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Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn
Revista de Estudios Sociales 69 | 01 julio 2019 Temas varios Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn Realineamiento político en Brasil: Jair Bolsonaro y el giro a la derecha Realinhamento político no Brasil: Jair Bolsonaro e o giro à direita Fabrício H. Chagas Bastos Electronic version URL: https://journals.openedition.org/revestudsoc/46149 ISSN: 1900-5180 Publisher Universidad de los Andes Printed version Date of publication: 1 July 2019 Number of pages: 92-100 ISSN: 0123-885X Electronic reference Fabrício H. Chagas Bastos, “Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn”, Revista de Estudios Sociales [Online], 69 | 01 julio 2019, Online since 09 July 2019, connection on 04 May 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/revestudsoc/46149 Los contenidos de la Revista de Estudios Sociales están editados bajo la licencia Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International. 92 Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn * Fabrício H. Chagas-Bastos ** Received date: April 10, 2019· Acceptance date: April 29, 2019 · Modification date: May 10, 2019 https://doi.org/10.7440/res69.2019.08 How to cite: Chagas-Bastos, Fabrício H. 2019. “Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn”. Revista de Estudios Sociales 69: 92-100. https://doi.org/10.7440/res69.2019.08 ABSTRACT | One hundred days have passed since Bolsonaro took office, and there are two salient aspects of his presidency: first, it is clear that he was not tailored for the position he holds; second, the lack of preparation of his entourage and the absence of parliamentary support has led the country to a permanent state of crisis. -
Maria Da Penha
Global Feminisms Comparative Case Studies of Women’s Activism and Scholarship BRAZIL Maria da Penha Interviewer: Sueann Caulfield Fortaleza, Brazil February 2015 University of Michigan Institute for Research on Women and Gender 1136 Lane Hall Ann Arbor, MI 48109‐1290 Tel: (734) 764‐9537 E‐mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.umich.edu/~glblfem © Regents of the University of Michigan, 2015 Maria da Penha, born in 1945 in Fortaleza, Ceará, is a leader in the struggle against domestic violence in Brazil. Victimized by her husband in 1983, who twice tried to murder her and left her a paraplegic, she was the first to successfully bring a case of domestic violence to the Inter‐American Commission on Human Rights. It took years to bring the case to public attention. In 2001, the case resulted in the international condemnation of Brazil for neglect and for the systematic delays in the Brazilian justice system in cases of violence against women. Brazil was obliged to comply with certain recommendations, including a change to Brazilian law that would ensure the prevention and protection of women in situations of domestic violence and the punishment of the offender. The federal government, under President Lula da Silva, and in partnership with five NGOs and a number of important jurists, proposed a bill that was unanimously passed by both the House and the Senate. In 2006, Federal Law 11340 was ratified, known as the “Maria da Penha Law on Domestic and Family Violence.” Maria da Penha’s contribution to this important achievement for Brazilian women led her to receive significant honors, including "The Woman of Courage Award” from the United States in 2010.1 She also received the Cross of the Order of Isabella the Catholic from the Spanish Embassy, and in 2013, the Human Rights Award, which is considered the highest award of the Brazilian Government in the field of human rights. -
A Tale of Two Republics
