The Population and Policy of Sparta in the Fifth Century Author(S): G

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Population and Policy of Sparta in the Fifth Century Author(S): G The Population and Policy of Sparta in the Fifth Century Author(s): G. B. Grundy Source: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 28 (1908), pp. 77-96 Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/624558 . Accessed: 25/03/2013 15:01 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Hellenic Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 141.161.91.14 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 15:01:28 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE POPULATION AND POLICY OF SPARTA IN THE FIFTH CENTURY. IT is, perhaps, somewhat venturesome to attempt to say anything upon a subject which demands full treatment from anyone who would write a History of Greece, and which has, therefore, been discussed at considerable length by many great historians. Still the research of the last twenty years has led to such material modifications of the views which formerly prevailed as to the exact significance of various important factors in the history of the Greek race, that the learned world has become emancipated from the tyranny of stereotyped tradition, and has ceased to regard deviation from the accustomed views as necessarily fanciful and untrue. The present writer is therefore encouraged to state his conclusions, strange and novel as they may appear at first reading, by the assured feeling that they will be addressed to many who will not reject them out of hand by reason of a certain strangeness and novelty, but will form a judgment as to their truth or otherwise on an examination of the premisses and of the validity of the logical arguments drawn therefrom. There are certain chapters in Greek history, which, in the form in which they are commonly presented to the student, convey an impression of irrationality-of a story taken from the history of a world in which the ordinary laws of cause and effect do not hold good. No one of these chapters leaves the student with a more unsatisfactory feeling that he has not arrived at the truth than that which relates to the position and policy of Sparta with reference to external politics. Lacedaemon was an enigma to its contemporaries. To that fact may be attributed the difficulty which has always existed with regard to its true presentment, and the very varied judgments which have been formed and expressed as to the motives and morale of its policy and actions. Sparta's conduct on various occasions has been subjected to the severest criticism not merely in modern but in ancient times; yet a consideration of the whole long story of this unique state is apt to leave behind it the feeling that its critics have judged it too severely, and have above all blamed it for not doing that which was not in its power to do. There is such an extra- ordinary consistency in that 'unambitious,' 'vacillating,' 'dilatory' policy, which even her friends and admirers condemned in the fifth century before Christ, and less passionate critics have condemned in the nineteenth century This content downloaded from 141.161.91.14 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 15:01:28 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 78 G. B. GRUNDY after Christ, that a thoughtful student of history may well feel some doubt as to whether that policy was dictated by an innate, unintelligent, selfish conservatism, or was due to motives of such a compelling character as rigidly to condition the relations of Sparta with the outside world. The statistics with regard to the population of Ancient Greece, which have been collected in Dr. Julius Beloch's work on the population of the Ancient World, have a significance which has been recognised but not always fully appreciated in relation to the history of some of the Greek States. But Dr. Beloch has not said the last word on the subject. He has failed to estimate the importance of the evidence which Greece at the present day affords. He tends also to discredit certain statements of numbers, from which larger estimates of the population of Greece in ancient times might be deduced than would be the case were the calculations founded on certain other existent data. The reasons which he gives for the rejection of this evidence are by no means conclusive, and betray at times a failure to appreciate certain factors in that Greek military history from which these data are largely drawn. The cultivated, and, indeed, cultivable area in Greece at the present day is undoubtedly smaller than it was in the flourishing days of the fifth century. Pausanias notices the ruin of the hillside