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115

Chapter 3 Interpreting Tradition

Tradition is defined as the handing down of knowledge or the passing of a doctrine or a technique^ ^ It is an active process; it entails a very strong and often predominant sense of respect and' duty; it often presents values and standard. It is not so, as it is generally believed that it comes to be handed down in an unchanging form; in fact by its very nature, it involves both continuity and change. It needs to be studied in its various phases of development. It is in this context, that the meaning of the term culture becomes more meaningful. Romila Thapar has used the term 'culture' in its wider sense to include language, tradition, customs and institutions.^ '' The meaning of the term culture becomes clear when used in the context of tradition for it links the past to the present. In the context of India the tradition is ancient and complex; and in regard to its origin, it can only be pointed out that there are multiple of origins of Indian tradition. Indian tradition can be broadly categorized into : (1) Brahminical Traditions, (2) The Renouncer Traditions and (3) Popular Traditions. Though it is not the purpose to discuss all the three traditions, however, a few observations about the dominant Brahminical tradition can be made, since most of the debates that took place in Maharashtra during the period of this study remained mainly concerned with it. These observations are made

* Kluckhohn's definition of Culture is as follow : (1) "the total way of life of a people", (2) "the social legacy the individual acquires from his group"; (3) "a way of thinking, feeling, and believing", (4) "an abstraction from behaviour"; (5) a theory on the part of the anthropologist about the way in which a group of people in fact behave". (6) "a storehouse of pooled learning", (7) "a set of standardized orienta­ tions to recurrent problems"; (8) "learned behaviour"; (9) "a mechanism for the normative regulation of behaviour"; (10) "a set of techniques for adjusting both to the external environment and to other men"; (11) "a precipitate of History." Geertz, Clifford, The Interpretation of Cultures (London, Fontana, 1993), pp. 4-5 See also : Jenks, Chris, Culture (London, Routledge, 1993), pp. 11-12 116

with a view to bringing out the relative importance of the various sources of the dominant Brahminical tradition in respect of interpreting them. In this context one may understand that during the nineteenth century what constituted the authentic tradition was the cardinal issue of the debates that took place between the reformers and the supporters of the status quo.

The Sruti literature is considered as the oldest and most authentic fountainhead of almost all traditions in India. It is interesting as well as instructive to note that various transitions tend to define their position with respect to the authority of the ; they either express their acknowledge­ ment or denial of the authority of the Vedas.^ ^ But, as a matter of fact the Vedas are not legal codes and therefore not useful for getting direct statement of rules of law.^ ^ The literature covers the entire area of human activities as it is conceived on the basis of vama and asrama. It was useful in proving how the literature as a whole was free from any literal contradictions.^ '' All authoritative writings outside the Vedas are comprehensively referred to as Smriti (that which is remembered). There are many written by different persons at different periods. Therefore, the conflict was bound to be there in interpreting these texts. Smritikars provided rules to resolve conflicts between Smritis and between the texts of the same 'Smriti'.^'' The Sastra are a group of texts elaborating upon the topics of the Sutra literature. After giving a long list of the topics that has been included under Dharmasastra P. V. Kane, the author of the 'History of Dharmasastra' has been led to opine that 'how the conception of Dharma was a far reaching one, how it embraced the whole life of man'.^ ^ The rules of dharma merge into jurisprudence and they become important texts in Hindu legislation and litigation. It is clear that in the event of conflict between the texts of the Veda and that of the Dharmashastra the former shall prevail. The two epics, the and 117

the are considered as repositories of various kinds of knowledge and of great ethical and human values and therefore regarded as sources of 'dharma'. The epic literature contributed towards popularizing dharma, leading to a remarkable development in the traditional religion. The epics deal with Smriti topics which fall under the heads of Dharmasastra matters, viz. Acara, Prayascitta, Vyavahara, Rajadharma. Both the epic works have been cited as an authority in Smriti works. It is observed that the religious traditions in the dates back to the non- vedic culture of pre-Vedic period.*^^ In fact, it is opined that both the Vedic and non-Vedic religious traditions came together in the making of the Puranic culture. Many of the Puranas contain chapters dealing with smriti material.^ ' They attained high authority in the remote age as is attested by Mahabharata. In fact, the Smrti digests, based on the earliar original Smriti works, utilized puranas and copiously quoted them.^ ^ Both Manu and acknowledged the authority of the Puranas.^ ^ The purpose of the Dharmasastras is to teach Dharma which refers to a cosmic, eternal principle and also to the world of human transactions. Katyayan defines custom as 'all that man practices whether or not it conforms to dharma, simply because it is the constant usage of the country.'^ ^ Dharma has been observed as 'context sensitive' meaning it can be adopted to particular situation.' ^ The adoption of custom is possible only when it is admitted to the realm of Dharma. This explains why Manu regarded custom as one of the sources of dharma.' ^ Later Law-texts also uphold the authority of customs prevailing at that time and thus transformed them into written law or declared law.^ ^

All these observations would certainly help one in understanding how Vishnubuwa Brahmachari used all these sources of tradition to justify his statement about the ideal Vedic society. There were some other 118

reformers too, who attempted at convincing the pubUc that the reforms they were advocating were in harmony with the texts. Lokhitwadi and Phule considered tradition as social reaHty. They, on the basis of the principles of rationalism, critically examined the various aspects of tradition i.e. social reality that caused making society decadent. It has been stated by Dr. R. S. Shrama that the weapons employed by the reformers to remove the practices of , lifelong widowhood, polygamy, child marriage, endogamy and purdah system were not of 'reason drawn from the armoury of rationalism and utilitarianism.^ -' This is true only in case of reformers justifying change in accordance with the sacred texts. It is to be pointed out here that Lokhitwadi and Phule most certainly based their stand on the principles of rationalism.

Rationalism does not denote one simple doctrine "D". Rationalism is man's ability to reason - 'to organize our ideas in a coherent logical pattern'.^ ^ A rationalist places special emphasis on man's rational capacities. He also has a special belief in the value and importance of reason and rational argument. Rationalism implies a commitment to the standards of rationality and they are : logical precision, consistency, coherence, a commitment to follow the argument where it leads.^ ^ There are three important strands in rationalism and they are.*- • (1) innatism : The idea that the mind is equipped from birth with certain fundamental concepts or with knowledge of certain fundamental truths. (2) a priorism : There exists the possibility of genuine knowledge independent of the senses (3) necessitarianism : The notion that philosophy can uncover necessary truths about reality. Epistemological Rationalism was first explicitly formulated by Plato, however, it reached its height in the l?"" and 18"" centuries of which most important representatives are Descartes 119

(1596-1650), Spinoza (1632-1677), and Leibniz (1646-1716). They assert that human reason unaided is competent to attain objective truth. Their stress is on the superiority of the deductive over all other methods in point of certainty. Epistemological Rationalism came under attack from the British empiricists, especially John Locke (1632-1704), and Davis Hume (1711-1776) who were guided by the idea that all our ideas are ultimately derived from experience. They emphasized the necessity for empirical data in the acquisition of scientific knowledge. Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) propounded his critical theory of knowledge in his work entitled 'Critique of Pure Reason', in which he sought to reconcile the theories of rationalism and empiricism, maintaining that knowledge is neither wholly a priory nor wholly a posteriori, but it consists of both a priori and a posteriori factors.^ ^ Ethical Rationalism is the application of epistemological rationalism to the field of morals. Theological Rationalism asserts the claims of reason against those of revelation or authority. It rejects religious beliefs as being without rational foundation.^ -' It will be interesting to see how the critical view-point came to be developed against the methods of theology and metaphysics that had traditionally dominated men's thinking in the West. Conveniently, one may begin with Martin Luther. Luther's nailing of the Ninety-Five Theses relating to to the doors of the Wittenberg meant : "To deny what authority tacitly approves, is to deny authority; and to appeal from the to the is to appeal from a higher authority to a lower."^ ^ Luther directed his not only against 'the abuses of the church but the church itself.'^ ^ His attack on entire theology and church structure led him to declare positively that every individual has the right to interpret the Bible in his own conscience. In order to enable the reader to read the Bible according to his conscience, Luther published his translation of the Bible in 1534. He 120

asserted that 'Contrition alone, without any papal paraphernalia, was sufficient', thereby making dependent on individual's own faith and contrition. He also felt no need 'for and a hierarchy to administer them'A ^

Rene Descartes (1596-1650), the founder of modem philosophy, and also a mathematician and a man of science contributed significantly to the development of the spirit of rationalism. It was the practice with the medieval theology of "proving" a point by appealing to ancient texts. Descartes effectively assailed these authoritarian ways of thinking and elegantly asserted the autonomy of the rational self.^ ^ The crux of Descartes' method is his radical doubt in order to reach down to 'what can be shown with certainty'. In his Discourse on Method, he rejected the bookish authorities and made himself determined to read in the book of the world for himself He found no certain truth even in the scholarly works which were considered as authorities; nor even the book of the world showed him it in custom. He also realized the futility of relying on the evidence of his senses. Descartes^ thus 'uprooted all his accepted ideas, whether they reached him from authority, from custom, or through his senses'.^ -'

Spinoza, the Jewish philosopher and the arch enemy of religion, treated the Bible in his Tractatus Theologico-Politicus (1670) as a book like any other. He asserted that 'the method of interpreting scripture does not differ greatly from the method of interpreting from the method of interpreting nature - in fact, it is almost the same'.^ '' Thus his Tractatus constituted the most important document in Biblical criticism. He pointed out that there are many stories in the Bible which invite divine intervention for its interference with the order of the nature. He significantly concluded that since the order of the nature is unalterable, the Bible must be full of 121

later interpolations A ' Richard Simon, a French priest, published Spinoza's Tractatus originally written in Latin, in his native French. Following Spinoza, Richard Simon made a distinction 'between the historical and the religious content of the , between the letter and the 'spirit'. He declared that some of the historical parts of the Pentateuch were composed after the death of Mozes. He wrote : "We can detect the interpalotions of the medieval scribes and glaring inconsistencies, like the purported claim of Mozes to have written the whole Pentateuch, even though these first five books of the Old Testament include an account of his own death."^^^^

The deists on the continent particularly in England became involved in freeing religion from the mysteries of church dogma. They doubted the authenticity of the biblical texts and showed that both the Old and New Testaments contain 'contradictions, absurdities, and unpalatable doctrines'.' -^ They not only assailed established churches and ecclesiastical authority but also became actively interested in founding religion on more rational ground. They regarded miracles as impossible and the work of superfluous. They felt no need for any revelation. Lord Herbert of Cherbury (1583-1648) came to regard all religious doctrines as priestly impositions, and as a postulate of reason and not given by revelation'.^ -' John Toland (1670-1721), the self proclaimed of Locke, published his ' Not Mysterious' in 1696 in which he held that everything mysterious in religion should be rejected'.' ^ This led him to reject authority from religion and made him turn to primitive Christianity for his inspiration. Anthony Collins (1676-1729) stood against any sort of clerical imposition on the freedom of thought.^ ^ Tindal (1730) expressed that God must have given man of knowing Him. Therefore, according to him reason can discover religion.^ '' 122

In the 13* century, the two EngHsh Robert Grosseteste and Roger Bacon laid down the rules of scientific procedure. Roger Bacon (ca.l214-ca.l294) in his Opus Majus stated the four sources of ignorance^ ^ - frail and unsuitable authority, the influence of custom, the opinion of the unlearned crowd, and the concealment of one's ignorance in a display of apparent wisdom. Sir Francis Bacon( 1561-1626) the originator of the saying "Knowledge is power", explained that bad habits of mind create errors and they are of five types: Idols of the Tribe, Idols of the Cave, Idols of the Market-place, Idols of the Theatre and Idols of the Schools.' ^ Bacon separated philosophy from religion, elaborated its practical basis and emphatically stated the importance of the method of induction as opposed to deduction: "to give mankind mastery over the forces of nature by means of scientific discoveries and inventions".^ '

Historians have described the period of growth in science between 1500 to 1700 as the period of the Scientific Revolution. Copernicus' work concerning the Revolutions of the Celestial Spheres came to be published, only in the year of his death, in 1543. His work stated that the earth indeed revolves on its axis and revolves around the Sun in a circular orbit. It replaced Ptolemy's central assertion that earth is the stationary centre of the Universe. It, in the long run, destroyed man's cosmic importance assigned to him in the .^ -' It also offended the medieval sense that 'the universe was an affair between God and man, in the way that the Bible pictured it from the sixth day of Genesis'.^ •' Johannes Kepler, (1571-1530), Tycho Brahe's assistant, discovered the three laws of motion and concluded that the planets move not in circles, but in ellipses. Thus, Kepler established the system of Copernicus in his formulae beyond challenge.

It is to be noted that the achievements of Leonardo da Vinci - the 123

Renaissance Man - remained hidden in his note-books, signifying that they were uncharacteristic of his age. AUhough, Roger Bacon valued experiment as a source of knowledge, neither he nor his followers performed it. Although Francis Bacon explained the importance of experimental philosophy, it is significant that he rejected the Copemican theory. Not only that, he was also unaware of Gilbert, 'whose work on magnetism brilliantly illustrated inductive method'.^ ' The point here is that it remained practice with the dogmatic traditionalists to derive knowledge from ancient authoritative texts. The aim of science also remained limited to serve religious purposes - 'to settle the precise dates of holidays or to confirm once again the glory of God'.^ ^ If one takes into account this background, one will realize the importance of Galileo's work - his astronomical discoveries, his formulation of the laws of inertia, his empirical and mathematical proofs for Copernicus' heliocentric theories. The significance of Galileo's work is that it challenged the whole structure of medieval knowledge based on the method of deduction. The deduction starts from a known truth such as is found in the Biblical text. If one raises doubts against the premises, the deductions start collapsing. The upholder of deductions found no other means of proving their point, except by faith. Naturally, they make the one who raises such doubts, as the target of their attack. Exactly this happened when Galileo questioned the authority of both Aristotle and the scriptures and the whole structure of medieval knowledge. Galileo, in a letter written in 1616 to the Grand Duchess Christina of Tuscany, concerning the use of Biblical quotations in Matters of science, pointed out that 'the book of nature is as authoritative a work of God as are the books of Bible'. In that letter, Galileo told three important things^ ^ : First, not to follow scripture as an authority. Second, perform experiments and necessary demonstrations. And lastly, nature never passes 124

the bounds of its laws. Thus, Galileo established that theology or aesthetic considerations have no place in scientific findings.

The Scientific Revolution culminated in the work of Newton. His epoch-making "Principia", the greatest scientific work, synthesized the scattered discoveries of the pioneers into a single comprehensive science of mechanics. To illustrate, Newton united Galileo's laws of falling bodies and Kepler's laws of planetary motion. Newton emancipated science from metaphysics by insisting that "whatever is not deduced fi- the phenomena is to be called a hypothesis; and hypotheses, whether metaphysical or physical, whether of occult qualities or mechanical, have no place in experimental philosophy."'- ^ Newton's work put an end, for ever, to 'Aristotle's forty-seven or fifty-five divine spirits as the ultimate source of all the motion in the universe'.^ ^

The Scientific Revolution changed man's way of looking at the world and man's relation to the nature. It brought about a complete transformation in the outlook of educated men. While explaining this point Russell wrote : "At the beginning of the century. Sir Thomas Browne took part in trails for witchcraft, at the end, such a thing would have been impossible."^ '' Russell further noticed that in Shakespeare's time, comets were still portents, but after the publication of Newton's Principia in 1687, it became known that comets like planets follow the law of gravitation.^ ^ In this respect Pierre Bayle's comments are more meaningftil. Pierre Bayle who always stood against intolerance, dogmatism, superstition, gullibility, persecution, published his Miscellaneous Thought on the comet of 1680', in 1682. He significantly pointed out that how the superstition around the appearance of Halley' Comet 'converts a natural event into a sign of divine wrath and what is more significant is that he called this as 'more dangerous to civilization than .'^ ' Thus, the Scienfific Revolution gave 125

mankind a new vision - a vision for understanding both the universe and the man. Intellectuals started proposing the application of the Newtonian method of analysis to all knowledge. And this became the characteristic feature of the intellectual movement called 'Enlightenment'.

"Enlightenment" is an intellectual movement which began in England in the seventeenth century (Locke and the deists), and received its impetus in the work of . The movement developed in France in the eighteenth century. In France, it was closely associated with the philosophers (Bayle, , Diderot, and other Encyclopaedists). In Germany, however, the term "Enlightenment" (Aufklarung) was first used, where Immanuel Kant gave to the movement the motto "Dare to know". Kant very aptly said of the movement that it is 'the emergence of man from his self-imposed infancy. Infancy is the inability to use one's reason without the guidance of another. It is self-imposed, when it depends on a deficiency, not of reason, but of the resolve and courage to use it without external guidance. Thus, the watchword of enlightenment is : sapere aude! Have the courage to use one's own reason!''^ ^

Under the impact of Scientific Revolution the thinkers of the Enlightenment thought that the entire universe is fully intelligible as it is governed by natural rather than supernatural forces. In place of Descartes' unverifiable system, they became assured of the empirically verifiable (Newtonian) scientific system. They thought of this system as the only valid means to address to the basic issues in all areas of inquiry. With this assumption, they became equally interested in knowing the laws that govern the world of human nature. In other words, the empirical study of human conduct could reduce societies' working to a few laws. Following Locke (1632-1704), particularly his 'Essay Concerning Human Understanding' (1690), they rejected the hitherto dominant assumption that 126

ideas are innate by replacing it with the assumption that all knowledge originates from sense perception. On the basis of this, the men of Enlightenment, concluded that environment determines everything. They expressed their full confidence that the human race can be educated to achieve any improvement. They aimed to reform society by popularizing the scientific methods of interpreting the Universe. In fact, 'Voltare's personal achievement was to link Descartes' method with the ideas of Newton and Locke'.^ ^ One can see the French desire for reform as expressed in Encyclopaedia. In fact Diderot unambiguously stated that 'the purpose of the Encyclopaedia was not only to communicate a definite body of information but to produce a change in the way of thinking!^ ^

For the thinkers of the Enlightenment everything was open to criticism. In fact, Diderot made it clear that facts of all categories i.e. of theology, of history, of philosophy are equally subject to criticism. The men of the Enlightenment assailed Christianity for its supposed hostility to

Commager has beautifully explained the spirit of the . He wrote : "Everything discussed and disputed ! ....what is the nature of the universe and of celestial mechanics that God imposed upon it ? How does Man fit into the Cosmic system ? Is religion necessary, is Christianity the only true religion ? What is the end and the object of life ? Is it happiness, and if so, What is happiness ? Is primitive man happier than Civilized man ? Are the Chinese the most civilized of men ? Is civilization a mistake ? What is beauty, what is virtue, what is truth ? Are wars ever justified, are colonies worth their cost ? What determines the character of nations ? What is the origin of government, what the basis and the limits of govern­ ment ? what are the rights of Man that cuts close to the bone ! ".. .How they specu­ lated, how they probed, how they wrote ! They searched the past, they explored the present, they imagined the future. They contemplated Nature in all her manifesta­ tions, but always in relation to Man : ...They studied history, confident that they could wrest from it great and enduring moral lessons. They analyzed government to ascertain its role in assuring happiness to man... They sought the good and the true; they were enraptured with the sublime and the beautiful; they cherished virtue; they pursued happiness. Nothing trivial, nothing parochial; only the greatest questions were worthy of their attention." Commager, Henry Steele, The Empire of Reason, (New York, Anchor Books Edi­ tion, 1978) pp. 45-46. 127

reason. Most of them were deists. They assumed that God existed; He created a perfect universe and after that took no active interest in it. Davis Hume (1711-76) in his 'Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion' (1779) applied the skeptical analysis to theology and concluded that 'none of the standard arguments for the existence of God was sustainable.^ ^ The men of the Enlightenment strongly criticized miracles. David Hume in his 'Essay on Miracles' came to the conclusion that 'there can never be adequate historical evidence for such events'.^ ' The men of Enlightenment considered all varieties of revealed religion as irrelevant to the pursuit of science. Voltaire repudiated 'the cruel and vengeful and the fabulous tales of the '.^ ^ They were ready to accept beliefs only if they are based on reason, not on the authority of priests, sacred texts or tradition. Thus, a brief resume of the development in the Westem intellectual tradition will certainly be of help in understanding how under its impact the intellectuals in Maharashtra, endeavored to interprete the tradition.

Maharashtra of the 19th century produced a galaxy of reformers. These reformers endeavoured to introduce changes in the society in order to make it dynamic. One can observe a close relationship between their understanding of the past and the changes they advocated. All these reformers were impressed by the progress of the west. They could have advocated the course of reforms based totally on the westem value system. But then the total imitation of the west, they feared, would lead to complete destruction of the traditional roots of Indian culture, thereby creating a cultural chaos. Any attempt at imposing the course of reforms was bound to invite opposition and this did happen in 1857. However, the introduction of reforms in society was a necessity. The necessity of reforms gave rise to three basic questions : 1) What changes should be introduced; ii) What 128

should be the parameters in determining priorities of these changes; and 3) what ways and means should be employed in introducing these reforms.

The process of social reform involves both the continuity and the change of tradition; one without the other would render history meaningless. Two basic questions emerged in regard to the change of tradition. What should be changed ? and what should be continued ? In this context the study of the past becomes imperative. The understanding of the past certainly influences the process of change. Most of the scholars in their studies of the 19th century society in Maharashtra have discussed the role of reformers and their views of history but in isolation i.e. without understanding the influence of their views of history on the process of change. One may discern four major trends, in the writings of reformers, vis-a-vis interpreting the tradition of society. They are : 1) the application of reason and empiric logic; ii) exploring the mythological basis of tradition - an attempt at creating counter mythological culture; iii) justifying reforms on the basis of the Dharmasastras; iv) presenting the society and culture as it actually was by following the method of research in history. Of these four trends, the last one has been dealt with, in detail in a separate chapter. The first three trends are discussed here.

Before the publication of "Shat-patre" in the columns of 'Prabhakar', during the period from 1848 to 1850, there had appeared letters and articles discussing various issues such as the import of new learning, female education, widow re-marriage, the role of , caste restrictions, the conversion and , the importance of the press and the library, and philosophical and practical aspects of religion, in 'Bombay Darpan', 'Dnyanoday', 'Dnyansindhu', and 'Prabhakar'. All these articles were incidental in nature, written by different individuals from different walks of the society. Sometimes, a certain person, may be under a pseudonym, 129

wrote a few consecutive letters or articles dealing with various aspects of a particular issue. This form of expression, by its very nature, became inadequate to deal with all the aspects of the system, rendering a thorough examination of the system impossibly difficult. Here, one must appreciate the vision of Bhau Mahajan in publishing Lokhitwadi's 'Shat-patre' through the columns of his journal 'Prabhakar.'

Lokhitwadi rightly realized that the need of the hour was a thorough examination of the various aspects of the society and he attempted it, through his 'Shat-patre.' Here, one may ask a question : What motivated him? Neither Govardhan Das Parikh nor G. B. Sardar dealt with this problem. Even those who edited Lokhitwadi's 'Shat-patre', such as P. G. Sahastrabudhe, S. R. Tikekar and N. R. Inamdar felt no need to understand what influenced Lokhitwadi the most, in writing these letters. The work of Nirmal Kumar Phadkule or the recent publication of the first two volumes of the complete works of Lokhitwadi fail to give consideration to this problem.

Here, an humble attempt has been made to show that Lokhitwadi was distinctively influenced by James Mill's History of India. James Mill's work provided Lokhitwadi, the much needed frame-work for analysing the Indian system. Lokhitwadi applied this frame-work for examining various aspects of the Indian society of his times with a view to advocate a course

Matthew Lederle while commenting on Lokhitawadi's contribution to the growth of a liberal philosophy of political government made a passing reference to Mill's influence on Lokhitawadi.C-'*^) So did Sunthankar, he wrote : "Lokhitawadi was deeply influenced by the Benthamite School of thought, especially by James Mill and Macaulay." (B) A) Lederle, Matthew., Philosophical Trends in Modem Maharashtra (Bombay, Popu­ lar Prakashan, -), p. 121. B) Sunthankar, B. R., Nineteenth Century History of Maharadhtra, Vol.1 (1818- 1920) (Pune, Shubhada Saraswat Prakashan, 1988), p. 235 138

of reforms. It should be made clear that nowhere did Lokhitwadi make any statement, referring to the influence of Mill on him. However, a comparison of Shat-patre with that of Mill's writing will certainly help us in understanding the influence of Mill on Lokhitwadi. Lokhiwadi's Shat-patre are not a work of history but an application of Mill's theories to the Indian situation.

It will be apt here to deal with principles of utilitarianism before inquiring into their application to Indian situation by James Mill.