A Tale of Two Republics: Why Liberalism Succeeded in America but Faltered in Brazil Matthew Braz Honors 490: Senior Honors Seminar Professor Blais May 1, 2019 Braz1 The history of human civilization in the Western Hemisphere begins in when hunter gathers first stepped foot onto North America, and continued their march south to the tip of Patagonia. In a land diverse in geography and people, these human tribes would form new societies vying for resources to become the dominant power. And of all societies to flourish, the Mesoamerican civilizations including the Olmec and later the Aztec would rise as the most powerful empire in North America. South of Panama, the Inca would establish an empire in the Andes Mountains as the dominant power of South America. Yet the powerful Aztecs warriors and the high Incan forts would not withstand the guns nor devastating germs of European colonizers who would replace these native empires as the dominant power. Now it was the empires of Europe who were the true superpowers of the Western Hemisphere, establishing political, cultural, and economic control both continents. European colonialism would reshape the Western Hemisphere into a new world born from the ashes of Native People. Their former lands were fenced for European colonizers, of men and women who sought wealth that this new world provided. That wealth needed extraction, and so millions of enslaved people were chained and shipped from Africa towards the horrors of chattel slavery. The combination of these different people and cultures reshaped the Western Hemisphere, and the result of this clash of cultures is still evident today 527 years after Columbus arrived in Hispaniola. -
Brazil: Background and U.S. Relations
Brazil: Background and U.S. Relations Updated July 6, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46236 SUMMARY R46236 Brazil: Background and U.S. Relations July 6, 2020 Occupying almost half of South America, Brazil is the fifth-largest and fifth-most-populous country in the world. Given its size and tremendous natural resources, Brazil has long had the Peter J. Meyer potential to become a world power and periodically has been the focal point of U.S. policy in Specialist in Latin Latin America. Brazil’s rise to prominence has been hindered, however, by uneven economic American Affairs performance and political instability. After a period of strong economic growth and increased international influence during the first decade of the 21st century, Brazil has struggled with a series of domestic crises in recent years. Since 2014, the country has experienced a deep recession, record-high homicide rate, and massive corruption scandal. Those combined crises contributed to the controversial impeachment and removal from office of President Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). They also discredited much of Brazil’s political class, paving the way for right-wing populist Jair Bolsonaro to win the presidency in October 2018. Since taking office in January 2019, President Jair Bolsonaro has begun to implement economic and regulatory reforms favored by international investors and Brazilian businesses and has proposed hard-line security policies intended to reduce crime and violence. Rather than building a broad-based coalition to advance his agenda, however, Bolsonaro has sought to keep the electorate polarized and his political base mobilized by taking socially conservative stands on cultural issues and verbally attacking perceived enemies, such as the press, nongovernmental organizations, and other branches of government. -
A Cause for Reflection: Imagining Brazil at 100 Years of Independence
A Cause for Reflection: Imagining Brazil at 100 Years of Independence By Joseph M. Pendergraph Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Vanderbilt University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History August, 2015 Nashville, Tennessee Approved: Marshall C. Eakin, Ph.D. Sarah E. Igo, Ph.D. “O Gigante: Vossos irmãoes na pátria nova passam tranquillos com riqueza largos annos… outro sistema de gouverno abraçam, que julgam mais propício para os humanos, porque nesse regimen, ali novo, dizem que manda simplesmente o povo.”1 “For my part I will say that, if my body leaves [Brazil], my heart stays, and that, if one day it should split, on it will be seen the words Brazil and Portugal, so intensely linked, so intimately intertwined, that it shall not be possible to separate one from the other.”2 1 Augusto de Lacerda, As duas patrias: poêma em homenagem a Portugal e Brasil por occasião do centenário da abertura dos portos brasileiros ao commércio do mundo (Porto: Oficinas do Commercio do Porto, 1908), 116 – The passage reads roughly, “The Giant: Your brothers in the new Pátria calmly live long years with richness / embracing another form of government that they believe to be more propitious for mankind / because in this new regime it is said that the people simply govern.” The timing of this quotation is key for understanding the critique. The work was published in 1908 just two years before the overthrow of the Portuguese monarchy. The decadence of the throne in the nineteenth century had led to intellectual criticism in the 1870s and republican revolts and conspiracies in the last years of the century. -