cultivation, of which the traces are still apparent in many parts of Greece; and in a climate such as that of the Eastern Mediterranean this form of cultivation, if once allowed to go to ruin, is almost beyond the possibility of reconstitution, owing to the soil being washed down into the valleys by the heavy rains of the Autumn and Spring. There is perhaps no country in the civilised world which has had a more distressful economic history during the last two thousand years. Devastation and misgovernment have alike played havoc with the productiveness of a land whose cultivable area was, under the most favourable circumstances, but a little more than one-fifth of its whole extent. From returns published by the Greek Government in 1893 it appears that the total area in Greece which is capable of yielding food products other than cattle amounts to only twenty-two per cent. of the whole area of the country; and of this a very large proportion is in the one district of Thessaly. Moreover, the area actually cultivated in that year amounted to only fifteen per cent. of the surface of Greece. It is also stated-and this is a significant statement for our present purpose-that, were that seven per cent. of area, which is the difference between those two amounts, under cultivation at the present day, the necessity for the import of foreign grain would cease, and this in spite of the fact that large areas of land in the Peloponnese which are capable of yielding food products are sacrificed to the growth of the currant crop. But it is further reckoned that were the 72,000 acres of cornland which at present lie fallow in Thessaly brought under cultivation, the deficit of home food products would'be supplied; and this acreage is but a fraction of the seven per cent. to which reference has been made. It would therefore appear that at the present day, in spite of the cultivable area being in all probability appreciably smaller than it was in the fifth century before Christ, it would, if This content downloaded from 141.161.91.14 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 15:01:28 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions POLICY OF SPARTA IN THE FIFTH CENTURY 79 brought under cultivation, be enough and even more than enough to meet the needs of the present population in respect to food supply. When we turn to the evidence of the circumstances as they existed in the fifth century we find a state of things which contrasts strongly in certain important respects with that existent at the present day. 'The population of the country at that time was larger, probably far larger, than the country could support. All the states from Boeotia southwards seem to have been more or less dependent on foreign corn. This dependence was of old standing. It had existed in Boeotia, and, if in Boeotia, almost certainly in the less fertile districts of Greece, so early as the days of Hesiod.1 Aegina and Peloponnese were importing corn from the Pontus early in the fifth century.2 Later in the same century Peloponnese was importing corn from Sicily.3 The evidence with regard to the import of corn into Attica is so well known that it need not be produced in detail for the purposes of this paper. One passage is, however, worthy of special consideration, because it shows the magnitude of the deficiency in the case of this particular state. In the middle of the fourth century Attica was importing 400,000 medimnoi of corn annually from the Pontus alone, and ,800,000 annually from all parts.4 The passage from which these figures are derived seems to assume that this corn was intended for consumption within Attica itself, and not for re-export. If so, taking 7 medimnoi (and this is a liberal computation) as the annual consumption per head, it points to the fact that 114,000 of the population of Attica in the middle of the fourth century were dependent for food on imported corn, and this at a time when the population had very considerably decreased from what it had been .at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War. Taking these broad facts drawn from ancient and modern evidence into consideration, it seems impossible to accept Dr.
Recommended publications
  • Spartan Women Among the Romans: Adapting Models, Forging Identities Author(S): Sarah B