Jeremy Bentham (1748-1830) in his Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (1789) and his Anarchic Fallacies rejected the eighteenth century notion of creating a satisfactory theory of social order based on vague concepts such as , natural rights and contract. In fact, he strongly criticized both the American Declaration of Independence and the French Declaration of Rights of Men and the Citizen as meaningless hodgepodges. Bentham called them "Simple nonsense : natural and imprescriptible rights rhetorical nonsense - nonsense upon stilts".^ * Bentham treated the natural rights as imaginary rights 'by contrast with the real rights produced by actually existing systems of law'.(54)

Bentham in his whole endeavour gave utmost importance to human life, human activity and human well-being. He realized the need to reform the state of human mind. He derived his ideas from Locke's theory of

It is to be noted that in 1793 Bentham had made an offer of his services, as a sort of Indian solon, to Dundas, at this time president of the Board of Control. Not only that, he also toyed with the idea of'Constructing an Indian Constitutional Code.' He wrote an essay entitled 'On the Influence of Time and Place in Matters of Legisla­ tion' with the object of considering 'what modifications were required in order to translaplant his system of law codes to Bengal.' Stokes, Eric, The English Utilitarians (Delhi, OUP, Indian print, 1982), p. 51 131

sense, associationism of David Hartly, Positivism of David Hume, utilitarianism of Hutcheson and Priestle and hedonism of Helvatius, on the basis of which, he expounded his theory of utilitarainismA ^ The method of utihtarianism is inductive, its basis experimental, and its end practical. Bentham declared that the purpose of human conduct is 'the greatest happiness of the greatest number.' This principle of 'greatest happiness' is the foundation of morals and legislation. The very opening sentence of his Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation is : "Nature has placed man under the governance of two sovereign masters, pain and pleasure."^ ^ Bentham's principle of utility recognizes this man's subjection to pain and pleasure. Bentham defined the principle of utility as, "that property in any object, whereby it tends to produce benefit, advantage, pleasure, good, or happiness ... or ... to prevent the happening of mischief, pain, evil, or unhappiness to the party whose interest is considered..."^ ^ The rightness of actions depends on their utility. Bentham treated this axiom as the measure of social morality. Bentham's principle of utility means what is good is pleasure and happiness and what is bad is pain. This principle explains that actions are good when they promote the greatest happiness of the greatest number and bad when they do not. In other words, the good for Bentham is the maximization of pleasure and the minimization of pain. Bentham's principle of utility is a moral doctrine of universal application. Bentham's aim is to produce felicity, happiness by employing the means of 'reason and law' : the right law will produce happiness, and the right law is one in accordance with reason.^ •' Bentham designed "felicific calculus" to measure the quantity of pleasure. He made a distinction between simple and complex pleasures and pains and discussed it at length to conclude that there are fourteen simple pleasures and twelve simple pains.^ '' 132

James Mill's 'History of British India' published in 1817, was the first comprehensive work, on the history of India. Mill evolved a scale of civilization on the basis of the Bentham's doctrine of utilitarianism. Mill applied the principles of utilitarianism to Hindu civilization and examined its various aspects in the chapters on 'Chronology and Ancient History of the ', 'Classification and Distribution of the people', 'Form of Government', 'The laws', 'Religion', 'Manners', and condemned the Hindu civilization squarely. The conclusions that Mill derived from his study were as follow : 1) The Hindus 'at the time of Alexander's invasion, were in a state of manners, society and knowledge, exactly the same with that in which they were discovered by the nations of modem Europe.'^ -' Mill endeavoured to present the whole period of Indian history since the invasion of the Greeks as 'stationary' thereby emphasizing the unchanging character of the Hindu civilization. 2) In Hindu polity 'the will of a single person' was the only idea and absolute monarchy was the prevalent form of government.'' -' 3) The prevalence of despotism in India, as elsewhere caused the absence of economic prosperity and intellectual advancement.^ ^ 4) was responsible for the moral deprivity of the Hindus.' ^ Lokhitwadi sincerely believed in these premises.

Mill discussed in detail the influence and position of the Brahmins. At one place, he wrote : "A whether learned or ignorant is a powerful divinity."^ ^ He described how the Brahmins received in almost all cases, 'infinitely milder' punishment for crimes than that of the inferior .^ -^ He explained that the Brahmins being, 'the sole judges and directors' in the performance of intricate and burdensome rituals became, 'uncontrollable masters of human life.'*^ •* Mill also pointed out that conferring of gifts upon the Brahmins became an essential part of religion.^ ^ He described the concentration of legislative and judicial 133

powers in the hands of the Brahmins as they enjoyed 'the undisputed prerogative of interpreting the divine oracles' and possessed, 'the exclusive right of interpreting the laws.'^ ^ They also possessed the executive power as the king employed them 'as his counselors and ministers.'^ * All this analysis of Mill in regard to the position and influence of the Brahmins was aimed at pointing out to the sinister combination of both princely and priestly interests, which kept the society stagnant.

In the 18th century, the Brahmins were both the rulers and the priests combined in one, and therefore largely responsible for the degeneration of the Indian society. Lokhitwadi criticized the Brahmins for their behaviour, their privileges, their system of education, their idea of knowledge, their leadership and their real worth as scholars.

Lokhitwadi attacked the ritualistic tendencies of the Hindus in the context of the situation that brought about the downfall of the Peshwa Government. He questioned the validity of God-Brahmin relationship and the excess of ritualism. He criticized Brahmins for encouraging people towards stupidity who were always eager to ask them such questions as : "Which God is to be worshipped ?"; "What rites and rituals are to be performed throughout the year ?"^ ^

Mill criticized the meanness, the absurdity, the folly of the endless ceremonies and made a drastic remark : "Volumes would hardly suffice to depict at large a ritual which is more tedious, minute and burdensome, and engrosses a greater portion of human life, than any which has been bound to fetter and oppress any other portion of the human race."^ ^ He also described that how the concept of fate influenced the life of a Hindu. While discussing the fatalistic tendency of a Hindu, he wrote : "He laments perhaps, his miserable fate but he resigns himself to it without a struggle, 134

like the malefactor in condemned cell."^ ^

Lokhitwadi observed that the Hindus spent too much of their time in the celebration of festivities and feasting. Therefore, he said that the Hindus lacked the sense of proper utilization of time. Lokhitwadi further observed that this time-spending habit prevented them from being attentive to their economic activities and thus rendering them unhappy^ ^ He also criticized the fatalistic tendency of the Hindus which prevented them from engaging themselves in any productive activity or from undertaking any new enterprise. He warned them never to depend upon fate because 'fate itself is crippled'. This psychological analysis of the fatalistic tendency led him to set the maxim : "Those who are wise are industrious and those who believe in fate are foolish."^ ^

Mill dealt with the four-fold classification of the Hindu society by divine prescription and the privileges and disadvantages annexed to them which led to the creation of inequalities by distinction of rank. He presented a glaring contrast picture as the Brahmins acquiring and maintaining an authority more exalted, more commanding and extensive, and placing the in a low and vile position and thus rendering them an object of contempt and even of abhorrence to the other classes of the Hindu organization.^ -' He also noticed the adherence of particular means of earning livelihood to each caste of the social organization of the Hindus. He further remarked that this was secured by the most rigid laws and the severest penalties.' ^ Mill showed that on the one hand the Brahmin pupil enjoyed the exclusive right to the study of higher instruction while on the other hand the pupils belonging to the rest of the castes were deprived of it and it was made binding on a Brahmin that he must never read the Vedas in the presence of shudras.^ ^ He criticized the ancient literature of the Hindus because their poetical works mainly being of 'religious character in 135

which the exploits of the and their commands to mortals are repeated or revealed.'^ ^ To him, 'the Vedant, shorn of its Jonesian gloss, was a hyperbolical effusion of mystical piety rather than a philosophical system'^ ^ He compared the Hindu literature with the literature of the middle ages in Europe, for he considered it as indicative of the age of darkness and barbarity.'' ''

Lokhitwadi challenged the cultural leadership of the Brahmins and held them responsible for the ignorance of the people at large. Following Mill, Lokhitwadi wrote that some three thousand years ago, the Hindus were fond of Knowledge, but thereafter they did nothing. They made no progress in medicine, arithmetic, geography, astronomy and such other branches of knowledge. According to him, "everything is where they left it."^ •' He criticized as useless because it lacked modern knowledge about nations, their political systems, army, commerce, technology, law etc. He opined that the knowledge in Sanskrit cannot be compared with the knowledge in English.'' ^ One can see here the subtle but profound impact of Macaulay's argument. At the same time, one must not lose sight of the fact that Macaulay too was influenced by Mill's writings on India as he had described Mill's book in the House of commons as, 'the greatest work to appear in English after the Decline and fall of the Roman Empire.''' ^ Macaulay in the Minute of 2nd February 1835 wrote : "I have never found one among them who could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was worth the whole native literature of India and Arabia. "^^"^^

Lokhitwadi condemned the exclusive right of the Brahmins to learning and pointed out that in Europe those who invented new schools were singers, weavers, barbers, goldsmiths and others. He expressed that none should be deprived of education and advocated to keep the doors of 136

education open to allA ' He criticized the attitude of the Brahmins who looked upon the Dakshina as an instrument for the preservation of traditional moral order in the society and took strong objection to the continuation of that practiced ^

Mill wrote about the sub-human position of women in the community of Hindus. "Hardly", wrote Mill, "are they ever mentioned in their laws or books, but as wretches of the most base and vicious inclinations, on whose nature no virtuous or useful qualities can be in­ grafted."^ -' Mill also described how the Hindus considered women unworthy to take part in the performance of religious rites independent of their husbands.^ -' He also pointed out the sacred books. He strongly criticized the oppressive character of the system which deprived women of education and gave unlimited powers to their husbands of divorce, making polygamy an established custom of the Hindus.*- ''

Mill also cited various examples of the practice of sacrifice prevalent among the Hindus. He mentioned the practice of sacrificing children 'by throwing them to the sharks in Gangesv 'of throwing themselves under the wheels of a chariot'^ -' and 'of burning of their wives on the funeral piles of their husbands',' ^ as the chief source of gaining 'the favour of Almighty power.' Mill condemned the Hindus as barbarous.

Lokhitwadi strongly condemned the sub-human position of the Hindu women. He wrote articles on various issues related to women such as female education, widow remarriage, child marriage, infanticide and suttee. His 'Shat-patre' contained not less than nine letters on the problems of widow remarriage alone. These letters are expressive of the gravity and acuteness of the widow problem as felt by Lokhitwadi.

The British Government had issued order to stop the practice of 137

sacrificing daughters prevalent amongst the Jadejas of Gujarath. Even after this order a few instances occurred. Lokhitwadi also criticized the practice of female infanticide. He made an appeal to the government to publish two books which would deal with this issue one in English and another one in Gujarathi, wishing that this would help in inducing the people to stop this folly.(93)

Thus, Mill's analysis of the civilization and character of the Hindus profoundly influenced Lokhitwadi. Following Mill, Lokhitwadi advocated the programme of reforms based on two concepts of utility and reason. He upheld the values of individualism, of democracy and of equality as against the exploitative and authoritarian character of the traditional Indian society. If one takes into account the nature of the severe criticism made by Vishnushastri Chiplonkar against Lokhitwadi, one may safely conclude that Lokhitwadi's 'Shat-patre' created a sensitivity to the empiric situation, that was unique in itself

It is opined by B. R. Sunthankar that, 'in later years this influence of Mill on Lokhitwadi seems to have diminished.^ ^ But one finds it difficult to accept this opinion. Lokhitwadi wrote in plenty on Vedic and Puranic literature and practices. But, nowhere he attempted to challenge the main hypothesis of Mill regarding the Hindu civilization. Nowhere he endeavoured to show that the Hindu society changed qualitatively from what it had been at the time of the Greek invasion.

Phule produced no formal work of history after the set pattern, either of translation, or of compilation, or of essay-type articles based on standard English works, or of informative or research articles dealing with various historical issues. But Phule's contribution lay in understanding the subaltern elements of the Indian cultural ethos by 138

reinterpreting the myth of "Bahraja." Before proceeding further one must take into account the position of Phule as the champion of the oppressed since it influenced his view-point in understanding and interpreting the traditional Indian culture.

Phule, realizing the oppressive and inhuman character of the social system of the Hindus, revolted against it and fought for the upliftment of the shudras and women. He gave the first priority to their education and himself became a pedagogue of the oppressed. This action-oriented programme acquired the dimension of 'cultural freedom.' His formulation of this strategy aimed at creating consciousness among the shudras. This consciousness, he believed would enable them to break the iron grips of the traditional culture. Although, his efforts, in this respect, marked a revolutionary break with the tradition, yet at pragmatic level they met with little success. Earlier, the Paramhmsa Sabha had made an attempt to challenge the validity of the caste-system but proved to be futile. The upper-caste reformers did try to evoke response from the people to various social issues but with little success. Their mild stand on various social issues and their inability to face squarely the onslaught of the Hindu , made clear the limitations of their efforts. It also came to be realized that the activities of the Christian missionaries were not going to be the catalyst for a basic change in the social set-up of the Hindus. The comparative study of religions convinced the radicals that all religions are imperfect and conversion to Christianity would not be a solution for the basic issues of the Hindu social system. All these developments must have embittered Phule's mind and stiffened his attitude still further towards the Dr. Y. D. Phadke pointed out that how the reading of 's 'Beejak' particularly ' Vipramati' the part of it, influenced Phule and his colleagues in their criticism against the caste-system. Phadke, Y. D.; Vyakti Ani Vichar (Pune, Shrividya Prakashan, 1979), pp. 42-43. 139

traditional cultural hegemony of the super-ordinates. Therefore, after 1870, Phule became fully determined not only in exposing 'the moral corruption of the Great tradition' but also in storming the cultural hegemony of the 'traditional intellectuals.' The reflection of this struggle can be seen in his work entitled 'Gulamgiri' published in 1873. He was equally keen on creating a counter-culture based on reason and conscience, and this he provided with the foundation of 'the Satyashodhak Samaj' in the same year.

Like Lokhitwadi, Phule too was influenced by Mill. Although, there in no direct reference to the influence of Mill on Phule. Circumstantial evidence gives us a scope to formulate this conjecture : In the first place, Phule had close association with the Scottish missionaries at Pune, particularly with Rev. James Mitchell.^ ^ In fact it was Rev. Legyet, who had encouraged Phule to complete his education.^ ^ Though, the protestant missionaries differed from Mill on certain issues, they were one with Mill, in criticizing the Hindu Civilization, in fact Mill made their task less difficult. In the second place, there was close relationship between Phule and Lokhitwadi. It may be noticed that, it was Phule who had defended Lokhitwadi on the issue of the utilization of the 'Duxina Phund.'' ^ It may also be noticed that Lokhitwadi was a monthly subscriber to the school of Mahars and Mangs.^ •' Phule must have read 'Shat-patre'. It is quite likely that Phule might have been introduced to Mill by either i.e. the Scottish missionaries or by Lokhitwadi.

More than this, Phule was deeply influenced by the writings of Paine. In this respect Paine's 'The Rights of Man' is clearly mentioned in most of the writings on Phule. But, it is Paine's 'The age of Reason' influenced Phule tremendously, particularly in analyzing mythological stories and in formulating the basic tenets of his Satyashodhak Samaj. 140

Here, an attempt has been made to take a brief account of the thought of ^ (1737-1809), for it influenced the view-point of Phule in respect of interpreting Indian Tradition. Here, of all the writings of Paine only 'Common Sense', 'The Rights of Man' and 'The Age of Reason' have been mainly discussed.

In the British colonies of the New World, Paine had personally observed the miseries of Southern Negroes. This made him publish one of his first essays, bearing the title "African Slavery in America"(1775). Paine addressed this essay to Americans in order to keep mankind conscious of the principle of natural rights. His humanitarian approach to the problem of slavery is well expressed. He wrote: "These are the

Both the orthodox and the reformers, in their fight against the ­ aries brought out publications based on extracts from Thomas Paine's Age of Rea­ son. This is what Dr. Duff noticed who arrived in India in 1830. O' Malley de­ scribed this : "Dr. Duff.. noticed that the vemacular press began for the first time to make a vigorous assault on Christianity and that bitter hostility towards it was the common characteristic of all the newspapers. A mushroom growth of ephemeral publications sprang up which relied largely on extracts from Paine's Age of Reason translated verbatim an interesting indication of the extent to which contemporary English literature was studied and used for polemical purposes." O'Malley, L. S. S., Modem India and the West: A study of the Interactions of Their Civihzations (London, O U P, rpt. 1968), p. 70. For influence of Paine; on Phule : Phule, Jotiba, Gulamgiri, Samagra, p. 178. and on Vishnubuwa Brahmachari: Disscussions By the Sea-side (Mumbai, Bombay Tract Book Society, 1885) ^ Dr. Moncure Conway brought out the definitive edition of Thomas Paine's works, wrote : "The whole circle of human idea and principles was recognized by this lone wayfaring man. The first to urge extension of the principles of independence to the enslaved negro; the first to arraign monarchy, and to point out the danger of its survival in presidency; the first to propose articles of a more thorough nationality to the new-bom states, the first to advocate international arbitration; the first to expose the absurdity and criminality of duelling; the first to suggest more rational ideas of marriage and divorce; the first to advocate national and intemafional copy-right; the first to plead for the animals; the first to demand justice for women : ..." Cited in Paine, Thomas, The Age of Reason (London, The Thinkers Library No-69, Watts and Co; 1938) Biographical Introduction adapted from an essay by John M. Robertson, p. xiii 141

sentiments of Justice and humanity."^ ^ He asked the Americans to consider, "... with what consistency, or decency they complain so loudly of attempts to enslave them, while they hold so many hundred thousands in slavery; and annually enslave many thousands more, without any pretence of authority, or claim upon them?"(^°°) He in this essay proposed special grant and free schooling to the children of the poor. He even worked out practical schemes for financing the proposals. A few days, after the publication of this 'Essay' the first American Anti-Slavery Society came to be organized in Philadelphia. Paine also wrote the preamble to the Pennsylvania Act prohibiting slavery in that commonwealth.^ -' One may take note of the fact that Phule wrote the work entitled "Slavery", dedicating it to those who participated in the struggle for the emancipation of the Negroes.

Thomas Paine published his 'Common Sense' in defense of the American Revolution in January 1776. In his criticism of the earlier revolutions, he pointed out that they had nothing in them that interested the bulk of mankind. He explained that the earlier revolufions remained extended 'only to a change of persons and measures, but not of principles, and rose and fell among the common transactions of the moment.^ ^ He fiirther said that the earlier revolufions rose and fell like things of course and 'had nothing in their existence... that could influence beyond the spot that produced them.' ^ In his Common Sense, Paine strongly defended the American war of Independence against the Brifish dominafion, asserting the separation of the interests of America from Britain. He justified the American Revolution saying that it came to be accompanied by a revolution in the principles and practice of governments. While emphatically stating the importance of the American Revolution, he expressed that it 'made a stand not for herself only, but for the world, and 142

looked beyond the advantages herself could receive.'' ^ He further significantly remarked by applying Archimedes' statement to reason and liberty that 'the Revolution of America presented in politics what was only theory in mechanics.'^ ^

Edmund Burke published his Reflections on the Revolution in France in 1790. Burke in his "Reflections" categorically pointed out that the violent course of the French Revolution was in sharp contrast to the process of gradual change in British constitutional evolution and thus defended his conservative position vis-a-vis the French Revolution. Burke criticized the leaders of the French Revolution, its methods, its ideals, and its philosophy. In reply to Burke's work, Paine published the first part of the Rights of Man in March 1791, and the second, combining principle and practice, in February 1792. It is significant from the point of view of the values he cherished, that he presented the first part to George Washington and the second to M. De la Fayette in gratitude.

In his severe criticism of Burke's "Reflections", Paine pointed out that Burke, without making any orderly arrangement of his plan of attack of the French Revolution, he 'stormed it with a mob of ideas tumbling over and destroying one another.'^ ^ He observed that Burke's "Reflections" contained 'the flagrant misrepresentations.'^ -' Paine fUrther described it 'as an outrageous abuse on the French Revolution and the principle of liberty.'^ ^ He criticized Burke for not going into a comparison of the English and French constitutions.

Paine, while contemplating on the conditions in France, wrote : "Between the monarchy, the parliament, and the church, there was a rival ship of despotism, besides the feudal despotism operating locally, and the ministerial despotism operating everywhere."^ '' In his justification of the 143

course of the French Revolution Paine argued that only after the suppression of the weapons of reason and discussion, persuasion and conviction, the leaders of the French Revolution took recourse to violence. On this background, Paine justified the French Revolution explaining that it was directed 'not against Louis XVI, but against the despotic principles of the government, that the Nation revolted.'' ^ He further emphasized that the Revolution in France was generated, in the rational contemplation of the rights of man, and distinguishing from the beginning between persons and principles.'^ ^ This is why Paine strongly argued in favour of the new French constitution based on the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the authority of the people. For Paine natural rights are the foundation of man's all civil rights. He then explained both the natural and civil rights. For him natural rights are those which 'appertain to man in right of his existence' and the civil rights are those which 'appertain to man in right of his being a member of society.'^ -'

In his analysis of systems of governments, Paine comprehended all the sources of government under three heads.^ ^ First, a Government of priestcraft founded on superstition, the second of conquerors founded on power, and the third of reason founded on the common interest of society and the common rights of man. Paine further explained that under the government of superstition, a set of artful men through the medium of oracles pretended to hold intercourse with the Deity. This sort of government lasted as long as the practice of consulting oracles continued. In his strong condemnation of the monarchical form of government, he described it as 'the enemy of mankind and the source of misery.'^ ^ Paine called the hereditary system of government as an imposition on mankind, and in his characteristic tone wrote : "To inherit a Government, is to inherit the people, as if they were flocks and herds."'^ '' Paine in 144

the interest of mankind, categorically stated the importance of the third type of government.

Paine strongly defended the mode of Government by election based on reason and representation as against the mode of Government by hereditary succession i.e. monarchy and Aristocracy based on ignorance. For Paine, the only form of good Government is the one that is based on the principle of 'Republic', for it is 'always parallel with the order and immutable laws of nature; and meets the reason of man in every part.'^ ^ This explains why Paine stood for the defense of both the American and the French Revolutions. For him these "Revolutions" brought the two greatest forces into the field of Revolutions and they are reason and common interest. It is because of this he called the "Present Age" as the "Age of Reason."^^^'^)

Paine published the first part of the Age of Reason in 1794 and the second in 1796 with the purpose of defending Deism, but the work brought him a reputation as an atheist. In this work, Paine assailed the mythology of Christianity at once with entire sincerity and with great power, giving the most deadly blow of all his strokes at the reign of tradition. More than that, Paine wrote this work to 'inspire mankind with a more exalted idea of the supreme Architect of the universe ?(118) It appeared to Paine that all national institutions of churches, whether Jewish, Christian or Turkish, were no more than human inventions set up to terrify and enslave mankind and monopolize power and profit.'^ ^ They pretended some special mission from God as if 'the way to God was not open to every man alike.''^ '' Paine made it clear that he did not believe in professed by any church that he knew of. He in unambiguous words stated : "My own mind is my own church."^ ^ 145

Paine throughout the work endeavored to show that the Bible is not entitled to credit as being the word of God. He throughout the greatest part of the Bible scarcely observed anything but a history of the 'grossest vices and a collection of the most paltry and contemptible tales.'*^ ^ Paine explained that in the Old Testament, the works called by the name of the prophets are the works of the Jewish poets and itinerant preachers. He further clarified that the word prophet was the Bible word for poet and the word prophesying meant 'the art of making poetry.'^ ^ He still further explained that David was ranked among the prophets for he was a musician, and was also reputed to be the author of the Psalms. Here, Paine marvellously applied the principle of reductionism : He reduced the meaning of the word prophet that a prophet is a person who is believed to have a special power to say what a god wishes to tell people, to mean it a poet, thus depriving him of his special power to know god's will.-;,.