Excelentíssimo Senhor Presidente Da Câmara Dos Deputados, Deputado Rodrigo Maia. Denúncia Por Crime De Responsabilidade
Página 1 de 39 EXCELENTÍSSIMO SENHOR PRESIDENTE DA CÂMARA DOS DEPUTADOS, DEPUTADO RODRIGO MAIA. Compromisso Constitucional do Presidente da República do Brasil Ao chegar no Congresso Nacional, eles são recebidos pelos Presidentes do Senado e da Câmara dos Deputados. Na presença dos 513 deputados, 81 senadores e de convidados, como chefes de estado ou seus representantes, o novo mandatário faz um juramento à nação, prestando o compromisso de: “Manter, defender e cumprir a Constituição, observar as leis, promover o bem geral do povo brasileiro, sustentar a união, a integridade e a independência do Brasil.” MARIA RODRIGUES DE SOUSA, viúva, das prendas domésticas, inscrita no CPF 120.917.231-34, portadora da CI 363.468 – SSP-DF, Título de Eleitor 62.207.820/97, Zona 009, Seção 0006, fones (61) 3568-1787 e 9 8131-4698 e, endereço eletrônico: [email protected]. LUIZ FERNANDO RABELO DE SOUSA, solteiro, servidor público, inscrita no CPF 238.927.651-20, portador da CI 515.476 – SSP-DF, Título de Eleitor 64.515.420/38, Zona 009, Seção 0086, fones (61) 3568 0976 e, endereço eletrônico: [email protected]. NEIDE LIAMAR RABELO DE SOUZA, solteira, economista, inscrita no CPF 182.225.791- 34, portadora da CI 521.457 DF, Título de Eleitor 62.248.220/20, Zona 009, Seção 0008, fones 0083 e, endereço eletrônico: [email protected]. ANDRÉ RABELO DE SOUSA, solteiro, professor, inscrita no CPF 329.687.441-00, portador da CI DF, Título de Eleitor 75.958.720/54, Zona 009, Seção 0019, fones (61) 3568 14 e, endereço eletrônico: [email protected]. -
Brazilian Foreign Policy on Twitter: Digital Expression of Attitudes in the Early Months of Bolsonaro’S Administration
UNIVERSIDADE DE SÃO PAULO INSTITUTO DE RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS ANNA CAROLINA RAPOSO DE MELLO Brazilian Foreign Policy on Twitter: Digital Expression of Attitudes in the early months of Bolsonaro’s administration SÃO PAULO 2019 ANNA CAROLINA RAPOSO DE MELLO Brazilian Foreign Policy on Twitter: Digital Expression of Attitudes in the early months of Bolsonaro’s administration Dissertação apresentada ao Programa de Pós- Graduação em Relações Internacionais do Instituto de Relações Internacionais da Universidade de São Paulo, para a obtenção do título de Mestre em Ciências. Orientador: Prof. Dr. Feliciano de Sá Guimarães Versão corrigida A versão original se encontra disponível na Biblioteca do Instituto de Relações Internacionais SÃO PAULO 2019 Autorizo a reprodução e divulgação total ou parcial deste trabalho, por qualquer meio convencional ou eletrônico, para fins de estudo e pesquisa, desde que citada a fonte. Nome: Anna Carolina Raposo de Mello Título: Brazilian Foreign Policy on Twitter: Digital Expression of Attitudes in the early months of Bolsonaro’s administration Aprovada em 11 de dezembro de 2019 Banca Examinadora: Prof. Dr. Feliciano de Sá Guimarães (IRI-USP) Julgamento: Aprovada Prof.ª Drªa Denilde Oliveira Holzhacker (ESPM) Julgamnto: Aprovada Prof. Dr. Ivam Filipe de Almeida Lopes Fernandes (UFABC) Julgamento: Aprovada ABSTRACT MELLO, A. C. R., Brazilian Foreign Policy on Twitter: Digital Expression of Attitudes in the early months of Bolsonaro’s administration, 2019. 118p. Dissertação (Mestrado em Relações Internacionais) – Instituro de Relações Internacionais, Universidade de São Paulo, São Paulo, 2019. This work addresses the impact of social media interactions in Brazilian foreign policy attitudes, as these digital platforms appear to be not only open floors for spontaneous manifestations of opinion, but also important sources of information. -
Casaroes the First Y
