.