Paine examined the five books of - Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy and found that those books are spurious and that there is no affirmative evidence that Moses is the author of those books. In his further analysis, Paine explained that the style and manner in which those books are written give no room to believe that they were written by Moses, for it is altogether the style and manner of another person speaking of Moses.'' ^ He concluded that those books were not written even in the time of Moses; in fact, they are a later-day 'attempted history of the life of Moses and of the times in which he is said to have lived.'025)

Paine criticized the practice of all Christian commentators on the Bible and of all the Christian priests and preachers to impose the Bible on the world 'as a mass of truth and as the word of God.'^ -' He also expressed that the idea that priests could forgive sins not only dangerous 146

to society but also derogatory to the Almighty. He challenged the pretension of some Christian missionaries that Christianity was not established by the sword. Paine argued quoting from the books ascribed to Moses, Joshua etc; that the Bible was established by the sword utterly destroying men, women and children, sparing neither age, nor infancy, not leaving a soul to breath. Paine also pointed out that the Bible tells us that those assassins committed their acts by the express command of God. Upon this Paine raised very pertinent questions^ ^ : "Are we sure that the creator of Man commissioned these things to be done ?" "Are we sure that the books that tell us so were written by his authority ?" Then, regarding the teaching of the Bible he asked(127) ; "What is it the Bible teaches us?" He himself upon this answered : "Rapine, cruelty and murder." In the end, he expressed that 'to believe therefore, the Bible to be true, we must un- believe all our belief in the moral justice of God.'^ ^ Paine observed all the parts of the Bible with the exception of the Book of Enigmas called the Revelation are a collection of forged letters under the name of epistles. Thus, for Paine both the Bible and Testament are 'impositions and forgeries.'^ ^ Paine rejected the notion of revelation. First, he explained that the term revelation has relation between God and Man. It can be applied only in case of God revealing His will to Man. Although, admitting the power of the Almighty to make such a communication, even then, Paine explained*- ^: "It is revelation to the first person only, and hearsay to every other; and consequently they are not obliged to believe it." Paine totally expressed his disbelief that the Almighty ever did communicate to man. He further made his position still clear and said that it is not proper to take the word of man as the word of God and to put man in the place of God.^ ^ From whom the account of revelation comes, 'that man may 147

have been deceived, or may have dreamed it; or he may be an impostor, and may He.'*^ ^ With respect to the four books - Mathew, Mark, Luke and John the question of revelation does not arise for the books being anecdotal in nature, they relate events after they had-taken place. Paine called it as the absurd misapplication of the term revelation to the Books of the old Testament and the New.

Paine pointed out that in all ages and in all countries, it remained the practice with all religions to employ the principal means of mystery, miracle, and prophecy to impose upon mankind. Paine in his criticism of these principal means, endeavored to clarify that 'they are appendages that belong to fabulous and not to true religion.'^ ^ Paine explained that every thing we behold is, in one sense, a mystery to us. He further explained that 'we cannot account how it is that an acorn, when put into the ground, is made to develop itself and become an oak.'^ ^ But then, the word mystery cannot be applied to moral truth, for 'the God in whom we believe is a God of moral truth, and not a God of mystery.'^ * Paine in his still further explanation remarked that mystery is a fog of human invention, it obscures truth, it represents in distortion, it serves to bewilder the mind, and it is the antagonist of truth.' -^

Miracle puzzles the senses, so as to suppose it to be something so entirely out of the course of nature. Upon this Paine raised a question' ^ : "is it more probable that nature should go out of her course, or that a man should tell a lie ?" This means of miracles degrades the Almighty 'into the character of a showman, playing tricks to amuse and make the people stare and wonder.'^ ^ Paine referred, to the miracle of the devil, in the New Testament. The devil flies away with Christ and takes him to the top of the mountain and to the top of the highest pinnacle of the temple and shows him and promises to him all the kingdoms of the world. Paine after 148

giving this mythological description of the miracle asked a very pertinent question^ ^ : How happened it that he did not discover America, or is it only with kingdoms that his sooty highness has any interest?"

Paine, after examining passages in the New Testament, quoted from the old, concluded that 'there is no such thing as a prophecy of any such person.''' ^ Paine referring to a statement from the New Testament that Jesus rose from the dead and ascended into heaven he pointed out the there is not a passage in the old Testament that speaks of a person, who after being crucified, dead, and buried, should rise from the dead and ascend into heaven A ^

Paine's exposition of Christian mythological stories is really a shattering experience. For the belief that Jesus was the son of God, Paine offered an explanation that it was not a new thing at that time to believe a man to have been celestially begotten. He straightly stated that Jesus was the son of God 'in like manner that every other person is; for the creator is the Father of all'^^"^^)

The Christian mythologists tell us that Christ died for the sins of the world, and that he came on purpose to die. Upon this Paine asked(143) : "Would it not then have been the same if he had died of a fever, or of the small-pox, or of old age, or of anything else ?" Paine unhesitatingly expressed his disbelief in the story which is the foundation of Mathew's . The story tells that Jesus Christ begotten by a holy ghost on the body of a woman engaged in marriage and afterwards married. But calls her a , seven hundred years after the story was told. Paine challenging this story asked(144) ; "what is the Testament teaches us ?" To this Paine answered : "To believe that the Almighty committed debauchery with a woman engaged to be 149

married and the belief of this debauchery is called faith."

Thus, Paine exposed the Christian mythological stories - the fall of man, the account of Jesus Christ being the son of God, and of his dying to appease the wrath of God, and of his appearing after he was dead - and advanced his opinion that the Bible and Testament are impositions upon the world and all these mythological stories are 'fabulous inventions, dishonorable to the wisdom and power of the Almighty.''^ ^

Paine expressing his view-point of the Christian system of religion as 'more derogatory to the Almighty, more unedifying to man, more repugnant to reason, and more contradictory in itself,'^ ^ than all other systems of religion, turned to explain his concept of universal Religion.

For Paine the book of nature is an authoritative work of God. It seems that Paine must have been influenced by the views of Galileo in regard to the understanding of the concept of natural philosophy. Galileo wrote^ ^ : "Philosophy is written in that great book which ever lies before our eyes - I mean the universe - but we cannot understand it if we do not first learn the language and grasp the symbols, in which it is written. This book is written in the mathematical language, and the symbols are triangles, circles, and other geometrical figures, without whose help it is impossible to comprehend a single word of it; without which one wanders in vain through a dark labyrinth." Paine in this work while referring to Galileo wrote in high praise of him : "Instead of being esteemed for those discoveries, he was sentenced to renounce them, or the opinions resulting from them, as a damnable ."^ ^

For Paine the universe we behold is the creation of the Almighty. The Almighty power governs and regulates the whole of the universe. For Paine the creation is the Bible which is inexhaustible in texts. The creation 150

is an ever existing original which every man can read it in the handwriting of the creator himself. Paine while explaining the nature of the book wrote^ ^ : "It cannot be forged; it cannot be counterfeited; it cannot be lost; it cannot be altered; it cannot be suppressed... It preaches to all nations and to all worlds; and this word of God reveals to man all that is necessary for man to know of God." The principles that we discover in the Bible of the creation are eternal and of divine origin; and they are the foundation of all the science that exists in the world. It is only by the exercise of reason that man can discover the principles of natural philosophy. To study the works of God is to study the Natural Philosophy, which embraces the whole circle of science. It is the study of the works of God, and of the power and wisdom of the creator. It teaches man to know and admire the creator. Paine's message is clear(150) , "In fine, do we want to know what God is, search not the book called the Scripture, which any human hand might make, but the scripture called the Creation." For Paine the knowledge of morality exists in every man's conscience. So he spoke of full freedom to an individual in respect of religion. Everyone has a right to follow the religion and the worship he prefers. Phule, in two ways came to be tremendously influenced by the writings of Paine. In the first place, Phule applied Paine's method of analysis of to interpreting Indian Tradition. And, secondly, the basic tenets of the Satyashodhodak Samaj founded by Phule are the principles of Paine's universal Religion. While explaining the conception of a word of God Paine wrote : "The word of God is the creation we behold; and this word of God revealeth to man all that is necessary for him to know of his creator. "Do we want to contemplate his power ? we see it in the immensity of his creation. "Do we want to contemplate his wisdom ? we see it in the unchangeable order by which the incomprehensible whole is governed. "Do we want to contemplate his munificence ? we see it in the abundance with which he fills the earth. (contd.) 151

Phule in his earlier writings like 'Tritiya Ratna', (1855; Original poetry : 'Our Brahmin Ridden Policy-Educational System', (1869); and 'Priest-craft Exposed', (1869); criticized the Brahmins of his times, for their tyrannical and deceptive craftiness aimed at continuing their pre-eminent position in the society. In his 'Priest-craft Exposed one may find, in its pregnant form, the basic theme, related to the historical account of the Brahmin domination. His 'poetical composition on the life of Shivaji' (1869) is significant from the point of view of his ideological position particularly in respect of understanding in what way Phule differed from the historical account of the life of Shivaji. This work can be better understood if studied in the context of another such poetical composition on the life of Shivaji (1869) by Mahadeo Moreshwar Kunte. Here, it is not the purpose to make a literary criticism of these two poetical compositions. However, a few observation of them would be of help in understanding the nature of Phule's message in a better way.

Kunte divided the society into three classes^ ^ : The first that of the shastris and those whom they guided. The shastris on the one hand inherited the tradition of Sanskrit poerty, while on the other hand they represented a continuation of the Pandit tradition. Obviously, the style of their poetical composition was, 'learned, Sanskritzed and consciously ornamented with the standard figures of speech'.^ ^ Kunte very rightly observed that it was the attitude of the shastris not to consider a poetical

"Do we want to contemplate his mercy ? we see it in his not withholding that abundance even from the unthankful. "Do we want to contemplate his will, so far as it respects man ? the goodness he shows to all is a lesson for our conduct to each other. "In fine, Do we want to know what God is ? search not the book called the scripture, which any human hand might make, or any impostor invent, but the SCRIP­ TURE CALLED THE CREATION." Paine, Thomas, op. cit., pp. 222-223. 152

line if it was considerably not stuffed with Sanskrit words and not following 'their Champus and Kavyas'.^ ^ The shastris and their followers look down upon Marathi. Keeping this in mind, Kunte had to make it clear that he was not against using Sanskrit words, and he used them only when he found no Marathi Words to express the same sense.

The second class was that of the English educated ones. Kunte observed the attitude of this class to read and admire all that was in English only. The study of English poerty constituted a major part of the school and college curriculum. Naturally, the English educated ones came to be influenced by the characteristics of the English poerty, and 'understandably began to regard English poets as models for emulation'.^ ' Kunte very rightly observed that they lived in the world of Mill, Hallam and Shakespeare and that they found no time to read Marathi books.^^^^^

The last class was that of the uneducated ones. They were farmers, labourers and artisans. Kunte observed that although they ware uneducated, 'they were not a herd that could be easily led.'^ ^

Kunte made it clear that, 'a poet is not a historiographer and his business is not to give a narrative? '^ ' Kunte while composing this poem, followed Wordsworth and held before him the models of Milton's Paradise Lost and Pope's English versions of the Iliad and Odyssey. In emulating these models, Kunte did not forget to do his best 'to paint the feelings as they were evolved at the time of Shivaji.'^ '' Kunte took care not to rely in its entirety on Eliphinstone's 'History', or Murray's 'British India'. He emphatically stated to study the history of Shivaji from the writings of Ramdas - 'the preceptor of Shivaji', and from the utterances of Tukaram - 'the great representative of the common people.' Kunte expressed that these 153

writings would 'throw light on the inner moral life'.' ^

In composing this 'epic' Kunte aimed at popularizing high thoughts, entertaining popular feelings, and encouraging the growth of that sympathy which would elevate the lower classes and humanize the upper and the richer ones. He expressed that this composition would be of help in birdging the gulf between the various sections of the society. His aim was to reach the masses and make them take interest in literature. It is with this purpose in mind Kunte wrote this 'epic' in the common language of the people.

Kunte understood that the Hindus and Muslims form two important sections of the society. He categorically stated that he wrote this 'epic' not with an intension of developing the feelings of enmity between the Hindus and Muslims. He expressed, "...and that this mischievous end is by no means desirable."^ '' He further explained that those who raised such an objection would not be able to understand 'what human nature is and how it works.'^^^^)

Phule based his composition on the old Mohammedan records and the works of English historians like Duff, Murray, etc. In the light of the background as explained by Kunte, one can understand that why Phule too felt it necessary to state that in the composition of the ballad, he, as far as possible, tried to avoid the use of Sanskrit words for the benefit of the lower and the lowest sections of the society.^ ^ Phule used the traditional medium of the powada, in order that the subalterns would get guidance from it. It was also aimed at popularizing his interpretation of Shivaji.

In the composition we find Jijabai explaining to Shivaji how the Brahmins persecuted the original martial inhabitants and made them live in reduced circumstances, thus holding Brahmins responsible for weakening 154

the country, of which the Mushms took advantage, conquered the land and oppressed the natives. Then Phule described the daring acts of Shivaji and explained how Shivaji made the half-naked folk into soldiers. He emphasized that Shivaji was never indifferent to the welfare of the ryots and he always looked after the meanest of the mean. Phule described that Shivaji made himself thoroughly understood by his men and officers and was therefore very popular along with them. To Shivaji, it was a matter of delight to suffer privations along with his soldiers. He always took care of the wounded ones.^ -' Phule portrayed Shivaji as a scion of the race; who thoroughly exposed the inequities of the Brahmins.

In this poetical composition, Phule made two significant deviations from the dominant traditional version of the life of Shivaji; well expressive of his ideological position. The first is regarding the influence of Dadoji Kondev on the early career of Shivaji. Phuie nominally acknowledged Dadoji's role as Shivaji's tutor but reduced the importance of his role by asking : 'Is there any need to teach a fish how to swim ?'' ^ Secondly, the dominant tradition hailed Ramdas as Shivaji's spiritual guide. Phule nominally acknowledged the role of Ramdas as Shivaji's '' but reduced the importance of him by saying that Shivaji did this in order to please the people.*^ -' Phule described Pantaji Gopinath - one who played an important diplomatic role during Afzalkhan's expedition against Shivaji as 'Vile' and 'treacherous.'^ -'

Phule presented Shivaji as the son of a , and described him as 'the jewel of the Kulwadi's.'^ ' He highly praised Shivaji and took pride in reciting this ballad. It has been rightly pointed out by O' Hanlon that Phule throughout the powada attempted to link up Shivaji exclusively to the non-Brahmin sections of Maharashtrian society.^ -' Thus Phule's position being ideologically different from that of Kunte, presented Shivaji as the hero of the subaltems to the exclusion of the Brahmin Caste. In fact, iDD

Phule aimed at inspiring the subalterns to join their struggle against the Brahmin domination. Phule's ideological position became more pronounced in his work 'Gulamgiri' (=slavery)

Phule dedicated his work 'Gulamgiri' 'to the people of the United States as a token of admiration for their sublime disinterested and self- sacrificing devotion in the cause of Negro slavery.' He expressed his hope that 'my countrymen may take their noble example as their guide in the emancipation of their sudra Brethren from the trammels of Brahmin thraldom.' Phule's act of dedication of this book to the people of United States and his expression of hope for the emancipation of the oppressed were meaningful in the context of the mission of his life i.e. emancipation of the oppressed.

In Gulamgiri, Phule attacked the concept of the creation of the four vamas - Brahmins, , and Sudras from the mouth, hands, thigh and feet of the respectively, by subjecting it to the scientific explanation of the Reproductive system thereby shattering the concept of divine origin of the castes to pieces.^ ^ The western linguists and philologists, on the basis of their studies of the Hindu scriptures and other sources put forth the idea that the came into India from regions lying beyond 'the Indus, the Hindukoosh, and other adjoining tracts.'^ ^ On the basis of the authority of Dr. Pitchard, the ethnologist, Phule stated * Phule in his introduction to the Balled on Chhatrapati Shivaji had expressed this view. Phule wrote." To endow the feet of Brahma-dev with the miraculous capacity to give birth to the shudra sons is, dare say, a truly astounding fiction indeed. It is a well-known fact that it is the privilege of a woman to give birth to a child. To posit the possibility of the birth of a child from the feet of the pure Brahma-dev runs counter to the operation of the Laws of Nature." This is clearly the influence of "The Age of Reason" by Paine on Phule. Phule, Jotiba, Life of Shivaji in Poetical Meter, Samagra, introduction p. 42. See also : Patil, P. G., trans. Selections, in Collected works of Mahatma Jotirao Phule, Vol. II (Mumbai, Education Dept. Govt, of Maharashtra 1991), p. 78. 156

that the Aryans belonged to the stock of the 'Indo-European race?'^ ^ But then there is a difference between the western scholars and Phule regarding the connotation of the term . The western scholars grouped the first three vamas together and termed them as Aryans; whereas Phule exclusively used the term Aryan to denote the Brahmins alone. Phule fiirther wrote that after the death of Brahma, the Aryans came to be known as Brahmins.^ ^ According to him there ensued the struggle between the Aryans and the original inhabitants of this land in which the Aryans defeated 'our ancestors' and established their domination. He described the incarnates such as Matsya, Kachha, Varah, Narsimha, as the chieftains of the invading hordes of the Aryans. Phule throughout the narration of this struggle attempted at de-deityfication of the incarnates by adopting the approach of 'reductionism' and of 'desymbolization.' He compared the cruelties committed by the Aryans on the aborigines with those of the European settlers on the American Indians on their first settlements in the new world.'' -' He described the whole struggle as 'the history of the Brahmin domination in India'' ^ and the system that the Brahmins designed to establish and perpetuate their domination as the system of

John Stevenson stated following assumptions in his paper, published in the journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland : 1) The Brahmins came from outside India. 2) The Brahminical religion was not the ancient faith of the whole of India. 3) The Brahminical religion did not extend to all the sections of the society. 4) There existed a more ancient form of religion to the introduction of Brahminism. Stevenson observed : ".. ..the hill-tribes of Bills, Ramosis and Kolis... have no communication, in matters purely religious, with the Brahmins..." He further expressed that in the mythology of the Brahmins, several of the gods worshipped by the common people, are not even mentioned. It is to be noted that Stevenson lived in Pune; it seems that Phule was influenced by these assumptions. Stevenson, John D, D., The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (London, 1839), PP. 189-195. 157

slavery.(174)*

Deconstruction of the traditional culture was one aspect of his writings, the another one being an attempt at reconstructing the past of the subalterns. The task was not easy. The western philosophers since the middle ages remained mainly interested in developing the theory of knowledge. Therefore, their basic concern solely remained with 'the appreciation of facts and development of orderly thought' ?^^'-'^ They regarded myth 'either as divine revelation or as a miscarriage of logical explanation^ therefore the study of myths always remained out of the field of philosophical interest. The historians' stand was not different from this. Historians such as Ranke, David Hume, Robertson, Gibbon and others were too cautious in the use of such a form of expression. Suffice it to say that although Phule learned to expose mythological stories from the writings of Thomas Paine there was no western model available that Phule could follow in decoding the message contained in a myth. Therefore, in this respect, it is difficult to trace the western influence on him that motivated and enabled Phule to interpret the Indian tradition, the way he did. Phule realized that, in an Indian society where tradition is long and rich, mythisization of culture plays an immensely important part and the developed his indigenous approach with a view to decoding the myth.

* While explaining how Cultural invasion serves the ends of conquest Paulo Freire wrote: "Cultural conquest leads to the cultural inauthenticity of those who are ivaded; they begin to respond to the values, the standards, and the goals of the invaders. In their passion to dominate to mould others to their patterns and their way of life, the invaders desire to know how those they have ivaded apprehend reality but - only so that they can dominate the latter more effectively. In cultural invasion it is essential that those who are invaded come to see their reality with the out look of the invaders rather than their own; for the more they mimic the invaders, the more stable the position of the latter becomes." Freire, Paulo, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, (London, Penguin Books, trans by Ramos, Myra Bergman, London, Penguin Books, rpt., 1990), p. 122. 158

The literature of the Great tradition was mainly useful for explaining the process of domination of the superordinates over the subalterns. In other words, "it was a mythology of success, of victory, of glory... It was an unmitigated glorification of the Great Tradition."' ^ The little tradition lacked the literature of its own for the tradition had deprived the subalterns of the skills of expression. Phule, as he understood 'the logic of the humanities' made a novel attempt at reconstructing the past of the subaltern by reinterpreting the myth of 'Baliraja', thereby making the tradition speak for itself.

Phule used the myth of Baliraja while attempting to explain the story of the struggle of the aborigines against the Aryans. He gave an account of the traditional practices of worship of Baliraja by both the Brahmins and the subalterns on the day of Dussehra.^ ^ He threw light

The best exposition of the philosophical development in understanding the various symbolic forms such as myth, language, art and science can be found in Ernst Cassirer's work. Cassirer in his work discusses those basic concepts which underlie our arts, our knowledge of history, and our dicisplined knowledge of human nature.' To him "true history is not only a knowledge of particulars it is also a "poetic Knowledge" of human possibilities and as such, it derives its intelligibility through functioning, critically or unconsciously of the "logic" of style concepts". In this context an attempt at decoding the myth of Baliraja by Phule acquires sanificance in understanding the subaltern culture. a) Cassirer, Ernst, trans. Howe, C.S., (New York, 3rd rpt; 1967), p. ixv. b) Ibid; p. xvi.

^ The mythological story of Baliraja fulfils all the three necessary conditions which are required for the realization of a popular tradition. They are : 1) "The tradition must report a public event of importance, such as would necessar­ ily be known directly to a great number of persons." 2 ) "The tradition must have been generally believed, at least for a definite period of time." 3) "During that definite period it must have gone without protest, even from persons interested in denying it" Garraghan, Gilbert J., A Guide to Historical Method, (ed.), Delanglez, Jean S. J. (New York, Fordham University Press, rpt; 1957), p. 261. 159

on the glaring contrast between these two practices. After the worship of the Shami Tree and the distribution of its leaves amongst his friends and relations, the shudra returns the home where he is greeted with a welcome : ("^ ftgT zst 3TTfwi 5io^ TFSJf ^") "Let all troubles and misery go and the Kingdom of Bali come." As against this the Brahmin, according to the Great tradition, also worships the Shami Tree and he, after returning the home, pokes the belly of the image of Bali with the stalk of shami and then only enters the house. In describing these two different practices related to the myth of Baliraja, Phule was trying to emphasize the fact that the Brahmins {- Vedic Aryans) came to India from outside, fought with the natives; defeated them and established their hegemony over them. In other words Phule was trying to create a space for the history of the subalterns. Phule's further description of the gods 'Jyotiba', 'Khandoba', 'Mhasoba', 'Bhairoba', as the chieftons of the territiorial division of the kingdom of Bali and of their qualities is rather less convincing. It is opined by Tarkateertha Laxmanshastri Joshi that in many instance, due to the complete blending of the religion of the Vedic Aryans with the original religion of the non-Brahmins, 'it becomes very difficult to trace the original religious practices, ideas and deities of the non-vedic Aryans.'^ ^ In this context Christopher Caudwell's statement about a myth becomes meaningful. Although, a myth contains the residuum of historical truth, he expresses that 'it embodies a confused perception of society, but an accurate feeling of society.'^ '' Phule very rightly and accurately gave expression to the feelings of the subaltern about Baliraja, but his confused perception about the society of those ancient days, equally became reflected in his above mentioned narration of the story.

Thus, Phule successfully decoded the myth of Baliraja. He 160

represented Baliraja as the cultural hero of the subaltern.* He went further and tried to universalize the myth by referring it to the lives of Thomas Paine, George Washinton and Christ and to their humanitarian messaged ^ In doing so, Phule was trying to replace the anti-humanist tradition in India substituting it by a humanist universal tradition. One should take a notice of the fact that Phule did not make a frontal attack on the identity of the priestly and princely interests which came to be developed over a long period of history. The plausible explanation for the absence of this realization may be that, the defeat and destruction of the Kshatriya for twenty-one times at the hands of Parashuram must have led Phule to put all the other three vamas together to the exclusion of the Brahmins. This understanding of the nature of conflict between two groups of vamas must have put limitations on his understanding of various other aspects of the process of historical development but for this he is less to be blamed, as time and conditions in which he was placed were such that this was but obvious. Nevertheless, Phule can be regarded and very rightly, as the Father of the type of History, what is called the 'History from Below', perhaps in the history of the historical writings in India and most

Sussane Langer's description of 'a culture hero' throws light on the ralationship of 'a culture hero to that of the real world. She writes: "The status of culture hero is thus very complex. His activities lie in the real world and their effects are felt by real men forever after; he therefore, has a somewhat vague, yet unmistakable historical realtion to living men, and a tie to the locality on which he has left his mark. This alone would suffice to distinguish him from the hero of fairyland.... The historical and local attachments of the culture-hero give his being a certain permanace. Stories gather around him, as they gather around real heroes of history whose deeds have become legendary, such as Charle-magne, Arthur, or Kubla Khan. But whereas these princes are credited with enhanced and exaggerated human acts, the primitive culture-hero interferes with the doings of nature rather than of men; his opponents are not Saracens or barbarians, but sun and moon, earth and heaven." Langer, Susanne K., philosophy in a new key. A study in the Symbolism of Reason, Rite, and Art (New York, A Mentor book. The New American Libraray, 4th April, 1952),p.l48. 161

certainly in the historical writings in Marathi. Here Phule was not a system builder but a path finder to new directions. According to Cassirer, the task of a historian is to teach, how to interpret the meaning of the past existence and life.(^^^) In this sense decoding of myth of Baliraja becomes more meaningful. It is unfortunate that the non-Brahmin movement failed to make any significant attempt at rewriting the history of the subalterns, following Phule.