LATIN AMERICA AND THE NEW GLOBAL ORDER GLOBAL THE NEW AND AMERICA LATIN Antonella Mori Do, C. Quoditia dium hucient. Ur, P. Si pericon senatus et is aa. vivignatque prid di publici factem moltodions prem virmili LATIN AMERICA AND patus et publin tem es ius haleri effrem. Nos consultus hiliam tabem nes? Acit, eorsus, ut videferem hos morei pecur que Founded in 1934, ISPI is THE NEW GLOBAL ORDER an independent think tank alicae audampe ctatum mortanti, consint essenda chuidem Dangers and Opportunities committed to the study of se num ute es condamdit nicepes tistrei tem unum rem et international political and ductam et; nunihilin Itam medo, nondem rebus. But gra? in a Multipolar World economic dynamics. Iri consuli, ut C. me estravo cchilnem mac viri, quastrum It is the only Italian Institute re et in se in hinam dic ili poraverdin temulabem ducibun edited by Antonella Mori – and one of the very few in iquondam audactum pero, se issoltum, nequam mo et, introduction by Paolo Magri Europe – to combine research et vivigna, ad cultorum. Dum P. Sp. At fuides dermandam, activities with a significant mihilin gultum faci pro, us, unum urbit? Ublicon tem commitment to training, events, Romnit pari pest prorimis. Satquem nos ta nostratil vid and global risk analysis for pultis num, quonsuliciae nost intus verio vis cem consulicis, companies and institutions. nos intenatiam atum inventi liconsulvit, convoliis me ISPI favours an interdisciplinary and policy-oriented approach perfes confecturiae audemus, Pala quam cumus, obsent, made possible by a research quituam pesis. Am, quam nocae num et L. Ad inatisulic team of over 50 analysts and tam opubliciam achum is. -
Redalyc.Participation in Democratic Brazil: from Popular Hegemony And
Opinião Pública E-ISSN: 1807-0191 [email protected] Universidade Estadual de Campinas Brasil Avritzer, Leonardo Participation in democratic Brazil: from popular hegemony and innovation to middle-class protest Opinião Pública, vol. 23, núm. 1, abril, 2017, pp. 43-59 Universidade Estadual de Campinas São Paulo, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=32950439002 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Participation in democratic Brazil: from popular hegemony and innovation to middle-class protest Leonardo Avritzer Introduction Democracy has had historically different patterns of collective action (Tilly, 1986, 2007; Tarrow, 1996). Repertoires of collective action are a routine of processes of negotiation and struggle between the state and social actors (Tilly, 1986, p. 4). Each political era has a repertoire of collective action or protest that is related to many variables, among them the form of organization of the state; the form of organization of production; and the technological means available to social actors. Early eighteenth- century France experienced roadblocks as a major form of collective action (Tilly, 1986). Late nineteenth-century France had already seen the development of other repertoires, such as the city mobilization that became famous in Paris and led to the re-organization of the city’s urban spaces (Tarrow, 1996, p. 138-139). At the same time that the French blocked roads and occupied cities, the Americans used associations and large demonstrations (Skocpol, 2001; Verba et al., 1994) to voice claims concerning the state. -
Brazil's Highway BR-319 Demonstrates a Crucial Lack Of
This file has been cleaned of potential threats. If you confirm that the file is coming from a trusted source, you can send the following SHA-256 hash value to your admin for the original file. dbff54e91e3fc5f9f0f132d9f8a5ab40efb8e6c5e76a2c405fde14007f810941 To view the reconstructed contents, please SCROLL DOWN to next page. Environmental Conservation Brazil’s Highway BR-319 demonstrates a crucial lack of environmental governance in Amazonia Maryane BT Andrade1 , Lucas Ferrante1 and Philip M Fearnside2 1Programa de P´os-Graduação, Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas da Amazônia (INPA), Av. André Araújo, 2936, CEP cambridge.org/enc 69067-375, Manaus, Amazonas, Brazil and 2Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas da Amazônia (INPA), Av. André Araújo, 2936, CEP 69067-375, Manaus, Amazonas, Brazil ’ Comment Brazil s Amazon rainforest is being rapidly degraded by logging and forest fires, as