    Spartan Women among the Romans: Adapting Models, Forging Identities Author(s): Sarah B. Pomeroy Source: Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. Supplementary Volumes, Vol. 7, Role Models in the Roman World. Identity and Assimilation (2008), pp. 221-234 Published by: University of Michigan Press for the American Academy in Rome Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40379356 . Accessed: 04/07/2014 09:41 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. American Academy in Rome and University of Michigan Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. Supplementary Volumes. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 146.96.24.14 on Fri, 4 Jul 2014 09:41:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 11 ♦ SPARTANWOMEN AMONG THE ROMANS: ADAPTING MODELS, FORGING IDENTITIES SarahB. Pomeroy did the Romansdistinguish respectable Greek womenfrom Romans? Why did they considerSpartans different from the others? In thischapter I willdiscuss the complex and changingrelationship between gender and ethnicidentity. I selected the Spartans for this investiga- tionbecause theywere the most distinctive and ethnicallyidentifiable of Greekwomen. "Ethnic identity"refers to inheritedcultural traits that are often observable only by comparison with people who do notexhibit these traits.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict in the Peloponnese
    CONFLICT IN THE PELOPONNESE Social, Military and Intellectual Proceedings of the 2nd CSPS PG and Early Career Conference, University of Nottingham 22-24 March 2013 edited by Vasiliki BROUMA Kendell HEYDON CSPS Online Publications 4 2018 Published by the Centre for Spartan and Peloponnesian Studies (CSPS), School of Humanities, University of Nottingham, Nottingham, NG7 2RD, UK. © Centre for Spartan and Peloponnesian Studies and individual authors ISBN 978-0-9576620-2-5 This work is ‘Open Access’, published under a creative commons license which means that you are free to copy, distribute, display, and perform the work as long as you clearly attribute the work to the authors, that you do not use this work for any commercial gain in any form and that you in no way alter, transform or build on the work outside of its use in normal academic scholarship without express permission of the authors and the publisher of this volume. Furthermore, for any reuse or distribution, you must make clear to others the license terms of this work. https://www.nottingham.ac.uk/csps TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD .................................................................................................................................. i THE FAMILY AS THE INTERNAL ENEMY OF THE SPARTAN STATE ........................................ 1-23 Maciej Daszuta COMMEMORATING THE WAR DEAD IN ANCIENT SPARTA THE GYMNOPAIDIAI AND THE BATTLE OF HYSIAI .............................................................. 24-39 Elena Franchi PHILOTIMIA AND PHILONIKIA AT SPARTA ......................................................................... 40-69 Michele Lucchesi SLAVERY AS A POLITICAL PROBLEM DURING THE PELOPONESSIAN WARS ..................... 70-85 Bernat Montoya Rubio TYRTAEUS: THE SPARTAN POET FROM ATHENS SHIFTING IDENTITIES AS RHETORICAL STRATEGY IN LYCURGUS’ AGAINST LEOCRATES ................................................................................ 86-102 Eveline van Hilten-Rutten THE INFLUENCE OF THE KARNEIA ON WARFARE ..........................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Pausanias' Description of Greece
    BONN'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY. PAUSANIAS' DESCRIPTION OF GREECE. PAUSANIAS' TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH \VITTI NOTES AXD IXDEX BY ARTHUR RICHARD SHILLETO, M.A., Soiiii'tinie Scholar of Trinity L'olltge, Cambridge. VOLUME IT. " ni <le Fnusnnias cst un homme (jui ne mnnquo ni de bon sens inoins a st-s tlioux." hnniie t'oi. inais i}iii rn>it ou au voudrait croire ( 'HAMTAiiNT. : ftEOROE BELL AND SONS. YOUK STIIKKT. COVKNT (iAKDKX. 188t). CHISWICK PRESS \ C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT, CHANCEKV LANE. fA LC >. iV \Q V.2- CONTEXTS. PAGE Book VII. ACHAIA 1 VIII. ARCADIA .61 IX. BtEOTIA 151 -'19 X. PHOCIS . ERRATA. " " " Volume I. Page 8, line 37, for Atte read Attes." As vii. 17. 2<i. (Catullus' Aft is.) ' " Page 150, line '22, for Auxesias" read Anxesia." A.-> ii. 32. " " Page 165, lines 12, 17, 24, for Philhammon read " Philanimon.'' " " '' Page 191, line 4, for Tamagra read Tanagra." " " Pa ire 215, linu 35, for Ye now enter" read Enter ye now." ' " li I'aijf -J27, line 5, for the Little Iliad read The Little Iliad.'- " " " Page ^S9, line 18, for the Babylonians read Babylon.'' " 7 ' Volume II. Page 61, last line, for earth' read Earth." " Page 1)5, line 9, tor "Can-lira'" read Camirus." ' ; " " v 1'age 1 69, line 1 , for and read for. line 2, for "other kinds of flutes "read "other thites.'' ;< " " Page 201, line 9. for Lacenian read Laeonian." " " " line 10, for Chilon read Cliilo." As iii. 1H. Pago 264, " " ' Page 2G8, Note, for I iad read Iliad." PAUSANIAS. BOOK VII. ACIIAIA.