Tukaram Tatya Padwal wrote his work under the title 'Jatibhed Viveksar' (Reflection on the Institution of Caste). The work was published in 1861 under the pen-name 'A Hindu.' It was published by Vasudeo Babaji Navarange, a member of the Paramhansa Mandali. Padwal dedicated this little Essay to his countrymen in the hope that it would be of some service to them. He expressed the hope that this would convince them 'of the nature and consequences of the system of caste prevailing in Hindu society.'^ -' It is equally significant that its second edition was brought out by Phule 'in the interest of the people',^ ^ in 1865. Padwal explained that he added many new references from Sruti-Smrti and other works. He did not forget to mention the favorable comments, on his work made by

* Dr. Ketkar described the word "caste" as follow : "This is of Spanish and Portu­ guese origin. Caste means lineage or race. It is derived from the Latin word castus, which means pure. The Spaniyards were the first to use it, but its Indian application is from the Portuguese, who had so applied it in the middle of the fifteenth century. The current spelling of the word is after the French word "Caste" which appears in 1740 in the "academies", and is hardly found before 1800. Before that time it was spelt as "caste." In the sense of race or breed of man it was used as early as 1555 A. D. The Spanish word "Casta" was applied to the mixed breed between Europeans, Indians (American) and negroes. But caste was not used in its Indian sense till the seventeenth century... Darwin has applied this word to different classes of social insects. The Portuguese used this word to denote the Indian institution, as they thought such a system was intended to keep purity of blood." Finally, he concluded that 'derivation of the word does not help us to understand what caste is ?' Ketkar, S. V., History of caste in India (Delhi, Low price publicafions, rpt. 1995), pp. 12-13. 162

Poona Observer, Dnyanoday, and Bombay Guardian. Padwal referred to the lecture delivered by the Rev. White before the educated audience in Pune in which he criticized Padwal for honouring Hindu Dharmasastras. There upon Padwal while defending his position stated that he did it because the main purpose was to make people aware of the nature of caste distinctions as described in Hindu Dharmasastras.^ -' He expressed that the caste - system which has shackled the minds of the Hindus, lay at the root of all their miseries. He avowedly stated the purpose of his work of liberating the Hindus from their shackles of caste-distinctions.^ -^ In the preface he specifically referred to the Vajrasuci by Asvaghosa and informed the reader, about the inclusion of its translation in his work.

Padwal made a clear distinction between the Vedic society based on the four-fold vama-order and the post-vedic society based on the caste- system. In fact, the very purpose behind writing this work was to assert that the caste-system, in the sense in which it existed in his times was altogether unknown to the vedic people.

Padwal stated that in pre-vedic period there existed no division of labour based on vama.^ -' Here he is referring to the tribal life of the pre-Rgvedic period. He believed that the Rgvedic theory regarding the origin of the four-fold vama order is metaphorical.^ '' It is interesting to note that he opined that the four-fold vama system was the result of the division of labour.^ ^ He further explained that in vedic times an individual had the freedom to choose the occupation of his choice and that too in accordance with his abilities.^ '' In this respect he also mentioned that, both the Buddhists and the Jains enjoyed the freedom of choosing the occupation of their choice.^ -' Its purpose was to give value to the qualities of an individual and the result there was of increase in knowledge, skills and virtues. In vedic society there was the absence of commensal 163

taboos i.e. the system of ceremonial defilement by touch or by eating or drinking.^ ^ Padwal further referred to the ancient practice that an individual belonging to any strata of the society could, on the basis of merit and occupation attain the status of a . In this respect Padwal offered an explanation given by Yudhishthar when the Great serpent asked him, "If these qualities (truthfulness, self-restraint, , charity, non­ violence and adherence to duty) do not exist in a Brahman and are found in a sudra, then the Sudra is not a Sudra and Brahman is not Brahman."^ -^ In order to strengthen his point of view, Padwal gave two long lists of those who were not by birth but still they could achieve the highest status in the vama-based social order.^ '' In essence, he meant to say that the vama-system seems to have enjoyed a degree of openness. Padwal observed that there existed the spirit of fraternity amongst all the members of the society and the authors of the vedic texts considered that all the members of the society constitute a nation.^ '' Here Padwal is emphasizing the "homogeneous" character of the vedic society.

Then, Padwal described the origin of different castes and of their subcastes. According to Padwal this was the result of the abandonment of the principles of the vamashram system. Padwal observed that the present day castes are the mixture of castes.*^ ^ He, citing evidences from Manu- smrti, Vasistha-smrti and Yajnavalkya-smrti described how in the post- vedic period the Brahmans established their dominance and how the degradation of shudras took place. Padwal pointed out that the word 'Sudra' in not even once mentioned in the vedic literature.^ -^ But after the defeat of the original inhabitants of the land by the Aryans, they, as described by Manu and Hindu Dharmasastra, came to be treated as sub­ human beings. From thence the name sudra came to be extended to the whole servile caste.^'' Then Padwal explained the psychological, moral, 164

practical and political disadvantages of those new developmements. The Brahmans monopolized knowledge and kept members of other castes in ignorance. The Brahmans themselves became lazy;, they added nothing new to the quantum of old knowledge; and they placed restrictions on crossing the sea and going abroadA ^ The hereditary occupational character of the caste system resulted in making the Indian society stagnant A -^ The caste-distinctions created strong feelings of hatred in the minds of the members of the lower-castes against the high-caste ones A ^

Thus, the darkness spread all over the country. With the emergence of many religions and many sects, the faith in the brotherhood of men disappeared and the nation lost its solidarity. Several foreign invasions took place; (Here he is referring to the Arabs, Turks, Afghans, Mughals and the British) this land came to be ruled by many foreign rulers and they ruled this land with tyranny and blood-shed. Thus, the country fell into a wretched condition. He even expressed that had there been no caste- distinctions the British would have found it difficult to suppress the Great Revolt of 1857.^^^^^ All this led Padwal to emphatically state that the caste-distinctions is the chief cause of the degeneration of the Indian society. Therefore, he advised that one should not take pride in one's own caste. Padwal in this small "Essay" appreciated Lokhitwadi's "Shat-Patre" in which he had criticized the practices of Brahminism. He also appreciated Dr. Wilson's and Dr. Bhau Daji's essays on the practice of infanticide.

Padwal well understood that since ancient times people were aware of the evils of the caste-system. Then, he in brief explained the importance of the various protest movements that challenged the validity of the hereditary privileged position of the Brahmans and condemned the unjust and tyrannical character of the caste-system. In this context he made 165

mention of both and . He observed that Jainism did not flourish hke Buddhism and its influence on society remained limited. Both these movements rejected the divine sanction for the caste-hierarchy and challenged the Brahmincal orthodoxy. These movements, opposing caste- distinctions adopted a much more liberal attitude towards the lower castes.(202)

Padwal also pointed out that the Saiva order too did not subscribe to the caste-based hierarchical structure. Then, Padwal explained the importance of the activities of Ramanand and his twelve disciples including Kabir in the north; of Chaitanya in Bengal; of Nanak in the Punjab. Padwal described the work of the -poets in Maharashtra by citing hymns from their poetical compositions amongst whom are Dnyaneshwar, Eknath, Tukaram, Bahinabai and others. What is interesting is that unlike Phule, Padwal clearly stated that Dnyaneshwar and other did not believe

Neither the Jains nor the Buddhists sought to debar members of the lower castes from acquiring knowledge. It is noteworthy that 'the first female disciple of Mahavira is said to have been a captured slave woman.' (A) It is stated that 'marriages were contracted not only among the Jains but also among parties of which either was a non Jaina or a convert to Jainism.' A : Mukherjee Prabhati, Beyond the Four Vamas The untouchables in India (Shimla, Indian Institute of Advance study in association with Motilal Banarsidass, 1988), pp. 38-39 B Jain, K. P., Murring in a Jain Literature in The Indian Historical Quarterly, (Calcutta, vol. IV, No. 1. March 1928), pp. 148-149 Buddha's teachings rejected the divine sanction for the caste-hierarchy : "No is as such by birth, No out caste is as such by birth; An out caste is such by his deeds, A Brahmana is such by his deeds." In the Majjhima Nikaya the Buddha stressed that 'all human beings are equal.' Both the Jatak and Jaina works prove that 'members of the lower castes often joned the Buddhist and Jaina orders.' Mukherjee, Prabhati, op. cit; pp., 44, 39. See also : Sharma, S. and Sharma, U. Universality of Buddha (New Delhi, Diamond Pocket Books, revised ed; 2002), p. 137. 166

in caste-distinctions and they endeavored to put an end to themA ^ In this respect it is equally significant that quoting Ramdas, he pointed to the criticism made by Ramdas against the irrationality of the practices of BrahminismA ^ Padwal explained that all these saint-poets preached that caste would not stand in the spiritual path of the devotee. He made a discerning comment that though these great saint-poets founded new sects and made voluminous compositions but their work regarding the eradication of the caste-system remained incomplete for the incompetence of their followers in pursuing the taskA -'

In the end of his treatise Padwal included the Vajrasuci with its Marathi translation. This work is ascribed to Asvaghosa the contemporary of Nagarjuna and is generally placed 400 years after the Buddha. B.C. Law placed him in first century B.C.'^ -' L. Wilkinson, the political Agent at Bhopal, being struck 'with the freedom of the arguments', decided to publish the 'Vajra soochi' with its translation made by B. Hodgson, then the Resident at Khatmandu, in 1839. L. Wilkinson hoped that this publication would be of great benefit to the enlightened natives as well as Europeans as 'it would afford them arguments and proofs in great number of the most convincing nature to a Brahman.'^ ^ L. Wilkinson, alongwith the Vajra soochi, also published Subaji Bapu's reply to 'Ushwa Ghoshu, entitled the Tunk-or the Lughoo

* Subaji Bapu enjoyed the patronage of Lancelot Wilkinson of the Bombay civil service. He was progressive in his outlook as he supported the cause of widow- remarriage. He was a 'zealous defender of the system of Copemicus.' In 1836 he published a Marathi tract 'sidhantas, romaniprakasa; subsequently translated into Hindi as Bhugolasara by Omkar Bhatta. In defence of his position on astronomy he wrote still another tract Avirodhaprakasa Young, Richard F; Resistant Hinduism (Viennna, The De Nobili Research Library PubUcation, vol. VIII, 1981), pp. 80-89. See also : Abhang, Chandrakant, Ekonisavya shatkatil Bhaugolik with special reference to siddhant shiromani (Ideas about Geography in the 19* century) in Samshodhak, vol. 63, No. 4 (Dhule, December, 1995), p. 35. 167

Tunk, from its being an abbreviation of a longer work.' Hodgson in his note appreciated Asvaghosa's work and Wrote : "Indeed it bears the closest resemblance to the style of argument used by Shakespeare ,.."U^o) Here his reference is to the Merchant of Venice, a play by Shakespeare.

Subaji Bapu in his reply defended the vama-based social order expressing that "brahminhood is rooted in the Vedas."^ -^ To the question, "was , the Raksasa of Lamka, a brahmin ?", Subaji replied, "one becomes a Brahmin by the Vedas alone, because the Vedic are necessary in all of a Brahmin's ritualistic activities. Ravana was not only a Brahmin but an Ahitagni as well, 'only because of delusion' does one say 'he was not a Brahmin."^ '' According to Subaji, "the presence of Brahmans and the active performance of Brahman ritual form the basis of Hindu faith and Hindu social order."^ -' He expressed that the mlecchas (non-Aryan or non-Hindus) by following their scripture might attain salvation, 'but without the great boon of expert and Brahman priests to chart a more direct path to enlightenment and ultimate release.'^ ^ Thus Subaji who was known for his zealous defense of the system of Copernicus and of the widow-re-marriage failed to respond positively in his assessment of the Vajrasuci.

Dr. R. C. Dhere, an eminent Marathi scholar, in his elaborative account of the Vajrasuci-based tradition of criticism against the caste- system, in his article entitled 'Vajrasuciche Aghat' (Blows of Vajrasuci), discussed the various Marathi compositions based on Vajrasuci by Bahinabai, the disciple of Tukaram; Shyamaraj alias Nana Maharaj, the contemporary of Chhatrapati Shahu and the follower of the tradition of Eknath; and Adinath Bhairava of the Mahimamaya sect, who lived in the first half of the W^ century.^ '' In modem times, Raja Ram Mohan Roy started serially publishing his criticism in Bengalee on Vajrasuci, but 188

the publication remained incomplete. Raja on the basis of Vajrasuci asserted that one's status in the society is based on one's own merit and not on one's own caste.

In Maharashtra, Dadoba Pandurang who wrote under the pen - name 'Ek Jagadvasi Arya' wrote his 'Dharmavivechan' in 1843, which provided the ideological basis for the movement he initiated.'^ ^ Both the 'Manav-Dharma Sabha' and the 'Paramhansa Mandali' basically remained concerned about the abolition of the caste-distinctions. Dr. Dhere pointed out that Dadoba Pandurang was greatly influenced by the Vajrasuci. Dr. Dhere particularly showed that Dadoba under the impact of Vajracuci wrote the sixth chapter of his Dharma-Vivechan i. e. 'Manushyamatrachi Ek Jati' meaning, 'all human beings of one caste.'^ ^

The Vajrasuci of Asvaghosa is a clever piece of polemics against the caste distinctions. He intensely ridiculed the Brahmins for their upholding of the hereditary privileged position based on the caste-system. Dr. Wintemitz appreciated the effectiveness of Asvaghosa's method and described it : "...he takes up the Brahmanical standpoint, and seeks to prove fi-om the Brahmanical texts themselves, by quotations from the Veda, the Mahabharat and the law-book of Manu, how frail the claims of the Brahman caste are."^ ^ With this method Asvaghosa proved the erroneousness of the theoretical basis of the caste-systerh. In the words of Hodgson : "He (Asvaghosa) possesses himself of the enemy's battery, and turns their own guns against them."*^ ''

Asvaghosa posed the following devastating questions : "who is Brahman ? Is the soul Brahmana or the body Brahmana ? Is a man Brahmana by birth or by knowledge ? Is he Brahmana by following the traditional usages or by profession, or by mastery over the Vedas ?"^ ^ 169

He on the basis of the Vedas, the Mahabharat, and the Manavadharma explained that the soul is not Brahmana. To the question, 'Is a man Brahmana by birth ?', Asvaghosa on the basis of the smritis explained : "Acala was bom of the she-elephant, Kesapingala of the she- owl, from the agasti flower, Kausika of Kusa, of Kapila, Gautam from the clump of reeds. Donacarya was bom in an earthen pot, Rsi Tittiri of the Tittiri bird... A maid who was a Kaivarta by caste, gave birth to , a sudra woman to Kausika, a candala woman to Visvamitra... Their mothers were not by castes, but they are regarded as Brahmanas by popular customs."^ ^ And then concluded that a man is not Brahmana by birth. In this way he explained that it is neither birth, nor soul, nor body, nor knowledge, nor traditional usages, nor profession, nor the Vedas that makes a Brahmana.^ ^ He, citing the examples of Katha, Vyasa, Vasistha, etc. from the authority of the Mahabharata, emphatically stated that birth is not the cause of Brahmanhood but the moral conduct. He asserted that a man becomes Brahmana even if he is bom in a sudra-family.

In order to prove the point that there is only one caste Asvaghosa argued that we find distinction in the footprints of cattle, elephant, horse etc, but we cannot define that this is the footprint of a Brahmana and that is of a Kshatriya. He further developed this argument and said that we find distinction in the male and female organs, in colour, complexion and form, in stools and in urine, in smell and in voice, of cattle, horse, etc; but in the case of Brahmana etc; there is want of distinction.' ^ Similarly he referred to the distinction in form, in colour, in fiirs and in beaks, of the swan, pigeon, etc; but the absence of it among Brahmana etc : He also pointed to the distinction in different kinds of trees viz; Asoka, Champaka etc; in their stem, leaves, flowers, fruits, juice and smell but the absence 170

of it in the case of Brahmana etc. He also explained that there is indeed no distinction in Brahmana and others in respect of their joy, sorrow, intellect, etcA -' Thus, Asvaghosa directed the whole argument to prove the point that the caste is only one and not four.

To the assumption that the Brahmana is bom from the mouth, Asvaghosa sardonically argued 'Where is the Brahmana woman born from?' and then assertively replied : 'Certainly from the mouth. Alas ! Then she is your sister !... so Brahmanhood is uncertain.'^ -' In doing so, Asvaghosa aimed at destroying the delusion of the Brahmans regarding their doctrine of caste.

Asvaghosa citing Yudhistira explained that in ancient times there was only one caste and in accordance with the distinction of profession and functions, the system of four classes emerged.^ -'

This is how Asvaghosa forcefully argued against the caste-system. Padwal in order to serve his end included Vajrasuci in his work and this effectively strengthened his position vis-a-vis the caste-system. Unlike Phule Padwal's presentation is plain. Padwal's 'Jatibhedviveksar' is not a critical study of the caste-system through ages. Padwal is firm in his conviction that the caste distinctions undermined the dignity of man as a human being and the solidarity of the members of the society. Padwal in interpreting tradition vis-a-vis the caste-system was moved by the spirit of rationalism and humanism. In this endeavour he cited numerous authorities and clearly stated four things : 1) First, the vama-based order was without caste-distinctions; 2) Secondly, the post-vedic society came to be based on the caste-system; 3) Thirdly, the caste-system was the basic reason for the degeneration of the Indian society; 4) Lastly, describing various religious protest movements, Padwal tried to convince the people 171

to do away with the caste-system with a view to creating the egaHtarian society.

Dr. John Wilson made a frontal attack on Hinduism in his first, 'Hindu Dharmaprasiddhikaran', published in 1832, in reply to Morbhat Dandekar's 'Hindu Dharmasthapana.' The debate continued and it led to Dr. Wilson's publication of 'Dusare Hindu Dharmaprasiddhi- karana' in 1835 and this time it was in reply to Narayan's work. In order to understand the nature of the defence of Hinduism by its votaries, it is necessary to know the criticism made by the Christian missionaries against Hinduism. i) The Hindu Dharmashastras are of no divine origin.^ ^ They are irreconcilably opposed to each other on many important issues.*^ ^ The miracles recorded in the Hindu Books are extravagant and outrageous. There is inconsistency in the narratives of miracles. The miracles are performed in support of a system already established and not with a view to establish the truth of doctrines.^ ^ There is insufficient testimony in support of them in respect of discovering the time, the place, the circumstances.^ The Hindu Dhurmashastras contain no real * Rev. J. Murry Mitchell expressed that the Hindu books contain thousands of such extraordinary stories. For example, he cited : "The monkey-god, , being afraid that the mom would dawn before he had gathered plants on a certain mountain, seized the sun, and placing the mighty orb under his arm carried it off to the camp of ." Another such example is : 'The sage Agastya swallowed one of those oceans at three sips, and gave it out again in a salt state." Mitchell Rev. J. Murry, Letters to Indian Youth (Bombay, 5"' ed; 1863) p. 110 # believe that the divine origin of their Scriptures is proved by the fulfillment of many prophesies. They consider that this power of predicting future events is beyond the power of human wisdom to anticipate. So for as the prophesies in the Hindu books are concerned it was argued that 'these passages were written after the events which they relate had actually taken place. Mitchel, Rev. J. Murry, op. cit., p. 112. See also : Ibid., pp. 52-63. 172

prophesies. The prophesies professed in the puranas flatly contradict each otherA ^ These prophesies scarcely tell anything of the Muslim rulers of India and nothing at all either of the Portuguese or of the establishment of the British rule in India, and nothing about the rest of the world.' ^ The Hindu-Books contain numerous scientific errors."' The use of numbers in puranic literature with respect to space and time is extravagantly about. Descriptions in the puranic literature are imaginary. The Hindu-Books are * According to Leslie there are four tests of true miracles and they are : i) "The miracles must be of such a kind that men's outward senses - their eyes and ears - can be judges of it. ii) It must be done publicly iii) Public monuments must be kept up, and some outward actions must be performed, in memory of it. iv) These monuments and actions must commence at the time of the miracle is performed." The examination of Hindu miracles was made by applying Leslie's criterion and it was opined that 'the Puranas contain no real history as they found it difficult to reconcile the statements of the Puranas, with historical evidence.' They called Ramayana and Mahabharata as two "poetic fictions." • Mitchell, Rev. J. Murry, op. cit., Appendix 'E' Ibid; pp. 107-119. • Ibid., pp. 107-119. # It was maintained that the Hindu are full of scientific errors. For example it was said: "They (the scientific errors) are endless." Rev. J. Murry Mitchell cited the example from Puran, Book ii, in which it is stated that the world is composed of seven concentric islands, or continents which are separated fi'om each other by as many seas consisting of very different kinds of liquids-and they are : I) Jambu dwipa surrounded by the ocean of salt water ii) Plaksha dwip by the ocean of sugar-cane juice iii) Shalmali by the ocean of wine iii) Kush of clarified butter iv) Krauncha of curds v) Shaka of milk and Pushkara of fi-eshwater . Mitchell Rev. I. Murry op. city p. 118 see also. Wilson John; Dusare Hindu Dharma Prasiddhikaran, pp. 117-127 Comparison of Hinduism and Christianity, Bombay Tract and Book Soc. (Mumbai, 1832) p. 50 The Darkness and the Dawn in India, Appendix : Government Education in India,. (Bombay, 1853) pp. 117-119. The book entitled 'Physical Errors of Hinduism' explained the glaring errors in respect to geography, astronomy, meteorology, chemistry and botany, found in the Hindu Shastras. The book also dealt with the Christian scriptures emphasizing their superiority in relation to the Hindu scriptures. Dnyanoday, Dec. 4, 1855. 173

devoid of history and chronology and that they contain childish mythology and fable.(^^^) Hindus, on the one hand express their belief in the existence of one supreme being in his moral as well as natural attributes, but on the other hand they believe in the existence of thirtythree crores of gods/^^^) The description of Hindu gods is imaginary and not real and is derogatory to the nature and character of GodS ^ The Christian missionaries described '' as 'the liar and adulterer', and '' the drunkard, and 'Ram' the promise breaker^ '' Hinduism does not encourage repentanceA ^ They criticized the practice of idol-worship and described all ceremonies connected with idolatry as false, gross and injuriousA ^ The Hindu doctrine of sin is greatly opposed to Natural Religion. They criticized the Hindu way of removing Sin by repeating the name of god, by bathing in the Ganges and by eating the five products of cowA ^ They criticized the two Hindu plans of salvation - one by knowledge and the other one by action - as foolish and absurd; and their views with regard to heaven and hell as falseA -' Descriptions of festivals in the Hindu Books are tiresome, loathsome and obscene/ -^ The Christian missionaries attacked the caste-system and particularly the privileged position of the Brahmins in it. They pointed out that how the Brahmins by calling themselves as 'Bhudevas' enthroned themselves in the place of god.^ '' On the basis of the description in the Institutes of Manu, they criticized the inhuman and cruel treatment given to the

sic untouchables and women. They accused the Brahmin priesthood for not * While describing the effects of the caste system Rev. J. Murry Mitchell wrote : "Never was tyranny more complete and humiliating than that which the Brahmin exercise over the lower castes." Similarly, Narayan Sheshadri too expressed that it became ruinous to individuals, ruinous to famlHes, and ruinous to communities. i) Mitchell Rev. J. Murry, op. cit., p. 117. ii) Narayan Sheshadri, op. cit., p. 33. See also : Wilson John, op. cit., pp. 52-56. 174

allowing the untouchables and women to read the sacred literature with a view to maintaining their own intellectual supremacy over the society.* In the end the Christian missionaries asked(240) , "Why did the Hindus lag behind other nations in the scale of civilization ?^ Why did they remain under the grinding yoke of the Mohammaden conquerors for thousands of years ?"^ -' They presented the picture of the Indian society of the pre-British period as of uncivilized society. And, then they concluded that the religion of their own became a stumbling block to their progress and it will continue to be so, so long as they profess it. So they described the medieval period of Indian history as the period of darkness.^ -^ In the 17th century, the Portuguese of Goa were remarkably known for their proselytizing zeal as they employed crude methods in bringing about conversions to their faith.^ -^ But, the Portuguese activities were kept in check by the powerful Maratha state which came to be established in 1674. The challenge posed by the protestant missionaries in the 19th century was of an entirely different nature. The work of the protestant missionaries, unlike that of the Portuguese, introduced a new approach of bringing about a psychological change in the attitude of the people towards Christianity. In this respect, they sincerely believed that, 'the Christian faith * Dr. John Wilson after raising the questions for not allowing the untouchables to read the sacred literature, himself presented the translation of Gayatri and requested the Hindus to pardon him for this act of translation. #Wilso Onne Johncan ,se ope .a cit.n interestin, p. 48. g counter-questioning by Narayan to the missionary claim of civiHzing the world. He asked if the Bible and the God of Christians are real then why didn't the God of Christians send His missionaries to all over the world, when Christ was bom ? Why did the missionaries come to India only after eighteen hundred years ? And what about their missions to the countries of Russia, Iran, China, Turkistan and Arabstan ? What about the salvation of these people ? They must have gone to hell! Wilson John, Dusrem Hindu Dhanna Prasidhhikaran (Bombay, American Press, 1835), p. 7. 175

is light and loves light,' and therefore did not believe in simply replacing, 'one form of superstition and error for another.'^ ^ They felt that the Christian faith should exert an elevating and saving influence on the converts. This led them to insist on the intelligent understanding of Christianity with its accompaniment of, 'some measure of true knowledge and science.'^ -' This was the evangelical spirit.