well as by droughts that are increasing under a changing climate that both favours forest fires and kills Cite this article: Andrade MBT, Ferrante L, trees even without fire (Aleixo et al. 2019). Although deforestation is well known, greenhouse Fearnside PM (2021) Brazil’s Highway BR-319 gas emissions from forest degradation are also very large, and in 2016 they accounted for 38% of demonstrates a crucial lack of environmental the total forest carbon loss in the Brazilian Amazon (Walker et al. 2020). The southern and governance in Amazonia. Environmental Conservation page 1 of 4. doi: 10.1017/ eastern edges of the Brazilian Amazon is already heavily deforested and degraded (Fearnside S0376892921000084 2017), but in the western portion of the region the forest is still almost entirely intact. However, forest degradation is shifting to the western portion of the Brazilian Amazon Received: 4 November 2020 (Matricardi et al. -
Democracy's Deficits
Democracy’s Deficits Samuel Issacharoff† Barely a quarter century after the collapse of the Soviet empire, democracy has entered an intense period of public scrutiny. The election of President Donald Trump and the Brexit vote are dramatic moments in a populist uprising against the post- war political consensus of liberal rule. But they are also signposts in a process long in the making, yet perhaps not fully appreciated until the intense electoral upheavals of recent years. The current moment is defined by distrust of the institutional order of democracy and, more fundamentally, of the idea that there is a tomorrow and that the losers of today may unseat the victors in a new round of electoral challenge. At issue across the nuances of the national settings is a deep challenge to the core claim of democracy to be the superior form of political organization of civilized peoples. The current democratic malaise is rooted not so much in the outcome of any particular election but in four central institutional challenges, each one a compro- mise of how democracy was consolidated over the past few centuries. The four are: first, the accelerated decline of political parties and other institutional forms of pop- ular engagement; second, the paralysis of the legislative branches; third, the loss of a sense of social cohesion; and fourth, the decline in state competence. While there are no doubt other candidates for inducing anxiety over the state of democracy, these four have a particular salience in theories of democratic superiority that make their decline or loss a matter of grave concern. -
THINKING BRAZIL a Newsletter of the BRAZIL at the WILSON CENTER Project ISSUE NO
THINKING BRAZIL A Newsletter of the BRAZIL AT THE WILSON CENTER Project ISSUE NO. 3 NOVEMBER 2000 Brazil’s Challenges and Prospects The Inaugural Meeting of the Working Group on Brazil The inaugural meeting of the Working Group on Brazil was on September 27, 2000 in Washington, D.C., at the Wilson Center. The pro- ceedings were led by Dr. Simon Schwartzman, a political scientist from the University of São Paulo and ex-president of the Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatisticas—IBGE—the Brazilian census bureau. Besides motivating a lively discussion about the main challenges Brazil will face in the near future, the meeting helped refine the agenda for the activities of the Brazil at the Wilson Center Project. he relevance of the Working Group was evident has not resulted in movements against the democrat- T in the many possible scenarios that unfolded in ic process up until now. However, this characteristic the course of the meeting. Dr. Schwartzman’s presen- does not mean that anti-democracy movements could tation, drafted in collaboration with Dr. Bolivar not happen in the future. Lamounier, focused directly on the political and eco- One of the principal reasons for the political sta- nomic dynamics of Brazil. Dr. Schwartzman directed bility is that inflation rates have been brought under the dialogue towards the realized effects of these control in the last few years (post-Real Plan, 1994). It scenarios not only on the continuity of how things is a most remarkable achievement in light of Brazil’s move forward in the country but also on the bilateral experience in the twentieth century.