The protestant missionaries realized that there were certain obstacles in their mission of evangelization of Hindus and amongst them the chief being a hereditary priesthood, the barrier of caste, an ancient and extended literature and the immemorial custom. With a view to overcoming these difficulties they adopted various ways and means such as arranging preaching tours from village to village,^ furnishing employment in their family or in their printing press, offering medical help, distributing alms to lame, blind and deaf paupers, establishing boarding schools and asylums

* The Rev. Dr. Scudder wrote about caste as : "It is a monster that defies description. Caste has its hold on every sinew of the Hindu. Its bitterness is diffused through every drop of his blood. Its threads are woven into the very texture of his soul. Caste gives form and life and strength to the Hindu religion. Hinduism, would soon be shivered to atoms of it were not for caste. This is Satan's master piece. The more I look at it, the more I am struck with the canning of the great Deceiver, in so skillfully forging and so firmly riveting upon this people the fetters of caste. No one can conceive of its universal power and its malignancy until he comes in contact with it. It stands directly in the way of the gospel, like a mountain with immeasurable base and sky-reaching summit... Have and drawn a dark picture ? Yes but it does not approximate to the reality ..." Wilder (Rev) R. G; op. cit., p. 25.

# The members of the Ahmednagar Mission conducted several long tours and traveled the distance over 3000 miles. Mr. Read traveled 1100 miles and preached in 125 villages and towns. In 1848 Mr. Munger was out 102 days, traveled 900 miles, and visited 288 villages. Memorial papers of the American Marathi Mission : 1813-1881, (Bombay, 1882), p. 49 See for an interesting, plain and first hand account of the long tours conducted by Mitchell. Mitchell (Rev) J. Murry, In Western India : Recollections of My Early Missionary Life (Edinburgh, 1899). 176

62 or charity schools for orphan girls. Besides these efforts, they learned Sanskrit and Indian vernacular languages; they studied Hindu Scriptures and published them; they acquired the knowledge of Hindu festivals and of their rites and rituals. Their translation and publications of Hindu scriptures put an end to the monopoly of the Brahmins, thus making the sacred literature freely accessible to the people of all classes. The Bombay Tract and Book Society, founded in the year 1827 started publishing and circulating books and tracts with a view to 'diffuse as widely as possible a knowledge of the great truths of Christian Religion.^ -' Although the Serampor missionaries brought out the Marathi version of the New and Old Testaments by the year 1819, it was the American Marathi Mission that published the complete Bible in Marathi in 1847.^ The protestants got their first succes in the conversion of Babaji -

* The missionaries felt the need for the Christian books and tracts for propagating the faith. The first in the field of publishing the was the American Marathi Mission and the other societies were: the Bombay Tract and Book Society; the Scottish Missionaries, the Church Mission, the Christian Vernacular Education Society and the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. Of these the Scottish Missionaries and the Church Mission remained short-lived as direct publisher. , (Rev.) J. E, A catalogue of Marathi Christian Literature, During Eighty years : (1813-1892) (Bombay, 1892), pp. xii-xiii Following are some of the tracts published by the Bombay Tract and Book Society. i) Origin and progress of Christianity ii) On the Efficacy of Vows iii) On the Holiness and Justice of God.

# The Serampor Missionaries, brought out the Marathi version of the New Testament in 1807 and that of the Old Testament in 1819. The American Marathi Mission published the various portions of the Bible such as : The Gospel of Matthew in (1817). Acts of the (1818), the Gospel of John (1819); the Epistles of James and Jude (1820), the Gospel of Mark (1822), the Epistle to the Heorews (1824); the Book of Genesis (1819) and the Gospel of Luke (date is not assigned). The entire New Testament was published in 1826. Although, the complete Marathi Bible was made available in 1847, its complete uniform edition was published in 1853. Memorial Papers, pp. 76-87 177 the Brahmin- and the two others named Dajeeba and Moroba in the year 1831, which the Mission described it as, 'the brightest event in the history of this Mission so far'A ^ The native community of Bombay saw in it a danger to their society from the mission schools. They organized protests, held councils and sent petition to the British Government praying that, 'these schools of the American missionaries might be interdicted by legal enactment'! -' In the wake of of two Parsee students in the English Institution of Scotch Free Chruch Mission, the protest came to be further intensified with an appeal to the people to withdraw their children from missionary schools. They formed a society for protecting Hinduism; raised the funds and submitted a petition to the Government requesting to pass a law, 'which shall allow no missionay schools to be established in the interor with the express sanction of the Government'.^ ' In the case of Sripat Sheshadri, the verdict of the Supreme Court to give possession of Sripat created an entirely different problem for both the orthodox and reformist Hindus. The problem was that there was no precedent whatever for receiving anyone back into the caste after being defiled. The orthodox party opposed the purification process and

* The objective of the Christian missionaries in opening schools was very clear : "The aim of mission schools and of the oral proclamation of the gospel is ever one and the same. They are never to be viewed as having a different object, but as different ways for accomplishing the same object, each rendering the other more effective in accomplishing the great work of evangelizing the heathen." Wilder (Rev.) R. G., op. cit., p. 20 Dr. Wilson made this point more clear when he wrote : "The preaching of the Gospel is primarily, or ultimately, paramount in every well ordered mission... The school and the press have doubtless been auxiliary to its operations; but it has been the grand instrument of exciting inquiry, producing conviction, revealing the saviour in the glory of his person and work, persuading the anxious school to embrace Him as He is offered in the Gospel and promoting Christian edification." Wilson John, op. cit., pp. 70-71 For more details regarding the mission school system see: The Mahratta Mission. P. 27 178 their position was more strengthened when they received the letter from the Brahmins of Banaras. Whereas the reformist party led by Balshastri Jambhekar stood for the purification process in accordance with the shastras. Balshastri Jambhekar was mainly interested in curbing the conversion activities of the Christian missionaries, and preserving the integrity of Hindu Dharma. He and his reformist party produced sufficient evidence from the shastras in support of the purification process, thus presenting liberal interpretation of the shastras thereby demonstrating that flexibility within the given social structure was possible. The issue of Shripat's purification gave rise to 'a severe and unexpected collision, such as was probably never before experienced in the Hindu community of Bombay.'(2^^)

The orthodox Hindus also became more concerned about the criticism of the traditional form of Hinduism by the educated young ones. and their emphasis on the need to introduce reforms in the society.^ In fact,

* In this context the editor of Prabhakar made very significant comments in which he tried to challenge the hegemony of the traditional intellectuals.' He wrote : "Be it so, what if a letter has come from a few obscure Bhatts of Benaras ? What have we to do with them ? What, are there no Brahmins here as well as in Benaras ? Are there no learned men here as well as in Benaras ? In short, Benaras can furnish but few as learned pundits as are to be found in Poona and the Maharashtra country. What need have we then of the opinions of Benaras Brahmins ?" Prabhakar, April 28, 1844 quoted from Dnyanoday, May, 1844

# It held an essay competition, the subject of which was, 'on what duties do the Educated Youth of India owe to their country.' The Translation Exhibitions awarded prizes to the first three essays and these were by : I) Krishna Shastri Chiplonkar, ii) Nana Apte, and iii) Krishna Godble. The student-writers in their essays while emphasizing the importance of useful knowledge, exposed the ignorance of the people about the religion of their own and commented that this was the chief cause of their degradation. Dnyanodaya, Jan. 15, 1852 Ibid; Feb; 2; 1852 Ibid; March, 1; 1852 (contd.) 179

Baba Padamji wrote a letter to the editor of Dnyanprakash emphasizing the need to initiate discussion on various reUgious issuesA ^ In the same letter he also stressed the importance of taking into account the objections raised by the Christian missionaries in order to remove the evil practices from Hindu religion. They became critical of authority and tradition and started raismg questions about the true nature of religion. But, the votaries of Hinduism denounced those educated young ones who spoke contrary to the sacred books as infidels and apostates. However, there were some who thought that the shastris should come forward and guide the society in accordance with the spirit of the shastris for the amelioration of social conditions. It was this idea behind the foundation of the Kalyanonnayak

The report of the Maratta Mission clearly stated : "There are the educated young men, who can no longer tolerate the absurdities of , and who regard Mohammedanism, Parsism and the Gospel as standing on the same footing. They have tried one and found it false; so they conclude all are alike false, and to be rejected by those who would be wise." The Mahratta Mission, p. 15.

* He raised a number of questions in respect of the evidence about the commands in the scriptures : 1) "Where is the evidence that this festival, is enjoined in our scriptures ? 2) "When and in what book of the Hindu Shastras is it written ? 3) "Have you ever seen it yourselves ? 4) "Who of our most learned Shastras can refer us to such a command ? such a command does not exist. 5) "Why then do you plead the authority of the Shastras ? 6) "When there was no such common then you will say : If there were no such commands our forefathers would not have handed it down to us. Upon this he asked : But, what is the name of that Rishi in whose book this command was written ? What is the evidence that any such book ever existed ?" If it was a scripture book it must have mentioned some other scripture books. But have you ever found any such mention of this book ? And, if you cannot find any such evidence, on what grounds do you believe that this book ever existed ? Dnyanoday, March 15, 1849 180

Mandali. But most of the shastris being adherents of the old tradition remained firmly opposed to the introduction of reforms in the society. Gangadharshastri Phadke made an attempt to defend Hinduism on traditional lines in his work entitled 'Hindu Dharma .' He took the position that he wrote this book because he was instructed by God. He emphatically stated that he knew what the genuine Hindu Dharma is. He asserted that those who made these sacred books were not human beings but the incarnations of God. The logic was that the every denial of the teachings of the Hindu Dharma amounted to the virtual denial of the ancient religion. He claimed that he presented the strong proofs of the truth of Hindu religion. He described Hinduism as, 'eminently holy, authentic, incomparable and exclusive.^ ^ He even went to the extent saying that the religion of the Puranas is 'admirable, immaculate, perfect, and the holiest of all religions.''^ ^

Krishnashastri Sathe's Thakurdwar lectures too were aimed at defending Hinduism on traditional lines. He took the educated young ones to task and asked them, '.. .but what power has man to break down divinely appointed institutions ?' While expressing his wrath against them he said, "True, those who join the ranks of the padris go to destruction, they are

"The Kalyanonnayak Society" : Morshastri Sathe belonged to the old tradition of the Shastris (the head of the Pune Sanskrit Pathshala). It was he who advised Krishnshastri Chiplonkar to take to English studies. He in cooperation with Krishnashastri Chiplonkar founded the Kalyanonnayak Mandali on 8"' of May 1850 with a view to promoting the welfare of the country, with the help of natives of the country. Following are the three significant points : i)"To make known the real meaning of the Shastras, and thus remove the evils arising from the many unfounded and opposing opinions so obstinately held by the people." ii) "To point out to the people beneficial customs, modes of business, etc." iii) "To investigate the question of the day concerning religion, customs, and the like, to decide thereupon according to our ability, and make our decisions public." Dnyanodaya, June 15, 1850 181 lost to us as much as if they had been swept off by cholera."^ -'He strongly criticized the educated ypung ones particularly from the government schools for their views that, 'the treasures of wisdom and knowledge' lay only with themselves and the rest others were fools. Finally, he threatened them with dire consequences that if any Hindu showed impudence and spoke a word against the Hindu religion he will be branded as a vile apostate & c.'^ •' It is to be noted that the educated young ones received similar treatment at the hands of Gangadher Shastri Phadke. In the light of this situation one finds no difficulty in understanding, that why the members of the rationalist association named Paramhansa Mandali maintained secrecy about their organization. Not only that even the officers of the Marathi branch of the student's Literary and Scientfic society being suspected of a connection with the Paramhansa Mandali were removed fi-om office.(256)

Krishnashastri Sathe on the one hand replied to the objections raised by the Christian missionaries and on the other hand asserted the right to examine the Bible.^ ^ He described the Vedas as divine in nature since they existed through Eternity and as God created them at once.^ ^ He regarded the statement that the Earth once took the form of a cow as

One can see the polemical nature of this religious discourse. In one of his lectures Krishnashastri Sathe offered following explanations. "Ques : In the days of Rama, monkeys could talk : how was this ? Ans : Did not Mary conceive of the Holy Ghost ? Why then should not monkies talk ?" "Ques : What made the Gods take such hideous forms in ancient times ? Ans : Beings that come not from the womb are not limited to particular forms. As water, light, air etc. can take any shape they will" "Ques : How is that there are different accounts of the creation in different books ? Ans : When the four yugas have gone round some thousands of times a general destmction takes place. After that there is a new creation. This has happened thousands of times." Dnyanoday, Nov. 1, 1852 182

a poetic expressionA •' He read the meaning in the statement that the Earth is upheld by a snake as God is infinite^ ^ To the charge that Krishna was thief and adulterer he explained that the things referred to had been done when he was a boy. He further explained that Krishna assumed a form of a human being and acted according to that nature. But, he did not forget to point out that the Bible gives no description about the first thirty years of the life of Christ.*- '' While referring to the polytheistic character of Hinduism he explained that these are various representations of one God.^ ^ He considered miracles as a test of determining the true nature of religion; he however made a distinction between the miracles of God and that of a conjuror.^ -'He further opined that the God of the Bible belongs to the class of imps which the Hindus call Jakhai Jokhai.^ '

Krishnashastri Sathe's views on caste made three things clear S'^^-^^ In the first place, the interests of religion are indissolubly connected with the institution of caste and both the shastras and public sentiment do not allow the individual to break caste. Secondly, it was not essential to abolish caste for it was not the cause of the political subjection of the Hindus, though he strongly criticized the oppressive character of the British rule in India. And lastly, the re-establishment of political authority will be realized

* Krishnashastri Sathe while explaining the oppressive character of the English rule in India spoke : "They (the English) tax even the produce of uncultivated land. They will not allow cattle to graze where a kind providence has caused grass spontaneously to grow. What injustice is this ?" "They are the people who killed the Aborigines of America." "Look at the opium shops and drinking places, how numerous they are !" Dnyanodaya, March 15, 1853 Upon this the editor of the Dnyanoday strongly reacted and questioned the Shastri: "How happy the Shastri would have been, had he lived under the sway of a Muhmud, and Aurangzeb or a Tipu." The editor further wrote : "were the ryots happy when the land was filled with wild Ramosis, Bhils, Pendharis, Thugs, insurgents, bandits and an unpaid soldiery supporting themselves by rapine." Dnyanodaya, March 15, 1853 183

only by industry, courage, and desire; by the extension of commerce and by the increase of riches. One can see his emphasis on regaining political independence and delinking it from the eradication of caste thereby justifying the continuation of the traditional social order.

Krishnashasiri Sathe, on the question of the propriety of withholding some of the sacred books from the shudras and other inferior castes,^ ^ expressed that the substance of the Vedas is to be found in other sacred books, which are free to all - the Gita and other books. He firmly stated that the shudras should not read the Vedas because the Vedas themselves declare it as sinful. He justified this and said it is simply an arrangement. In the end, he expressed the hope that after three generations a shudra would attain the dignity of a Brahmin. He did not forget to advise them to master various other arts instead of studying the Vedas. This was the orthodox & traditional defence of caste Hinduism. There were some others who strongly defended Hinduism against the criticism of the Christian missionaries and on certain issues offered liberal interpretation of the traditional form of Hinduism. The work of 'Oopadesh Chandrika' is significant in the sense it supported the liberal party led by Balshastri Jambhekar^^^^^) who then was trying hard to bring Shripat back in the caste. It was Morbhat Dandekar who started this magazine in the year 1849. It is interesting to note that to counter the missionary criticism of Hinduism, it, on the basis of the rationalist criticism of Christianity by the European writers, such as Paine, Voltaire and others published articles bringing to the notice of its readers the falsehood and inconsistencies in the Christian scriptures.^ '' In fact on one such

* Rev. Mitchell made a reference to the reaction of the people when Narayan Sheshadri was converted to Christianity. He stated that both Hindus and Parsis became alarmed in connection with religion and became determined to put check on advancing (contd.) 184 occasion the editor of Dnyanodaya advised the editor of Opadesh Chandrika, 'to study Paine a little more.'^^^^^

Another such newspaper was the Bombay based 'Prabodh Chandroday.' It was founded with the professed objective of 'establishing the True and overthrowing false religion.'^ ^ It, encouraged the readers to raise a number of questions regarding the nature of true religion.* It pointed out that even before the coming of Christianity to India, Greece and China, these countries had the great tradition of scholars, of moralists,

Christianity. In this context he wrote that 'a Parsi published a book in English which was filled with extracts from the coarsest European infidels.' He further informed that the said Parsi 'presented a copy to the Asiatic Society, but the Society declined to accept it.' It is interesting that he also made a reference to his personal collection of a Marathi serial published in Poona criticizing Christianity strongly. He gave a few of its 'less offensive' dicta: "Christ was put to death by the Romans for rebellion. All the customs of the Jews were bad. No Romans or Jews became Christians. The Bible is fiill of impure stories. All religions are bad except Brahminism. If missionaries had power they would persecute.' Mitchell (Rev.) J. Murry, op. cit; p. 249

The Oopadesh Chandrika enquired about the numerical divisions in the Christian church and asked "whether all will be saved who believe on Jesus Christ, no matter to what denomination they belong ?" Once the O. C. quoted the Christ who said, "1 am not to give peace on Earth but a sword." And upon this the editor of the O. C. remarked. "Must he not be the prophet of devils who would say such a thing as this and act accordingly ?" Dnyanoday, Dec. 20,1845. It must be noted that Vishnubuwa too used this statement of the Christ in his criticism against Christianity.

* An Inquirer After Truth from the Free Church Institution raised series of questions in respect of the true nature of religion : "What the true religion is ? What are its distinguishing characteristics? Is it of divine or of human origin? If of divine origin may it teach a variety of conflicting doctrines? And if it were of human origin, how shall we be assured that it is true? Is the true religion designed by God for the people of a particular caste or country, or should it be embraced and followed by the people of every caste and country? If the true religion is to be observed only by some one people then what is condition of the remaining part of the human family ?" Dnyanoday, May, 1; 1851 185

of Brahminists and opined that Christianity was not the best of all religions^ ^ It observed gigantic violence as the characteristic of the Bible and in this context it referred to Mosa's act of massacring Israelies, the and the bloody struggle between the Catholics and the ProtestantsA -' It explained the importance of the path of knowledge as Propounded in the and of the Bhaktimarg as advocated by Dnyaneshwar and Tukaram. At the same time it gave in no sense less importance to the Karmmarg. In this respect, it is interesting to note that, it unambiguously stated that the observance of rites and rituals is not an essential part of Hinduism and further clarified that those who do not perform thousands of such observances do not cease to be HindusA ''

It was Krishnashastri Chiplonkar who made more interesting and more aggressive efforts in defending Hinduism against the criticism of the Christian missionaries. In fact the avowed object of Vicharlahari (waves of Inquiry) was, 'the confutation of Christianity A -' He made vitriolic remarks against both Christ and the Christian missionaries. This is amply evident from the observations made by a reader of Dnyanoday.^ About the crucifixion of Christ he said that it was for a just cause.^ -' The people of Christ's caste became fully convinced of Christ's hypocrisy and wickedness * It was the time when a great many papers which came to be started with the purpose of assailing Christianity but all one after another came to naught. On this background the Pune based Vicharlahari perfomied the stupendous task of defending Hinduism. Saddharm Dipika in its appreciation of the work by Vicharlahari it compared missionaries to Jackals and Vicharlahari to lion. Further it commented that 'while the lion was present the Jackals were silent; when the lion decamped they began to bark.' Saddharma Dipika Book I, Issue I, Shake 1777, Sravan shudh : 11, pp. 1-2. See also Dnyanoday Sept; 15,1853

# On the basis of the first two issues of the 'Vicharlahari', a reader of Dnyanoday sent to its editor the following observations: (contd.) 186

and then they expelled him from their caste. Chiplonkar described Christ as a poor beggar and his apostles and the converts too as beggarsA ^ He accused the Christian missionaries of having base motives in order to get their cravings satisfied and in this respect he referred to the , the wars of Religion and to the cruel methods employed by the Portuguese to compel the people to give up their ancestral faith and thought.' ^ Chiplonkar employed the method of applying the principles of natural sciences in understanding the statements in the Bible. For example, the Bible says, the Earth came into existence six thousand years ago; but Chiplonkar pointed out that the geologists say that the Earth came into existence some lacks of years ago. Chiplonkar challenged such other Biblical statement regarding the time periods required for the creation of trees, birds, fish and human beings; the story of deluge and Nova's collection of species of every sort; and the phenomenon of the Rainbow.^ ^

Krishnashastri cited references from the Bible regarding the treatment given to women. He pointed out that David and Soloman had

"i) The object of the missionaries is purely selfish; they bum their neighbor's house for money. ii) Were a missionary a Governor, he would persecute all who would not become Christians. iii) The apostles of Christ preached for no other reason than to fill their bellies. iv) There are more than a hundred divisions of Christians who would all kill one another if they had the power. v) The converts to Christianity are only of the following kind-beggars-low-caste people, and raw inexperienced lads." vi) Those who examine the evidences of Christianity reject it. vii) The original Christian religion no longer exists. viii) Missionaries preach in this country simply to get employment ix) Only ignorant men were converted in the first days of Christianity." Dnyanoday, March, 15; 1853

* Narayan had already taken objection to the description in the Bible regarding the creation of the earth. Wilson John, Dusare Hinduharma Prasidhikaran, pp. 82-83 187

more than one wives and they had treated them as if they were their material property. He remarked that in those days women were not free and independent. He observed that there was a period of enmity between Christianity and Knowledge and that with the growth of knowledge slavery and dependence of women went into a decline.^ ^

Krishnashastri opposed the missionary practice of converting Hindus to Christianity and declared that God has given different religions to different people considering their peculiar circumstances. He expressed that it is the duty of each one to practice one's own religion in which he is bom and this he considered as the only way for obtaining divine favour. He condemned the act of renouncing one's own religion and called it as a sin. It is interesting to note that he expressed his readiness to come to terms with the Christian missionaries provided they too refrain from criticizing Hinduism.^ '' In a letter written to the editor of Dnyanoday by a Hindu friend one can certainly get the feel of an impact of Vicharlahari on its readers. Chiplonkar emphasized that every human bemg has the right to attain and this right is not confined to any one particular religion. He offered a liberal interpretation of the tradition of Hinduism in pointing out on the basis of Vritaraj, Puran, Brahmannaradiya Puran, that the mlenchhas too, had once enjoyed all the rights of Hindus. He cited that Kabir, Latif and Momin by following the path of Hindu-Dharma became

* In a letter from a Hindu friend to the editor of the Vicharlahari, the sender criticized the missionaries for propagating that Christianity means progress and for their praise of England and America, for their fame, their greatness, their bravery and their religion. In this context the sender pointed out that how the missionaries in America treat their slaves as animals. In the same letter upon the missionary criticism of the Hindu Dharma Shasta in regard to the statement that the East is static, the sender in his sharp criticism, retaliated that how the missionaries were about to hang Galileo when he said that the earth revolves around the sun. The sender wrote that it was because Galileo's statement was against the Bible. Vicharlahari, Phalgun, Shudhh 14, Shake 1774, pp. 153-155 188

successful in the attainment of MokshaA ^

Chiplonkar explained to the reader that the people whom Jehova had told stories were clumsy and ignorant who believed in the miraculous and extraordinary character of God's actions and who considered viewing those actions in accordance with the laws of nature as improper. In the elaboration of his explanation, his logic became more devastating. He pointed out that justice or injustice, merit or demerit are altogether different things for any action is either good or bad not because God calls it but because the very nature of it tells us whether the action is good or bad.^ -' His psychological understanding was that the child out of its ignorance likes the world of fantasy and loves to read the stories of demons and of ghosts. In this context he remarked that most of the stories in the Bible are of this type and are not in accordance with the laws of nature.^ -^ He further opined that the ignorant people too do not like to read the real stories in history. In the end he told the people that they will benefit from understanding history.

In the task of defending Hinduism, Saddharma Dipika forcibly stated that Hinduism is saddharma - the true religion - god given and the ancient of all religions.^ '' Against the missionary criticism that there are

* Again, one can clearly see the influence of Vicharlahari on its readers. In a letter to the editor of Vicharlahari a Hindu Friend described that the puraniks are a gossip who think that the people should believe their stories as doubtless. He farther explained that how the puraniks deceive the people by telling them the great Vyas, the actual form of Narayan had narrated these stories. Therefore, the writer opined that the people find it difficult to consider these stories as false. What is important in this letter is that it criticized the missionaries for playing the same tricks on the people who go on telling that the Hindu scriptures are ancient, and are full of gossips and therefore not god-given. Here, the writer criticized the missionaries for not telling the truth that the Bible is also ancient and it too contains gossips and therefore not god-given. Vicharlahari, Falgun Vadya. 14, Shake 1774, 162-164 189 thirty-three crores of gods in Hinduism, the Saddharma Dipika explained that they are thirty-three different categories or thirty-three main deities and further it reduced this number to six, and in the and said that there is only one God and that too is formlessA -' On the issue of conversion the Saddharma Dipika considered the act of relinquishing one's own religion as dangerous and strongly advocated the people to follow their own religion^ ^ It asked the people to live in accordance with the rules of the Vedas. It declared Hindu Dharma as the only religion given by God for the salvation of human beingsA ^

The Saddharma Dipika (S.D.) made a scathing criticism against Christianity. It described Christianity as fictitious. It criticized the concept of sin in Christianity and tersely asked, "How all Men can be sinners ? What about those who die without committing any act of sin ? What about the sufferings of beasts ?"<.^°°^ it accused the missionaries of exercising great oppression by imposing restrictions for what there was no sanction in the Bible. While highlighting the oppressive character of the activities of the Christian missionaries, it entitled the article as : 'Tyranny, Hippocracy, Trickery, Falsehood and Shamelessness of the Padris.'^ -' It, on the basis of the very nature of the composition of the Bible, tried to assert that Christianity is not God-given. It criticized Dr. John Wilson's Ambroli lectures in which he had criticized that in the Hindu Dharmashastras, the gods of Hindus like to make a human-being a victim. S. D. not only contradicted it but strongly retorted by pointing out that how their God made His son a victim and astonishingly asked; 'How is it that He would not like to make other human-beings victims ?"^ ^ In fact, there took place hot exchanges between Dnyanodaya and Saddharm Dipika. In one of its issues, the editor of Dnyanoday blamed, the editor of Saddharma Dipika for he deprecated any criticism against Hinduism but at 190 the same time wished to have any discussion on various issues related to Christianity/^^ ^^

One certainly finds a remarkable thread of the continuity of tradition between the Vedic literature and the Epic, Pauranic and the literature. Debating religious issues was not new to the shastris of the traditional learning. In fact, such discussions were always popular in the tradition of the shastris.^ -^ But in the 19th century the religious debates acquired a new dimension of 'public nature.'^ ^ With the proposition that Hinduism is perfect and the holiest of all religions the traditional elites found no difficulty in defending Hinduism. In this endeavour they remained guided by the shastras. Their position was very clear. They expressed their full faith in the competency of the shastras to meet any objection. It was sarcastically said : "Men need not imagine that they are saying something new, for the replies to their questions have already been their in the shastras ever since the days of Vyasa."^ ^ Their effort to defend every aspect of the tradition obviously put limitations on their perceptions about the existing reality as they failed to understand the dynamics of the growth of Hinduism and the historical forces that moulded it.

But this was not the position of the new elites. Having realized that there are certain inaccuracies, inconsistencies and contradictions in the Hindu sacred books, they found it difficult to justify every aspect of tradition. They adopted a three-way strategic approach : In the first place, they told the people that only by adhering to one's ancestral faith one can hope for divine favour. Secondly, they expressed their readiness to come to terms with missionaries and made an appeal to them to stop criticizing Hinduism and in tum they too would refrain from criticizing Christianity. Thirdly, they responded to the missionary criticism of Hinduism by 191

applying the principles of natural sciences to the examination of the Bible.

Apart from the strategic approach they also felt the necessity of introducing a change in the tradition with a view to removing evil practices. In interpreting the tradition they never thought of a complete break with it. Naturally the extent of deviation from the tradition was bound to be of a limited character. One will not be able to understand the relevance of interpreting tradition without taking into account the colonial frame of reference and the criticism of Hinduism by the Christian missionaries. This entire religious discourse is of great significance in the sense that it helped the new elite in getting insights in respect of interpreting tradition. True, they did not make radical deviations from the traditions of Hinduism but the very fact they felt the need to join the discourse was itself the mark of the emergence of a new consciousness. Here it is necessary to keep in mind that in this entire religious discourse, although, the defenders of Hinduism emphasized the divine nature of the Vedas, none of them emphatically distinguished the religion of the Vedas from the present Hinduism. Now there arises two interesting questions : In the first place, what must have influenced Vishnubuwa Brahmachari in realizing the importance of the religion of the Vedas ? And secondly, what led him to distinguish it from Hinduism of his days ?

Here, it must be kept in mind that James Mill's statement that the Hindus made no significant contribution to the world civilization ever since the days of Alexander's invasion of India certainly influenced to a great extent the minds of the young educated ones. It implied that the ancient Hindus in the period prior to Alexander's invasion of India had made significant contributions to the civilization of mankind about which one can feel pride. The message is clear : Go back and try to understand that 192

ancient civilization. In a way this was a consent to the hypothesis put- forth by Mill. The view point regarding the greatness of the ancient civilization of the Hindus came to be strengthened by the writings of Orientalist scholars and more particularly the Indologists. In this respect it will not be out of scope to cite a few examples.

John Holwell, (1711-98) held in high esteem the contribution of the ancient Hindus to the field of religion and philosophy. He expressed the view that India was the source of all wisdom and had profoundly influenced the philosophical traditions of ancient Greece. He wrote : The mythology as well as the cosmology of the Egyptians, Greeks and Romans, were borrowed from the doctrines of the Bramins."^ -' Sir William Jone's (1746-94) hypothesis of common original source to both East and West are applicable to Greek and Indian astronomy as well as numerous alphabet in the East and West. He also wrote : "...Pythagoras and Plato derived the sublime theories from the same fountain with the sages ofIndia."(296)He declared that 'the Sanskrit language was a wonderful structure, more perfect than the Greek, more copious than the Latin and more exquisitely refined than either...."*^ -' Nathaniel Halhed expressed that Vishwakarman, the Hindu God of war, who also assists in the work of creation, was perhaps the source of Milton's phrase in Paradise lost : "The 'engines' of the rebel

* In going back to the Vedic society as an ideal society, it seems that, Vishnubuwa must have been influenced by the writings of the orientalists. For example. Dr. John Wilson who arrived in Bombay in 1829 and later on who became the president of the Asiatic Society in 1835 and remained in the position till 1842 and who was also honoured by the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland by electing him as its member in 1839 wrote, besides his other works 'India Three Thousand Years Ago.' In it he remarked : "India three thousand years ago, when viewed in its own social aspects was actually better in many respects than India at the present day." Wilson John, India Three Thousand years Ago, (Bombay, 1858) p. 79. For a general survey of Wilson as an Orientalist see : David, M. D. John Wilson-An orientaHst, Journal ofthe Asiatic Society of Bombay (Bombay, 1974) vol. (47-48), pp. 140-157 193

angels."^^ ^ He also opined that the doctrines of the Hindus influenced the Egyptian minds with which Moses became familiar and therefore a close resemblance of Moses's Laws with those of Manu> '' Charles Wilkins, (1750-1836) who translated the Bhagvadgita into EngUsh described it as 'one of the greatest curiosities ever presented to the literary world.'^ -^ Warren Hastings went to the extent of comparing it with 'the best French Versions of Illiad or Odyssey and with the first and the sixth book of Milton's Paradise Lost.'^ ^ In France Louis Langles of the Bibliotheque Nationale considered 'Hinduism as the basis of all the religions of world, including Christianity, and that Pentateuch was an abridgement of the Egyptian book which had originated in India.'^ ^ Volney opined that 'Christ was no more than an embodiment of a common Eastern tradition, possibly the "Hindu God, Christna.'*- ^ Voltaire clearly explained his view point : "India is the homeland of religion in its oldest and purest form; it is also the cradle of worldly civilization."^ ^ The German idealists from Fichte and Schelling to Hegel and Schopenhauer desired to trace everything back to India. Johann Gottfried Herder (1744- 1803) clearly expressed this '0' holy land [of India], I salute thee, thou source of all music, thou voice of the heart', and 'Behold the East- cradle of the human race, of human emotion, of all religion.'^^'' F. W. J. Schelling (1775-1854) in his lectures in 1802 lavished praise on the 'sacred texts of the Indians', and claimed that they were to the Bible.^ -^ Friedrich Schlegel (1772-1829) in a letter to Tieck wrote : 'Every thing, yes, everything has its origins in India. He wrote : "In India lay the real source of all tongues, of all thoughts and utterances of the human mind. Everything - Yes, everything without exception has its origin in India,' and 'the primary source of all intellectual development- in a word, the whole human culture is unquestionable to be found in the traditions of the 194

East;(^^'^) Wilhelm Von Humboldt (1763-1835) in his study on SchlegeVs edition of the described it as 'the deepest and loftiest thing the world has to showA -' He thanked God for granting him a long life so as to enable him to read the Gita. Schopenhauer, made very significant comments on Anquetil du Perron's 'Oupnakhat'- a latin translation of the mughal prince Dara Shukoh's Persian version of the Upnisads. In its appreciation he wrote : "It has been the most rewarding and the most elevating reading which (with the exception of the original text) there can possible be in the world. It has been the solace of my life, and will be of my death."(^^^)

The point in all these citations is that Vishnubuwa must have heard something about them which might have influenced him in going back to the Vedas. He mustn't have found difficulty in depicting the Vedic society as an ideal society.

Of course, the first and the foremost task before Vishnubuwa was that of defending Hinduism against the Christian missionaries. In the open public debates held at Bombay Vishnubuwa severely criticized Christianity. It is generally assumed that Vishnubuwa in criticizing Christianity followed the same techniques that missionaries had used.^^^^^ It seems that Vishnubuwa was well conversant with the religious discourse that was going on between the defenders of Hinduism and the Christian missionaries. Vishnubuwa learned of these techniques of criticizing Christianity from the * It was at Pandharpur that Vishnubuwa resolved to combat the propaganda of the Christian missionaries against Hinduism. In this mission he was further encouraged by Mahadeo Shastri Kolhatkar, an inspecting official of the Public Instruction Dept. It was because of Mahadeo Shastri's importunity, Vishnubuwa went to various places such as Sangli, Miraj, Wai, Satara, Pune, Nagar, Kolhapur where he delivered lectures emphasizing the importance of the Vedokta Dharma. He arrived in Bombay in Sept. 1856. Ajrekar R. P., Shri Vishnubuwa Brahmachari Yanche Charitra (Mumbai, 1872), p. 14 195 writings of the early defenders of Hinduism. The techniques of criticism against Christianity included finding out contradictions in the Bible,^ ^ examining the Bible by applying the principles of natural sciences to it and pointing out that the descriptions in the Bible are against them and there­ fore they are lacking any basis in reality and are mere imaginary and (iii) applying the principles of rationalism to point out that certain statements in the Bible go against it resulting in undermining the dignity of man. It may be mentioned here that George Bowen in his account of the sea-shore debate referred to the influence of Thomas Paine on Vishnubuwa. George Bowen fiarther expressed it was, "European infidels who taught the Hindus to utter such things."^ ^ Though Vishnubuwa did a marvellous job of defending Hinduism, he however was well aware of the fact that simply by defending Hinduism or criticizing Christianity the problems that the society was facing would not be solved. Here, he earnestly felt the need for reforming Hinduism. He believed that this could be realized only by re-establishing the Vedokta Dhami in its pristine and pure form. He was concerned with both material and spiritual sustenance and growth of the individual and society. It was his considered opinion that the ignorance of the Vedokta Dharma was the chief cause of all unhappines and the acquisition of knowledge about it was the only way to remove it. Vishnubuwa through his writings, speeches, debates, discussions and dialogues did his best to enlighten people about the Vedokta Dharma. It became the life-mission for him. Vishnubuwa with a view to explaining the Vedokta Dharma to the people wrote his magnum opus, "Sri Vedokta Dharma Prakash" in 1859.

Vishnubuwa believed that the Vedas are the work of the incarnations of the distinct; they are not based on any other work; they are eternal and of revealed character.^ -' With these assumptions about 196

Vedas he made his position very clear : "Anything that is against the Vedic reUgion is false and all that is in accordance with it is true."^ ^ It is but obvious that he criticized those who were ignorant about the Vedic religion criticized the books of the shastras and Puranas. For him the main criterion for a literature to be accepted as the literature of the Vedokta- Dharma was that it must have the same purport as that of the Vedas. It was his belief that the literature of the Vedokta Dharma expands on the conclusion of the Vedas without any change in its meaning. He was of the view that all the mythological works deal with the conduct of the followers of the Vedic religion, with their capabilities and their end.^ ^ In a way the Puranas have been doing the great work of maintaining the continuity of the tradition of the Vedokta Dharma. He criticized those who blamed Shrikrishna without understanding the real meaning of the mythological stories describing the life of Srikrishna, as fools.^ '' Because of a severe criticism against the life of Srikrihna [by the Christian missionaries] Vishnubuwa felt the need to write a full chapter on him. He commented that those who don't understand the writings of Vyasa are incapable of discerning subtle beauties in it.^ -^ He considered the Bhagavad Gita as the most important part of the Mahabharat and the essence of its instructions. He viewed that the works of saint-poets also maintain the continuity of the Vedic tradition. Thus, the Vedic literature, the epic works, the mythological works and the Bhakti literature constituted the sources of the Vedokta Dharma.'^ '' For Vishnubuwa the Vedas are the final authority and the other sources of the Vedokta-Dharma being in conformity with the Vedas are equally authoritative. Vishnubuwa while explaining the commandments of the Vedokta Dharma asked the people to disregard the customs which are not in conformity with the shastras. For this his explanation was that the shastra has been there since long, even before the 197

customs came into vogue and in the end concluded that the custom is not more powerful than the shastrasA ^ It must be kept in mind that Vishnubuwa was less concerned with the legal intricacies involved in defining a particular position in accordance with the shastra. What is more important is his spirit of reforming Hinduism of his days. He tried to convince the people that the present day order was neither a permanent order nor a natural order. He tried to infuse them with the confidence that the regeneration of society could be brought about by reorganizing the society on the model of the Vedic society. Thus, Vishuabuwa solved the problem of reinterpreting the tradition for himself by going back to the Vedic model. Thus, Vishunbuwa being firmly grounded in the Vedic model found no difficulty in condemning the practices such as that of sati, of child marriage, of tonsuring of widows, of prohibiting the widow-marriage.* He himself was opposed to have belief in any kind of black-magic, miracles, sorcery, charms and spells, austerities and and vows as they are not in accordance with the Shastras.^ ^ He considered the restrictions on the sea-voyage as outdated, fatuous and against the spirit of progress. He told the people that going on the sea voyage is not against the Shastras.^ -' He himself went on a ship journey fi^om Madras to Calcutta.

It was the assumption of the Christian missionaries that false religions are unable to perform miracles. They considered that since Hinduism lacked miracles, it is false. The orthodox defenders of Hinduism

* Regarding the position of women Dr. Wilson made certain observations. He wrote : "The horrid rite of sati has no sanction in the Vedas, though the Brahmans are accustomed to quest from them a passage favorable to the burning of widows." He also pointed out that "there is no instance of sati', or precept referring to sati, even in the code ascribed to Manu." Regarding child Marriage he observed : "Baby marriages, if at any time practiced in the times of the Vedas, were not then imperative." Wilson John, India Three Thousand Years Ago (Bombay, 1858), pp. pp. 66-68 198

had taken the position of defending miracles described in the Hindu- Dharma Shastras. Thus both the missionaries as well as the orthodox defenders believed in the descriptions about the miracles in their shastras. It is interesting to note that he refiised to be in tune with the traditional belief regarding miracles. He emphatically stated that the miracles believed to be performed by the great men from Shankaracharya to Tukaram are all false.^ -^ Upon this there appeared a letter in Vartaman Dipika under the pen name, 'a devotee of Ram', expressing his doubts about Vishnubuwa's divine-vision.^ ^ 'A devotee of Ram', sought explanation from Vishnubuwa and challenged him to perform a miracle. The debate was farther joined by a certain person named Atmaram Bapu Dalvi who pointed out that 'a devotee' confused the term 'Sakshatkar' (self-realisation) with, 'chamatkar' (miracle) and categorically stated that 'Sakshatkar' is not 'Chamatkar.'^ -' He further explained that 'Sakshatkar' means divine revelation and that a Sakshatkari must not perform miracles against the laws of nature. He told that it is one's credulity that makes one believe in miracles. Here the discourse attains a new dimension of making a distinction between 'Sakshatkar' and 'Chamatkar.'

Vishnubuwa considered the spiritual knowledge as the highest kind of knowledge. It is this reason, why he called the Vedic religion as the religion endowed with knowledge.^ -' It is his spiritual happiness that made him happier than Napoleon or the Queen Victoria, or the Tzar of Russia, or the emperor of China.^ -' Vishnubuwa though in his personal life was a Vedantist - a non-dualist he elaborately discussed the three paths that lead to the attainment of Moksha : ^ '' Jnyanayoga : the union of the Atman with the Brahman through transcendental Knowledge; - : the union through disinterested service; and Bhakti-Yoga : union through self-forgetting love and devotion. He also discussed in detail the 199

traditional practices of yoga-postures, breath control and mental concentration. His concept of education emphasized the cultivation of the values of love, cooperation, self-reliance, dignity of labour, universal and the controlling of senses and mind. While making a distinction between Guru and sad-Guru he at one place said that Guru is one who teaches various skills enabling the student to earn one's livelihood where as Sadguru imparts knowledge about the attainment of Moksha and help the disciple to get himself freed from cycle of birth and death.^ ^ Vishnubuwa described the importance of going on pilgrimage, of the various acts of ceremonial worship, of celebrating birth anniversaries of Hanuman, Narasimha, Buddha and others, of sixteen sacraments, of an oblation, of recollecting sacred names and of singing in praise of God. Vishnubuwa justified the idol-worship saying that the wise people in the memory of avtaras made their images and built temples.^ -' He even at one place requested the mlenchhas not to criticize the idol-worship. He didn't forget to warn them that if they went on breaking idols, then the new-ones would be created.^ -' There appeared a letter in 'Dhumketu' criticizing Vishunbuwa for his knowledge about the Vedas.^ '' The letter-

* So for as Vishnubuwa's educational policy was concerned, he recommended education for all, the idea which Plato rejected. Plato's 'Republic' did not make provision for the education of the lower classes of the society. Although, Plato allowed them 'to reap some incidental benefits from the care lavished on the education of others, but if so it is only incidental and unconsidered'(^) Father Lederley, in so, suggesting (of course with a question mark) that Vishnubuwa might have been influenced by Plato, has missed the fact that Vishnubuwa basically differed from Plato in his approach towards education.(b) In the ultimate analysis Plato's approach is aimed at enabling the cultivated few 'to contro the desires of the vulgar.'('^) (a) Wayper, C. L; Political Thought (London, The English University Press, 1962),pp 30-31 (b) Lederle, Matthew, Philosophical Trends in Modern Maharashtra (Bombay, Popular Prakashan) p. 199. (c) Wayler, C. L. op. cit., p. 36. 200

writer commented that Vishnubuwa mustn't have seen (the book of) the four Vedas. He also questioned Vishnubuwa's Knowledge of Sanskrit grammar and expressed doubt about Vishnubuwa's accuracy in reading the Vedic- text. The letter writer fiarther pointed out that the names of deities such as 'Shankar-, Vithoba, Ram, Bawa's Dattatray and Jagdamba' do not occur in the Vedas. He clarified that the gods of the Vedic religion are different from those of the Puranic religion. He further explained that in the days of the Vedas there was no idol-worship, and that there were no temples, no festivals, and no rites and rituals that people today practice. The letter-writer suggested certain things to do for re-establishing the Vedokta-Dharma :" Destroys all the idols and temples; nullifys the Puranic stories; asks the Haridasas to maintain obstinate silence and to give up practicing the rites and rituals on the days of Ekadashi, Shivaratra, Ganesh- Chaturthi, Dasara and ." One can understand the significance of Vishnubuwa's efforts in reconciling the idea of the multiplicity of gods with that of the monistic conception of God. For him God is one and only Being; He is free of all attributes (Nirgun); all except He that appears to exist is illusion (). Though he himself was a vedantist he understood the significance of an idol worship in the life of a devotee. Vishnubuwa also dealt with the vexed problem of the caste- system.^ He condemned the practice of untouchability and said equal justice * Vishnubuwa in his debates with the Christian missionaries by the Bombay sea­ shore while justifying idolatry said, "Idolatry may not be the highest form of worship, but it is well enough for those who are ignorant. There are three steps to the knowledge of God and idolatry is one of them. The child that begins its studies leams first it's A. B. C." Bowen George, Discussions by the Seaside (Bombay, 1857) and idem; Samudrakinari Vadavivad : Brahmacari Buva ani Christi Updeshak Yamadhe Dharmavishayi (Bombay, 1872), pp. 193-194. Kulkami A. R. and Wagle N. K.) (ed.), op. cit., p. 172. # It will be interesting as well as instructive to take into account the views of orientalists regarding the existence of the caste-system in the times of the Vedas 201

should be done to both an unjust Brahmin and un unjust MaharA ^ He supported the idea of the temple-entry to the Untouchables provided they give up violence and the practices which are against the shastrasA '^ He advised the Brahmins to consider the uplifting of the untouchables as their chief dutyA ^ He realized that the piecemeal reforms would not solve the basic problems related to the caste-system. Therefore Vishnubuwa turned to the revival of the -system from present day form of the caste-system. He clearly stated that the varna of person should not be decided by the accident of birth but by his merit and quality alone.^ ^ His organic view of the society led him to express that the Varna-system regards the services of each vama as of equal importance to the society. In accordance with this viewpoint Vishnubuwa while commenting on the caste-system observed that there were many Brahmins who in fact should have belonged to other vamas.^ ^He rejected the caste-based occupational structure and supported the idea of the division of labour based on the vama-system upholding the principle of the dignity of labour. Being true to the spirit of the vama-system he stated that it is a great loss to the society and also an insult to a person if a shudra though possessing merit and quality of Brahmin Vama is not allowed to take to it.^ -' Thus,

Here the reference is made to Dr. John Wilson's work. i) "In looking at the genuine portions of the Vedas, ...we draw the inference that caste did not exist in the time of the Vedas. The Brahmins are represented in the Vedas merely as a profession, and not as a caste." ii) "The Rishis and priests received in marriage the daughters of other classes of the community." iii) "The shudras, though treated by Manu and Hindu legislation in general, as a component (though enslaved) part of the Indian community, not entitled to the second or sacramental birth, are not even once mentioned in the olden Vedas." iv) "From the reproach of this and all similar degradation of the lower classes of Indian society, the ancient Vedas are altogether free. Wilson John, India Three Thousand Years Ago (Bombay, 1858), pp. (i) 75, (ii) 50, (iii) 55, (iv) 58 (Italics by Researcher) 202

Vishnubuwa clearly understood the importance of social mobility and assured that the Varna-system would certainly allow a shudra possessing necessary merit and quality to become a Brahmin and likewise the bom Brahmin lacking it would be made into a shudraA ^ The question that arises is : who should make arrangements for organizing the society on the basis of the Varna-system ? Vishunbuwa affirmed that it is the responsibility of the state to make arrangements for examining the person to decide his vama.*- '' Realizing the complex and complicated nature of the task he asked the state to be careful and suggested that one who has the competence of Shankaracharya alone should be entrusted with the task.(339).

Thus, Vishnubuwa explained his theoretical position regarding the reorganization of the society but when it comes to its functional aspect Vishnubuw's position becomes ambivalent. In a letter to the editor of the 'Dipika' a group of five shudras after reading the Vedokta Dharm Prakash expressed their desire and readiness to become BrahminsA ^ Upon this a follower of Vishnubuwa commented that an enquiry regarding the change of Varna made by the shudras was not proper. Vishnubuwa advised the shurdas to read some other portions from the Vedokta Dharm Prakash. It seems from the correspondence that appeared in the 'Dipika' that Vishnubuwa could not satisfy the curiosity of the enquirers nor could he clearly reiterate his position that he himself had earlier explained.

The basic question in the discussion of religion and society is that of relationship between the freedom of individual will and fate. The ultimate spiritual goal in the life of a person according to Hindu tradition is the attainment of Moksha i.e. liberation from the cycle of birth and death. Karma of a person is the real cause of this bondage and ignorance (Avidya) is the root of all karma right or wrong (subh or asubh). Freedom is possible 203

only after the removal of ignorance. The sole concern of religion, therefore, is with the karma of a person which determines his fate. The Indian tradition claims that there is no escape from what is ordained by the fate. Vishnubuwa describes this by the term 'Bhogparampara.'^ ^ For getting liberated from this 'Bhogparampara' Vishnubuwa asks to follow two things : In the first place one should not remain attached to one's karman. And secondly, one should dedicate one's karman to God. If this is followed then the karman will have no binding effects on the individual.^ ^ This is the message of the Gita. Vishnubuwa expressed his full faith in it. In this situation, the attainment of the spiritual goal remains the only way to overcome fate.

But so far as the worldly life is concerned Vishnubuwa at least in theory realized the importance of merit and quality in determining the vama of a person thereby certainly creating a place for human endeavour. But when it comes to its functional aspect Vishnubuwa failed to reaffirm his position thereby denying the importance of the freedom of will in the life of an individual. Thus Vishnubuwa succumbing to fatalism devalued the importance of human efforts in shaping the course of human destiny. Vishnubuwa made an attempt but failed to resolve the dichotomy between the freedom of will and fate. Vishnubuwa's position on this issue remained unresolved.

Vishnubuwa devoted a full chapter to a dialogue between a mother and her daughter. He, on the basis of the experience of the ancient Rsis justified the restrictions on the freedom of women. He expressed that the freedom for women causes overwhelming calamities.^ ^ It causes the loss of lives of men and of wealth; it affects the work of procreation; and it causes the spread of immorality. It seems that Vishunbuwa was not 204

liberal enough to grant equality to women on a par with men. He is not an egalitarian, but a philanthropist. He was certainly against the inhuman treatment given to women. He expressed that they should not be forced to marry against their wishes.^ ^ He realized that odd marriages do not bring happiness to women.^ ^ He supported the view, that a widow should be allowed to remarry. He asked the people to treat the re-marriage of a widow as her first marriage, and also asked not to consider it as an act of sin.*^ '' He was of the opinion that a girl should be given freedom to choose her life-partner. At one place he said that if a dissolute harasses his wife or if the husband is afflicted with diseases then she should not be forced to stay with him.^ -' He expressed the need that both girls and boys should be taught all the skills alike.^ ^ He advised that one should treat one's wife as one's friend and should also help her in the attainment of Moksha.^^"^^)

Vishnubuwa claimed that all the reforms including the modem scientific and technological developments had been known to the ancient Hindus.^ -^ He expressed that the ancient Hindus had done works on various scientific and technological subjects. He conjectured that after the destructions of the ancient civilization of the Hindus, the French, English, the Chinese and others acquired this Knowledge from the translations of the Sanskrit works made by the Romans, and the Greeks and wrote new ones.'' ^ One thing is clear that Vishnubuwa knew nothing about the

* It is pointed out that the Rgveda offers the first glimpse of educated women. There are as many as twenty women among the 'seers' or authors of the Rgveda. Lopamudra, Visvavara, Sikata, Nivavari etc, are the names mentioned in the Reveda. The tenth mandal mentions the names of lady scholars (Rsikas) like Ghosha, Juhu, Vagambhrini, Paulami, Jarita, Savitri, etc. The gives the names of Nodha, Akrshta bhasha, Sikatanivavari and Gaupayana Adhya, Sirmishtha, Evolution of Women's Educational system in Ancient India in The Quarterly Review of Historical studies, vol. XI, Nos. 1 and 2, April to September 2000, 205

historical developments that shaped the foundations of modem Europe. Here one can undoubtedly understand that what Vishnubuwa was doing was simply echoing the romantic expression of the orientalists about the ancient civilization of the Hindus i. e. they were the source of all new ideas. This again makes clear the extent to which Vishnubuwa was influenced by the writings of the orientalists; ofcourse not directly but through the agency of the English educated ones. In so doing he was denying the alleged superiority of the civilization of the West.

Vishnubuwa believed that in ancient times the people all over the world had been the followers of the Vedic religion.^ -' Later on, they came to be divided into different faiths. He pointed out that one will find many Sanskrit words in the languages of the people belonging to different parts of the world. This is how Vishnubuwa exploited the linguistic assumptions of the orient a lists for the glorification of the Vedic religion. He found no difficulty in making an appeal to the people belonging to different faiths to join the standard of the Vedic religion. He assured them that in the acceptance of the Vedic religion they will find salvation. With the same logic he approached the problem concerning with the readmission of the Christian converts to Hinduism. On the issue of conversion Vishnubuwa made a novel suggestion^ ^ that a committee of twenty five members well versed in various subjects such as physics, chemistry, mathematics, mechanics and geology should assess the genuineness of the intentions of the person concerned regarding conversion. The assessment should include the reading of the Old and the New Testaments as well as of Viveksindhu, Paramamrita, and Bhavarth Sindhu to the committee members who in the end will give their verdict. This novel suggestion was made with a view to checking the proselytizing activities of the Christian missionaries. 206

Although Vishnubuwa remained concerned with the particular problems of his age and of his society, his treatise entitled 'Sukhdayak Rajyaprakami Nibandh' showed that he became more concerned with the problems of mankind as a whole. This Marathi essay was published in the year 1867. Later on Capt. Phelps translated it into English under the title, 'An Essay on Beneficent Government' and published it in 1869.^ -^ This treatise is an interesting as well as a remarkable one as it contained Utopian socialistic ideas for the reorganization of human society. For historians of modem Maharashtra, it is still an enigma as to what influenced Vishnubuwa to write such a treatise which in its content characteristically differed from the indigenous traditional Utopian ideas. Some months after the publication of this treatise there appeared some comments on it in 'Vividh DnyanVistar.' These comments were but a translation of the views appeared in the London based 'Asiatic' newspaper. In this note is was opined that Vishnubuwa borrowed some of his ideas from Bringhalm Young and Aurther Cotton.^ -^ Because of the non-availability of a copy of the work of Young and Cotton one finds it difficult to know the extent of its influence on Vishnubuwa.

It is in this context that Vishnubuwa's dialogue with the Christian missionaries becomes more significant, and should be viewed from a different angle. This was the period when the Christian socialist movement was active in Europe. It was during this period that the founders of the movement wrote some tracts with a view to propagating the teaching of

* Mathew Lederle while explaining how Vishnubuwa's Utopian socialism made historians puzzled about its sources writes : "Is he influenced by the communism of Plato's Republic based on the varied capacities of each citizen, by the co-operatives of the Jesuit Reductions of the seventeenth and eighteenth century in South America, by Marxist communism or by traditional indigenous ideas?" And in the end, he expresses the impossibility of giving any definite answer. Lederie, M., op. cit., p. 199. 207

Christian Socialism. Besides the writings of the Utopian sociahst thinkers and of the leaders of the Christian socialist movement, there were others as well who contributed significantly to the spread of these ideas throughout Europe.^ The point here is that the ideas of Utopian socialism were becoming popular all over Europe. Therefore the conjecture is that Vishnubuwa's contact with the Christian missionaries of Bombay might have given him the opportunity to learn about some of the ideas of Christian socialism. Thus one may find an indirect correlationship between the views of Vishnubuwa and that of the teachings of Christian socialism.

* The name 'Christian Socialism' was first heard in 1848, when the chartist movement in England was in its last phase. Frederick Denison Maurice, professor of Divinity at King's College, London and Charles Kingsley professor of Modem History at Cambridge were the founders of the Christian Socialist Movement. The Christian socialist movement aimed at restructuring society with a view to eradicate poverty. During the movement the leaders, went on discussing and elaborating the importance of the role of the state in the realization of the objectives of the movement. Charles Kingsley published during 1842 to 1852 tracts advocating Christian Sociahsm. His first two novels, 'Alton Locke' (1850) and 'Yeast' (1851) embodied his ideas of Christian Socialism. l)Owen, Chadwick, 'A History of Christian Socialism' (London, 1995), p. 247 2) Encyclopedia of World Religions (London, Phoebus Publishing Co; 1975) pp. 248, 292 3) McManners, John (ed.), The Oxford , O.U.P., 1993, pp. 370-372

# One such example is that of Wilhelm Welling whose writings represented, 'typical of primitive evangelical communism', which became known throughout Europe. Another such example is that of Etiene Cabet's 'Icaria' which gave 'a classic literary genre in his Utopian description of a communist island.' Kolakowski, Leszek, Main Currents of Marxism, 1. The Founders; (trans.), Falla, p. S. (O.U. P; 1978), pp. 211-13 To add to this reference may be made to Ruskin's famous Manchester lectures of 1857 and his Un To This Last of 1860. Ruskin's writings were an expression of the influence of the Christian socialist movement since he had assisted F. D. Maurice and Charles Kingsley as Art lecturer in their new Working Men's College a center of Christian socialism. Ruskin John, UnTo This Last, (ed.) Monfries, J. D. C. and Hollingworth, G. E; (O. U. P. 2'"' impression, 1978) introduction, p. vi 208

It has been opined that there was no influence of Western philosophical ideas on Vishnubuwa's 'Essay' and the ideas expressed in it are original.^ ^ In support of this view Prof. More has referred to Vishnubuwa's commentary on the Bhagavat Gita entitled as, 'Setubandhani Tika.'(^^'^) But the very fact that 'Setubandhani Tika', in its incomplete form was written three years after the publication of this treatise, disproves her point of view. It may be true that it was not his understanding of the 'Vedokta-Dharma' alone that provided him much needed inspiration to write an essay of this type. However, one finds the thread of essential continuity in relating his thought as reflected in the 'Vedokta-Dharma Prakash' to his Utopian socialistic thought as described in the Essay. In this context it must be kept in mind that the Utopian socialistic ideas had direct relevance to the newly emerging industrial order in Europe. It is logical to say that in the absence of some such developments in India what must have happened was that Vishnubuwa must have come under the influence of some such Utopian socialistic ideas either through the agency of the Christian missionaries or of the western educated intellectuals in Bombay. Thus it is plausible to say that the combined effect of Vishnubuwa's understanding of the Vedas and of the Utopian socialistic ideas, led him to write such a treatise.

Although, the editor of the Vividh Dnyan Vistar appreciated the importance of the subject-matter discussed by Vishnubuwa in his treatise, criticized that, 'it is beyond our intellect to comprehend it', and further sarcastically remarked that, 'only he could understand it'.^ -' In this criticism the editor pointed out that Vishnubuwa rejected the policy which he earlier had discussed in the Vedokta Dharm Prakash and wrote a new one.^ -' Many scholars have failed to appreciate the importance of Vishnubuwa's Essay in relation to his Vedokta Dharm Prakash. One must 209

take into account that Vishnubuwa's Essay was an advancement on the pohcy described in VDP by adding to it certain Utopian sociahstic ideas, thereby giving an entirely novel dimension.

In SRN Vishnubuwa defined the relationship between the King and his subjects. In the first place he explained the necessity of the office of the King. It would enable the king to see that everyone working in various establishments discharges one's duty honestly and timely.^ -' He said that the king's main duty is to protect the life of his subjects and their happiness. In this respect he raised a very pertinent question.^ -' "If the king failed to protect his subjects, should he be called the king ?" And without any hesitation he unambiguously declared that, 'he is not the king but a demon. He was opposed to the idea of hereditary kingship. In fact he gave democratic expression to the idea of Kingship. He expressed that anyone from among the subjects could become the king provided one possesses those essential qualities which the office of the king demands. He went further and described the king as an employee of the state like others.^ ^ He asked the king to pay the tax.^ -' He went to the extent saying that the king should not consider himself different from 'thfe artisans and cultivators', and 'should use the same food that they use.'^^ -' His idea about Kingship reached its acme when he wrote : "This policy makes /'365^* everyone a kmg."^ ^

Thus, Vishnubuwa believed in the two main principles of democracy viz. that all human beings are equal and in the ultimate analysis

* "Zimmer in his 'Altindisches Leben', p. 162; Weber in the 'Indische studien', vol. xvii, p. 189 and Bloomfield in his 'Hymns of the ', p. 333 unequivocally observe that in the Veda there are references to the election of Kings. They all unanimously remark that the Raja of the Veda derives his power from the people." Chamupati, Vedic Principles of the constitution of a state in The Indian Historical Quarterly, vol. IV, No. 4 December, 1928, p. 646 210 sovereignty resides with the people. It is interesting as well as instructive to note that Vishnubuwa never favoured the idea of absolute monarchy, nor of divine monarchy, nor even of enlightened despotism. It is equally important to note that he never considered the king as the sole source of law, nor also the sole interpreter of it. He made the king subject to civil law. His complete faith in the principles of liberalism led him to make the people sovereign. This implied that he was opposed to the idea that only the traditional leadership of the society was entitled to lead it. This also implied that he was against the elitist notion of leadership that considered itself as autonomous. It went against the elitist belief that populace by itself is not able to elect the wise.

Vishnubuwa repeatedly asked the king to treat his kingdom as one house and his subjects as one family.^ -' He advised the king to be just and impartial towards all his subjects without making any kind of distinction.^ -' He realized that the basic cause for all human worries lay in the economic conditions of the society. He further observed that the uneven distribution of the means of production in the society enabled its owners to exploit the have-nots. He understood that in an agrarian society land has always remained the basic unit of production. Therefore, Vishnubuwa gave a thought to the problem of the ownership of land. He decleared that the entire land should belong to all and its produce too should belong to all in common.^ ^ This concept of joint property led him to believe that this policy would put an end to the practice of sale and purchase thereby bringing every kind of commodity, every kind of entertainment, every means of conveyance such as palanquins, chariots and horses and every kind of pleasure such as festivals and amusements of every description within the reach of all.^ '' What is important to note here is that he was not satisfied only with the fulfillment of the basic 211

human needs but he viewed human happiness in broader perspective so as to include the categories of pleasure such as desires and affections. Further he believed that the policy of deprivatization of property would remove the root cause for ill-will resulting in the establishment of true relationship between the king and his subjectsA ''

Vishnubuwa then proceeded to discuss the origin of the caste- system. He explained how the caste-distinctions grew very strong amongst the people. He understood the exploitative character of the caste-system and in this respect referred to the framing of certain laws by Manu and his several debased governing policies.^ ^ It is remarkable that in this policy of Vishnubuwa one would not find his ambivalent position unlike the one that reflected in the Vedokat Dharma Prakash vis-a-vis the caste-system. He believed that his policy would put an end to all caste-distinctions.^ -' In this respect he also dealt with the most obvious question : 'who will do all kinds of menial work 9'^-'''') He accepted the fact of human nature that no two persons are bome alike, but with very different capacities.^ ^ With this basic presumption in mind he suggested that the king should examine the natural bent and qualifications of everyone, irrespective of the sex. And then only they should get training for which they may be found fit.^ ^ He believed that his policy would give them the right place in the society. He did not forget to emphasize that the menial workers should also get, ' their due share of the value of their division of labour' and comforts too. this discussion makes it clear that Vishnubuwa did not seek to convert all men to the ideal of one type. It seems that he must have considered the general leveling and the equalization of men as unmeaningfiil. But at the same time he wanted to put an end to exploitafion of any kind of man by man. His belief in the principles of liberalism made him logically convinced to give no place to caste-distinctions in order to 212

create an egalitarian society.

Vishnubuwa also gave consideration to other beneficent aspects of state activity. He suggested the formation of a state-marriage department and arrangement of marriages by it and that too by mutual consent.^ ' Here, Vishnubuwa adopted the emancipatory approach and treated women on a par with men. In fact he realized that human progress would remain incomplete if women were not made free from their traditional bondages. His policy was provided for the state education of children above the age of five and for the children with the facility of occupational training according to their merit and inclination.^ -' His policy entrusted the old to the care of the state.^ ''

Vishnubuwa's policy suggested to establish railways and electric telegraphs, to construct the embankments across rivers, to set up factories for manufacturing various kinds of clothes, to undertake cannalization of rivers and to manufacture machines and tools.^ -' What is important in all these suggestions is that Vishnubuwa appreciated the subjection of nature's forces to man. The scientific and technological progress of the West impressed him much. He considered the scientific and technological progress as a blessing believing that this would certainly be helpful in ameliorating the conditions of mankind. It has rightly been pointed out that so far as the material development was concerned Vishnubuwa was ready to accept the leadership of the West.^ -' One can see the qualitative change in the attitude of Vishnubuwa, unlike the one expressed in Vedokta Dharma Prakash, towards the advancement made by the west in the field of science and technology. Here it must be mentioned that although one finds certain elements of Utopian socialistic ideas such as state-education, state employment, and state provision for the old age of the labourers, in 213

the writings of Vishnubuwa, he never contemplated a return from a power- driven machines to a cottage-industry run by muscle-power.

Vishnubuwa did not deal systematically with the relationship between the state and the individual. However, one can derive the central theme of his thought about it. His policy gave expression to his interest in the individual and also showed his concern about the state. He made, 'Human Being on the Earth : His worries and Happiness', as the centre of his thought and only in relation to it, he thought of other institutional aspects. All his thinking moved round about, 'what man should be and what he should pursue.' In his thinking he never sacrificed the individual to the state. On the contrary he believed that the state existed for the good of the people. He never considered the relationship between the state and the individual as contradictory but complementary. In fact, he never regarded the state as an end in itself but as a means to an end and the end was the attainment of the spiritual goal. The logical corollary of such a view-point was that instead of competition Vishnubuwa insisted on harmonious cooperation amongst the members of the society. Instead of remaining adhered to the principle of sanctity of sacred institutions in its traditional sense, he in accordance with the principles of liberalism believed in the existence of social institutions for the sake of man and not the vice versa.

Thus, Vishnubuwa upheld the high principles of liberty, equality and fraternity and these became the supreme values for him. This made him possible to go beyond the frontiers of nationalism with a view to make the whole of mankind happy. He gave expression to the vision of casteless and classless society. He believed that this policy would make mankind free from, 'misery, want, cares and anxiety of every description,' and from its, 'slavery to Mammon.'^ -^ He came to the conclusion that his policy would 214

put an end to, 'the laws of Manu, of the Romans, of Mohammedans, and of the nations,'^ ^ thereby rendering the traditional legal structures and the prophets of no use; thus freeing the man from his traditional bondage. He explicitly stated that the disappearance of all religions and other shams would remove the original cause of all calamities and would make the ideal state of society based on his policy a reality ! And this ideal state of society would enable the individual to fully understand and digest the principles of the Vedant shastra thereby making the attainment of the spiritual goal possible.^ ^ It implied that this policy would bring about the final transformation in all the spheres of life including the sphere of human consciousness. Here one can see that what Vishnubuwa did was to bring about the amalgamation of the Western trend of Utopian socialism and the indigenous trend of spiritualism. It is important that Vishnubuwa realized the need to transform the society root and branch. He remained silent about the method of realizing this policy. In this respect Vishnubuwa thought that he may be able to pursue this policy only by requesting the heads of different countries to adopt this policy. One thing is clear that he did not speak either in terms of political revolution or in terms of the use of force. He, on the contrary seemed to be insisting on bringing about the peaceful transformation. Thus Vishnubuwa's policy belongs to the category of social Utopia as it is purely normative and invokes the ideals of justice and equality.

To sum up, the intellectuals in Maharashtra under the impact of certain intellectual developments in Europe, endeavoured to interpret Indian tradition. It has been explained in detail how Lokhitwadi interpreted Indian tradition by applying Mill's framework of analysis of the civilization and character of the Hindus. Phule being tremendously influenced by the writings of Thomas Paine made an attempt to analyse the mythological 215

literature of the Great tradition and exploded the myth of Baliraja. Tukaram Tatya Padwal made a clear distinction between the Vedic society based on the four-fold vama-order and the post-vedic society based on the caste- system and strongly criticized the exploitative character of the caste- sysytem. Vishnubuwa Brahmachari realizing the importance of the riligion of the Vedas distinguished it from Hinduism of his days and emphasized the need for reformong the society on the model of the Vedic society. 216 References 1. Williams, Raymond, Keywords, A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (Glasgo, Fontana, 3'^ impr; 1976), pp. 268-269. 2. Thapar, Romila, Cultural Transaction and Early India : Tradition and Patronage (Delhi, Oup, 1987), p. 7. 3. Krishna, Daya, Indian Philosophy : A Counter Perspective (Delhi, Oup, 2"" impr; 1997), p. 63. 4. Purohit, S. K., Ancient Indian Legal Philosophy Its Relevance to Con­ temporary Jurisprudential Thought (New Delhi, Deep and Deep, 1994), p. 70. 5. Ibid., p. 120. 6. Ibid., pp. 131-133. 7. Kane, P. V., History of Dharmsastra (Ancient and Medieval Religious and Civil Law) Vol. II, Part I (Poona, Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1941), p. 2. 7(A) Banerji, S. C, A Brief History of Dharmasastra, (New Delhi, Abhinava, 1999), pp. 7-8. 8. Joshi, (Tarkateertha) Laxmanshastri, Vedic Sanskriticha Vikas (Wai, Pathashala Mandal, 3"^" rpt; 1996), p. 272. 9. Banerji, S.C, op. cit., p. 110. 10. Ibid., p. 111. 11. Ibid. 12. Purohit, S. K., op. cit., p. 75. 13. Flood, Gavin, An Introduction to Hinduism (CUP, 1996), pp. 57-58. 14. Ibid., p. 58. 15. Purohit, S. K., op. cit., p. 70 16. Sharma, R. S., Perspectives in Social and Economic History of Early India (New Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, 2'"' ed., 1995), p. 30. 17. Cottingham, John, Rationalism, (London, Granada Publishing, 1984), p. 3. 18. Ibid., p. 3. 19. Ibid., P 9. 20. Sinha, J. N., Introduction to Philosophy (Calcutta, New Central Book 217

Agency, rpt; 1991), p. 35 21. Encycloaedia Britanica, Vol. 18 (Chicago, William Benton, 1971), pp. 1178-80. 22. Acton, Lectures On Modem History (London, The Fontana Library, 1960), p. 97. 23. Bronowski, J; and Mazlish, Bruce, The Western Intellectual Tradition From Leonardo to Hegel (Middlesex, Penguin Books, 1963), p. 109. 24. Ibid., p. 108. 25. Gay, Peter, and Webb, R. K; Modem Europe to 1815 (New York, Harper & Row, 1973), p. 244. 26. Bronowski, J., and Mazlish, Bruce, op. cit, p. 260. 27. Gay, Peter, and Webb, R. K., op. cit., p. 337. 28. Ibid., p. 338. 29. Ibid., See also : Neff, Emery, The Poetry of History (New York, Columbia University Press, 1947) pp. 52-54. 30. Dasgupta, S. N., Religion and the Rational Outlook (Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, rpt., 1974), p. 80. 31. Ibid., p. 81. 32. Ibid. 33. Ibid. 34. Russell, Bertrand, A History of Western Philosophy (New York, Simon and Schuster, 1972), p. 464. 35. Ibid., p. 544. 36. Ibid., p. 542. 37. Ibid., p. 526. 38. Bronowski, J. and Mazlish, Bruce, op. cit., p. 139. 39. Russell, Bertrand, op. cit., p. 544 See also : Lecky, William, E. H., History of the Rise and Infulence of the Spirit of Rationalism in Europe, Vol. 1 (London, Watts & Co, 1910), p. 104. 40. Gay, Peter, and Webb, R. K., op. cit., p. 232. 41. Bronowski, J., and MazHsh, Bruce, Op. cit., pp. 152-153. 42. Gay, Peter, and Webb, R. K., op. cit., p. 344. 218

43. Russell, Bertrand, op. cit., p. 537. 44. Ibid., p. 536. 45. Ibid. 46. Gay, Peter, and Webb, R. K., op. cit., pp. 338-339. 47. Honderich, Ted, (ed.). The Oxford Companion to Philosophy (New York, OUP, 1995),P. 236. 48. Bronowski, J., and Mazlish, Bruce, op. cit., p. 284. 49. Ibid., p. 289. 50. Rohmann, Chris, The Dictionary of Important Ideas and Thinkers, (London, Arrow Books, 2002), pp. 186-187. 51. Russell, Bertrand, op. cit., p. 660. 52. Gay, Peter, and Webb, R. K., Op. cit., p. 354. 53. Davidson, William L., Political Thought in England : The Utilitarianism from Bentham to J. S. Mill (London, Thornton Butterworth Ltd. rpt. 1935), p. 72. 54. Honderich, Ted, (ed.), op. cit., p. 87. 55. Russell, Bertrand, op. cit., pp. 773-782. See also : Russell, Bertrand, Freedom and Organization 1874-1914. (London, George Allen and Unwin Ltd; 1934), pp. 103-114,131-140 and Bronowski, J., and MazUsh, Bruce, op. cit., pp. 481-502. 56. Davidson WilHam L., op. cit., p. 47. 57. Ibid., p. 48. 58. Honderich, Ted (ed.), op. cit., p. 85. 59. Davidson William L., op. cit., pp. 53-54. 60. Mill, James, History of British India, Vol. 1. (ed.), Wilson H. H., (London, 4'"ed; 1948), p. 171. 61. Grewal, J. S., Muslim Rule in India: The Assessment of British Historians (Calcutta, OUP, 1970), p. 78. 62. Ibid. 63. Ibid., p. 82. 64. Mill, James, op. cit., p. 186. 65. Ibid., p. 187. 219

66. Ibid. 67. Ibid., p. 188-189. 68. Ibid., p. 218. 69. Ibid., p. 219. 70. Priyolkar, A. K., (ed.), Lokhitwadikrit Nibandha Sangriha (Bombay, Popular, 2"'' ed. 1967), Letter No. 61, p. 154. (Herein after referred to as "Lokhitwadi") 71. Mill, James, op. cit., p. 397. 72. Ibid., p. 436. 73. Lokhitwadi, Letter No. 34, pp. 86-88. See also. Letter No. 94, pp. 237-239. Letter, No. 8, pp. 16-18. 74. Ibid., Letter No. 68, pp. 170-171. See also : Letter No, 24, pp. 55-58. 75. Mill, James, op. cit., pp. 182-183, 194, 200.. 76. Ibid., p. 197 77. Ibid., pp. 195,439-440. 78. Ibid., p. 168. 79. Grewal, J. S. op. cit., p. 84. 80. Ibid. 81. Lokhitwadi, Letter No. 59, p. 149. See also : Letter No. 61, pp. 154-156. Letter No; 62, pp. 156-158. Letter No. 63, pp. 158-160. 82. Lokhitwadi, Letter No. 97, pp. 244-245. See also : Letter No 101, pp. 253-255. Letter No. 55, pp. 138-140. Letter No. 100, pp. 250-252. 83. Grewal, J. S., op. cit., p. 68. 84. Bryant, Arthur, Macaulay (London, rpt; 1979), Appendix, p. 112. 85. Lokhitwadi; Letter No 64, pp. 160-163. See also : Letter No. 85, pp. 212-214. LetterNo. 82, pp. 203-206. 220

86. Pandit, B. S. (ed.), Raosaheb Keshav Shivram Bhavalkar Yanche Atmavritta (Nagpur, Vidarbha Samshodhan Mandal, 1961), p. 104. [Herein after referred to as : Autobiography of Keshav Shivram Bhavalkar] See also : Ravinder Kumar, Western India in the 19"' Century (London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1968), pp. 39-40. 87. Mill, James, op. cit., p. 449. 88. Ibid., pp. 450-451. 89. Ibid., pp. 452-454. 90. Ibid., p. 415. 91. Ibid., p. 416. 92. Ibid., p. 417. 93. Lokhitwadi, Letter No. 5, pp. 10-11. 94. Sunthankar, B. R., Nineteenth Century History of Maharashtra Vol. 1, 1818-1857 (Pune, Shubhada- Saraswat Prakashan, 1988), p. 235. 95. Phadke, Y. D., (ed.), Mahatma Phule Samagra Wangmaya (Mumbai, Maharashtra Rajya Sahitya Ani Sanskrati Mandal, 5* revised, rpt. 1991), pp. 686-687. (Hereinafter arferred to as Phule Samagr) 96. Sunthankar, B. R., op. cit., p. 241. 97. Autobiography of Keshav Shivram Bhavalkar, Op. cit., pp. 107-108. 98. Phule Samagra, op. cit., p. 642. 99. Adkins, Nelson F. (ed.), Thomas Paine Common Sense and Other Political Writings (New York, The Liberal Arts Press, 1953), p. Introduction xix. 100. Ibid. 101. Commager, Henry Steele, The Empire of Reason (New York, Anchor Press, Doubleday, 1978), p. 40. 102. Holyoake, George J., (ed.). Rights of Man (Being an Answer to Mr. Burke's Attack on the French Revolution by Thomas Paine (New York, E. P. Button Co. rpt; 1921), p. 154 (Herein after referred to as Rights of Man) 103. Ibid., p. 135. 104. Adkins, Nelson F., op. cit., p. 112. 221

105. RightsofMan, p. 151. 106. Ibid., p. 101. 107. Ibid., p. 4. 108. Ibid. 109. Ibid., pp. 20-21. 110. Ibid., p. 18. 111. Ibid., p. 21. 112. Ibid., p. 112. 113. Ibid., p. 46. 114. Ibid., p. 135. 115. Ibid., p. 167. 116. Ibid., pp. 179-180. 117. Ibid.ibid., p. 278. 118. Paine, Thomas, The Age of Reason (1795-1796), (ed.) Bonner H. Bradlaugh (London, Watts and Co; The Thinker's Library No. 69, rpt; 1938) p. xvi (Herein after referred to as the Age of Reason) 119. ThiIbid.H , np . 20 . 120. Ibid., p. 3. 121. Ibid., p. 2. 122. Ibid., p. 17. 123. Ibid., p. 15. 124. Ibid., p. 68. 125. Ibid., p. 64. 126. Ibid., p. 65. 127. Ibid., p. 161. 128. Ibid., p. 65. 129. Ibid., p. 170. 130. Ibid., p. 3. 131. Ibid., p. 160. 132. Ibid., p. 159. 133. Ibid., p. 58. 134. Ibid., p. 151. 222

135. Ibid., pp. 51-52. 136. Ibid. 137. Ibid., p. 55. 138. Ibid., p. 54. 139. Ibid., p. 56. 140. Ibid., p. 71. 141. Ibid., p. 222. 142. Ibid., p. 17. 143. Ibid., p. 19. 144. Ibid., pp. 161-162. 145. Ibid., p. 143. 146. Ibid., p. 165. 147. Bronowski, J. and Mazlish, Bruce, op. cit., p. 153. 148. The Age of Reason, p. 148. 149. Ibid., p. 24. 150. Ibid., p. 25. 151. Kunte, Mahadeo Moreshwar, Raja Shivaji (Mumbai, 1869), (ed.), Bhosale, S. S. (Aurangabad, Sahitya Prakashan, rpt, 1992), Preface, p. 2 152. Engblom, Philip, 'Vishun Moreshwar Mahajani and Nineteenth-Century Antecedents to Keshavsut' in Wagle, N. K., (ed.). Writers, Editors and Reformers : Social and Political Transformations of Maharashtra, 1830- 1930, (New Delhi, Manohar, 1999), p. 143. 153. Kunte, M. M. op. cit., p. 15. 154. Engblom, Philip, op. cit., p. 145. 155. Kunte, M. M., op. cit., p. 15. 156. Ibid., p. 6. 157. Ibid., p 17. 158. Ibid., p 11. 159. Ibid., p 18. 160. Ibid., p 13. 161. Ibid., p 14. 162. Phule, Pawada Chhatrapati Shivaji Raje Bhosale Yancha (Mumbai, 223

Oriental Press, 1869), in Samagra, p. 41. 163. Ibid., p. 65. 164. Ibid., p. 48. 165. Ibid., p. 54. 166. Ibid., pp. 51-52. 166(A) Ibid.,pp. 43,45,48, 52, 55,60, 64, 67,71. 167. O' Hanlon R., Maratha History as Polemic : Low Caste Ideology and Political Debate in late Nineteenth Century Western India (Modem Asian Studies, Vol. 17, No. 1) in Vartak, Malavika, Shivaji Maharaj : Growth of a Symbol in Economic and Political Weekly, May, 8, 1999. p. 1129. 168. Phule, Jotirao, Gulamgiri, (Pune, Pune City Press, 1873), in Samagra, pp. 141-142 (Herein after red erred to as Gulamgiri) See also : Phule, Jotiba, Gulamgiri (Pune, 1873), trans. Patil, P. G., Slavery, Collected Works of Mahatma Jotirao Phule Vol. 1 (Bombay, The Education Dept, Govt of Maharashtra, 1991) 169. Ibid., p. 117. 170. Ibid.,p 118. 171. Ibid.,p 159. 172. Ibid.,p 119. 173. Ibid.,p 122. 174. Ibid.,p 123. 175. Cassirer, E., Language and Myth, Langer, Susanne K., (trans.), (New York, 1945), Translator's Preface, p. viii 176. Ibid. 177. Deshpande, A. M., Jotirao Phule and the Creation of Counter Culture, Unpublished paper, p. 5. 178. Gulamgiri op. cit. Foot-note, pp. 118-119. 179. Joshi, (Tarkateertha), Laxmanshastri, Jotirao Phule, (trans.), Agarwal, Daya, (New Delhi, National Book Trust, 1996), pp. 89-90. 179(A) Caudwell, Christopher, Illusion and Reality, A study of the Sources of Poetry (New Delhi, rpt; Peoples Publishing House, Indian edition, 1978), p. 26. 224

180. Gulamgiri, p. 178. 181. Cassirer, E., The Logic of the Humanities, op. cit., p. 145. 182. Padwal, Tukaram Tatya, Jatibhed Viveksar (Mumbai, Ganpat Krishnaji Press, 2"'' ed., 1865) It contains Padwal's note of dedication to the first edition. 183. Ibid., The Title page. 184. Ibid., the preface. 185. Ibid. 186. Ibid., pp. 2-3. 187. Ibid., p. 7, 59. 188. Ibid., p. 10. 189. Ibid., p. 60. 190. Ibid., pp. 104-105. 191. Ibid., p. 27, See also: Wilson, John, India Three Thousand Years Ago, Bombay, Smith, Taylor and Co. 1858, p. 60. 192. Ibid., p. 14. 193. Ibid., pp. 17-19 See also: Wilson, John, op. cit., pp. 48-49. 194. Ibid., p. 31. 195. Ibid., p. 59. 196. Ibid., p. 24. see also : Wilson John, op.cit., pp. 48-49. 197. Ibid., pp. 24-25. 198. Ibid., pp. 62-63. 199. Ibid., p. 61. 200. Ibid., p. 77. 201. Ibid., pp. 96-97. 202. Ibid., pp. 104-105. 203. Ibid., pp. 109-114. 204. Ibid., p. 33. 205. Ibid., p. 104. 206. Law, B. C; Asvaghosa (Calcutta, The Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1946), p. 9. 225

207. Ashwa Ghoshu, The Wajra Soochi, ed. Wilkinson, L. and trans. Hodgson, B.H., [Also contained The Tunku by Soobajee Bapu], (Publication place, Publishing Co. not mentioned, 1839), p. 4. 208. Ibid., p. 6. 209. Young Richard Fox, Resistant Hinduism : Sanskrit Sources on anti- in early Nineteenth-century India (Vienna, The De Nobili Research Library, 1981), p. 89. 210. Ibid. 211. Bayly, Susan, The New Cambridge History of India : Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modem Age (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 147. 212. Ibid. 213. Dhere, R. C; Sant Sahitya Ani Loksahitya : Kahi Anubandh (Pune, Sri Prakashan, 1978), pp. 92-120. 214. Naik, J. V; Early Anti-Caste Movement in Western India. : The Paramahansa Sabha in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bombay, Vols. 49-50-51, Yrs. 1974-75-76 (Bombay, 1979), p. 143. 215. Dhere, R. C;op. cit., p. 118. 216. Ashvaghosa, The Vajrasuci, Mukhopadhyaya, SujitKumar (ed.). The Vajrasui of Asvaghosa (Shantiniketan, Visva-Bharati Annals, vol. II, 1949, Revised 2"'' ed. 1960), p. Introduction xiii. 217. Wilkinson, L. (ed.) and Hodgson, B. H. (trans.), op. cit., p. 5. 218. Padwal, Tukaram Tatya, op. cit., p. 122 see also : Mukhopadhyaya, Sujitkumar (ed.), op. cit., p. 13. 219. Ibid., p. 123. See also : Mukhopadhyaya, Sujitkumar (ed.), op. cit., p. 14. 220. Ibid., pp. 126-127. See also : Mukhopadhyaya Sujitkumar (ed.), op. cit., p. 17. 221. Ibid., pp. 129-130. See also : Mukhopadhyaya, Sujitkumar (ed.), op. cit., p. 20. 222. Ibid., p. 130. See also : Mukhopadhyaya, Sujikumar (ed.), op. cit., p. 20. 226

223. Ibid. See also : Mukhopadhyaya, Sujikumar (ed.), op. cit., p. 20. 224. Ibid., p. 132 See also : Mukhopadhyaya, Sujikumar (ed.), op. cit., p. 21. 225. Narayan, Sheshadri and Wilson, John, The Darkness and the Dawn in India (Bombay, Smith, Taylor and Co. 1853), p. 11. 226. Wilson, John, Dusare Hindu-Dhanna Prasiddhikaran (Bombay, 1835) p. 60. See also : Mitchell, Rev. J. Murray, Letters to Indian Youth (Bombay, 5"" ed; 1863) p. 114. 227. Mitchell, Rev. J. Murray, Letters to Indian Youth on the Evidences of the Christian Religion with a Brief Examination of Hinduism, Parsism and Mahammadanism, (Bombay, The Bombay Tract and Book Society, 5* (ed), 1863),p. 109. 228. Ibid., p. 112. 229. Ibid. 230. Ibid., p. 118. 231. Comparison of Hinduism and Christianity (Bombay Tract and Book Society, 1862), pp. 1-16. 232. Narayan, Sheshadri and Wilson, John, op. cit., p. 64. See also : Wilson, John, Dusare Hinu-Dharma-pprasiddhikaran, op. cit., pp. 26-27. 233. Wilson, John, op. cit., pp. 29-30, 64-65, 100. see also : i) Narayan, Sheshadri and Wilson, John, op. cit., pp. 14-15. ii) Comparison of Hinduism and Christianity, pp. 39-41. 234. Wilson, John, op. cit., pp. 64-65, 100. 235. Ibid., p. 71. see also : Historical sketch of the Mission to the Maharattas of Western India. (New York, Published by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, (1862), pp. 8-9. 236. Narayan, Sheshadri and Wilson, John, op. cit., p. 25. 237. Wilson, John, op. cit., p. 42. 227

see also : i) Narayan, Sheshadri and Wilson, John, op. cit., p. 24. 238. Ibid., pp. 50-51. See also: On Hindu Festivals (Bombay, Bombay Tract and Book Society, 1853), pp. 12-13. 239. Narayan, Sheshadri and Wilson, John, op. cit., p. 19. See also for elaborate discussion about the claims of the Brahmins: Hindushastrat Sangitlele Brahmananche Mahatva (Mumbai, Bombay Tract and Book Society, 1848), p. 126. 240. Ibid., pp. 32-33. 241. Hey, Richard, Some Principles of Civilization with Detached Thoughts on the Promotion of Christianity in British India (Cambridge, J. Smith Printer, 1815) pp. 29-64. 242. On Hindu Festivals op. cit., p. 6. 243. Mitchell, Rev. J. Murray, In Western India Recollecting of My Early Missionary Life (Edinburgh, 1899), pp. 30-32. 244. Wilder (Rev.) R. G., Mission Schools in India of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions with Sketches of the Missions North American Indians, the Sandwich Islands, the Armenians of Turkey, and the Nestorians of Persia (New York, 1861), p. 31. 245. Ibid. 246. Dnyanodaya, December 20, 1845 247. Wilder, (Rev) R. G., op. cit., p. 66. 248. Ibid. 249. Ibid., p. 72. See also : Dnyanoday, May, 1844 250. For a more detailed information see : i) Jambheker, G. G., (ed.). The Memoirs and writings of Balsastri Jambhekar, vol. Ill (Pune, 1952), Appendix 11, pp. 545-574. ii) Walimbe, R. S., Ekonisavya Shatkatil Maharashtrachi Samajik Punarghatna (Pune, Pratibha Mudranalaya, 1962) pp. 208-260. iii) Wagle, N. K., Readmission of Shripat Sesadri : Dharmasastra vs Public Consensus Bombay 1843-45 in Kulkami, A. R., and Wagle, N. 228

K., (ed.) Region, Nationality and Religion (Mumbai, 1999), pp. 130- 155. iv) Godbole, and Omkar, M. M., 'A Document regarding the purification of Shripat' in Bharat Itihas Samshodhak Mandal Quarterly, vol. 72, No. 1-4, July 1993 April 1994, pp. 29-34. 251. Dnyanprakash, June 24, 1850 252. Dnyanodaya, May, 1852 253. Ibid. 254. Dnyanodaya, June 15,1853 255. Ibid. 256. Dnyanodaya, March 15, 1852 257. Dnyanodaya, December 1, 1852 258. Dnyanodaya, November 1, 1852 259. Dnyanodaya, November 15, 1852 260. Ibid. 261. Ibid. 262. Dnyanodaya, December, 1 1852 263. Dnyanodaya, November 15, 1852 and February 1, 1853 264. Dnyanodaya, February 1, 1853 265. Dnyanodaya, February 1, 1853; February 15, 1853; and March 15, 1853 266. Dnyanodaya, February 15, 1853 267. Dnyanodaya, August 1, 1845 268. Ibid. 269. Dnyanodaya, December 20, 1845 270. Dnyanodaya, June 15,1851 271. Prabodhchandrodaya, Book I, Issue 2, May 1851, p. 5. 272. Ibid., pp. 7-8. 273. Ibid., pp. 3-4. 274. Dnyanodaya, August 2, 1852 275. Ibid. 276. Ibid. 277. Ibid. 229

278. Vicharlahari, Book I, Issue 10, Shake 1774, Ashwin Vadya 7, pp. 78-79 See also : Book I, Issue 14, Shake 1774, Margashirsha Vadya 4, pp. 106- 109 Book I, Issue 15, Shake 1774, pp. 113, 118-119. 279. Vicharlahari, Book I, Issue 12, Shake 1774, Kartika Vadya 6, pp. 90-94. 280. Dnyanodaya, August 2, 1852 See also : Prabhakar, August 10, 1852 281. Saddharma Dipika, Book I, Issue-8, Shake 1777, Krishna 11, pp. 118-119. 282. Vichariahari, Book I, Issue 19, Shake 1774, Falgun Shudlha 1, p. 150 283. Vichariahari, Book I, Issue 20, Shake 1774, Falgun Vadya- p. 157 284. Saddharma Dipika, Book I, Issue I, Shake 1777, Sravan Shuddha 11, p. 6 (Herein after referred to as SD) 285. SD. Book I, Issue: 9, Shake 1777 Margashirsha Shukla 11, pp. 134-135. 286. SD. Book I, Issue 3, Shake 1777 Bhadrapad Shuddha 11, p. 41. 287. SD. Book I, Issue 6, Shake 1777, pp. 91 -92. 288. SD. Book I, Issue 5, pp. 71-72. 289. SD. Book I, Issue 7, Shake 1777, Kartik Shukla 11, p. 97. 290. SD. Book I, Issue 4, pp. 59-61. 291. SD. Book I, Issue 1, p. 9. 292. Warder, A. K., A Course in Indian Philosophy (Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, 2"''ed; 1998) p. 21. 293. Conlon, Frank F. 'Vishunbuwa Brahmachari: A Champion of Hinduism in Nineteenth Century Maharashtra' in Kulkami, A. R., and Wagle, N. K., (ed.) op. cit., p. 161. 294. Dnyanodaya, November 15, 1852 295. Singh C. S., Theory of Literature vol. I (New Delhi, Anmol publications, 1998), p. 13. 296. Halbfass, Wilhelm, India and Europe : An Essay in Philosophical Understanding (Delhi Motilal Banarsidass, 1990), p. 63. 297. Padayya, k., William Jones : A Tribute, in Bulletin of the Deccan College, 54-55(1994-95), p. xxii. 230

298. Singh, C. S., op. cit.,p. 16. 299. Ibid. 300. Ibid., p. 17. 301. Ibid. 302. Ibid., p. 19. 303. Ibid. 304. Halbfass, Wilhelm, op. cit., p. 57. 305. Clarke, J. J., Oriental Enlightenment (London Routledge, 1997) p. 61. 306. Ibid., p. 63. 307. Ibid., pp. 64-65. 308. Singhal, D. P., India and World Civilization (Calcutta, Rupa and Co; rpt. 1993), p. 233. 309. Bhattacharya, N. N., Indian Religious Historiography, vol. I (Delhi, Munstiram Manoharlal, 1996) p. 45. 310. Conlon, Frank F., op. cit., p. 170. 311. Ajarekar, Ramchandra Pandurang (Shastri), Shri Vishnubuwa Brahmachari Yanche Charitra (Mumbai, Ganpat Krishnaji Press, Shake 1794 i.e. 1872), p. 21. 312. Vishnubuwa Brahmachari (full name : Gokhale, Vishnu Bhikaji), Shri Vedokta Dharma Prakash (Bombay, 1859) p. 481. (Herein after referred to as VDP). 313. Ibid., pp. 304-306. 314. Ibid., p. 15. 315. Ibid., p. 40. 316. Ibid., p. 211. 317. Ibid., p. 15-17. 318. Ibid., pp. 86, 220-254. 319. Ibid., pp. 84-85. 320. Ibid., p. 87. 321. Ibid., pp. 685-690. See also : Vartaman Dipika, June 25, 1859 322. Vartaman Dipika, June 25, 1859 231

323. Ibid., July 23, 1859 324. VDP, op. cit., p. 324 325. Ibid., p. 334. 326. Ibid., pp. 16-45. 327. Ibid., p. 295. 328. Ibid., pp. 549, 561-68, 578-93, 608-10, 611--12 329. Ibid., 191-93. 330. Dhumketu, July 22, 1859 331. Vartaman Dipika, July 16, 1859 See also : Rajniti, point no. 23, p. 7 . 332. Vartaman Dipika, July 16, 1859 333. VDP, p. 221. 334. Ibid., p. 481. 335. Ibid., p. 486. 336. Ibid., p. 496. 337. Ibid., pp. 481-503. 338. Ibid., p. 503. 339. Ibid., p. 653. 340. Vartaman Dipika, July 23, 1859 341. VDP 342. Ibid., pp. 74-77. 343. VDP, pp. 620-21. 344. Ibid., p. 630. 345. Ibid., pp. 629-30. See also : Rajniti, point No. 3, p. 2. 346. Ibid., pp. 220, 626. 347. Ibid., p. 631. 348. Ibid., pp. 218-19. 349. Ibid., pp. 83-84. 350. Ibid., pp. 679-81. 351. Ibid., pp. 682-83. 352. Ibid., pp. 641-45. 232

353. Vishnubuwa Brahmachari, Vedokta Dharmacha Vichar, p. 58. 354. Vishnubuwa Brahmachari, Sukhadayak Rajyaprakami Nibandh (Bombay, 1867), Phelps, Captain A; (trans.), An Essay in Marathi on Beneficent Government (Bombay, 1869). Herein after referred to as : Sukhadayak 355. Vividh Dnyanvistar, Book 3, Issue 4, September, 1870, pp. 55-56. 356. Sunthankar, B. R. op. cit., p. 238. 357. More, A; Vishnu Buwa Brahmarchari unpublished M.Phil. Thesis, Pune University, p. 97. 358. Vividh DnyanVistar, Book III, Issue 2, July, 1870, p. 24. 359. Ibid., p. 26. 360. Sukhadayak, pp. 13-14. 361. Rajaniti, point No. 17, p. 4; point No. 24, p. 7. 362. Ibid., point No. 1, p. 1; point No. 28, p. 7. 363. Ibid., point No. 11, p. 3. 364. Sukhadayak, p. 4. 365. Ibid., p. 19. 366. Ibid., pp. 3, 5,14. 367. Rajaniti, p. 17. 368. Sukhadayak, pp. 4, 14. 369. Ibid., pp. 11,19. 370. Ibid., pp. 11-12. 371. Ibid., p. 8. 372. Ibid., p. 16. 373. Ibid., p. 12. 374. Ibid. 375. Ibid., p. 17.. 376. Ibid., p. 13. 377. Ibid., p. 4. 378. Ibid., p. 5. 379. Ibid 380. Ibid., p. 4. 381. Deshpande, A. M., 'Dynamics of The Social Reform Movement in 233

Mahatashtra' (in Rojnishi, History Academy, Research Bulletin, University of Pune, vol. I, No. 1, 1983 382. Sukhadayak, pp. 19, 16. 383. Ibid., p. 19. 384. Ibid., p. 1.