    [Show full text]
  • University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967
    This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 66-15,122 PIPER, Linda Jane, 1935- A HISTORY OF SPARTA: 323-146 B.C. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1966 History, ancient University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967 All Rights Reserved A HISTORY OF SPARTA: 323-1^6 B.C. DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Linda Jane Piper, A.B., M.A. The Ohio State University 1966 Approved by Adviser Department of History PREFACE The history of Sparta from the death of Alexander in 323 B.C; to the destruction of Corinth in 1^6 B.C. is the history of social revolution and Sparta's second rise to military promi­ nence in the Peloponnesus; the history of kings and tyrants; the history of Sparta's struggle to remain autonomous in a period of amalgamation. It is also a period in Sparta's history too often neglected by historians both past and present. There is no monograph directly concerned with Hellenistic Sparta. For the most part, this period is briefly and only inci­ dentally covered in works dealing either with the whole history of ancient Sparta, or simply as a part of Hellenic or Hellenistic 1 2 history in toto. Both Pierre Roussel and Eug&ne Cavaignac, in their respective surveys of Spartan history, have written clear and concise chapters on the Hellenistic period. Because of the scope of their subject, however, they were forced to limit them­ selves to only the most important events and people of this time, and great gaps are left in between.
    [Show full text]
  • An Allied History of the Peloponnesian League: Elis, Tegea, and Mantinea
    An Allied History of the Peloponnesian League: Elis, Tegea, and Mantinea By James Alexander Caprio B.A. Hamilton College, 1994 M.A. Tufts University, 1997 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Classical, Near Eastern, and Religious Studies) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA January, 2005 © James A. Caprio, 2005 Abstract Elis, Tegea, and Mantinea became members of the Peloponnesian League at its inception in 506, although each had concluded an alliance with Sparta much earlier. The initial arrangement between each city-state and Sparta was reciprocal and membership in the League did not interfere with their individual development. By the fifth century, Elis, Mantinea, and Tegea had created their own symmachies and were continuing to expand within the Peloponnesos. Eventually, the prosperity and growth of these regional symmachies were seen by Sparta as hazardous to its security. Hostilities erupted when Sparta interfered with the intent to dismantle these leagues. Although the dissolution of the allied leagues became an essential factor in the preservation of Sparta's security, it also engendered a rift between its oldest and most important allies. This ultimately contributed to the demise of Spartan power in 371 and the termination of the Peloponnesian League soon thereafter. 11 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Table of Contents iii List of Maps iv List of Abbreviations v Acknowledgements viii Introduction • 1 Chapter One: Elis 20 Chapter Two: Tegea and southern Arkadia 107 Chapter Three: Mantinea and northern Arkadia 181 Conclusion 231 Bibliography , 234 iii Maps Map 1: Elis 21 Map 2: Tegean Territory 108 Map 3: The Peloponnesos 109 Map 4: Phigalia 117 Map 5: Mantinea and Tegea 182 Map 6: Mantinea and its environs 182 Abbreviations Amit, Poleis M.
    [Show full text]
  • ATLAS of CLASSICAL HISTORY
    ATLAS of CLASSICAL HISTORY EDITED BY RICHARD J.A.TALBERT London and New York First published 1985 by Croom Helm Ltd Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2003. © 1985 Richard J.A.Talbert and contributors All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Atlas of classical history. 1. History, Ancient—Maps I. Talbert, Richard J.A. 911.3 G3201.S2 ISBN 0-203-40535-8 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-71359-1 (Adobe eReader Format) ISBN 0-415-03463-9 (pbk) Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data Also available CONTENTS Preface v Northern Greece, Macedonia and Thrace 32 Contributors vi The Eastern Aegean and the Asia Minor Equivalent Measurements vi Hinterland 33 Attica 34–5, 181 Maps: map and text page reference placed first, Classical Athens 35–6, 181 further reading reference second Roman Athens 35–6, 181 Halicarnassus 36, 181 The Mediterranean World: Physical 1 Miletus 37, 181 The Aegean in the Bronze Age 2–5, 179 Priene 37, 181 Troy 3, 179 Greek Sicily 38–9, 181 Knossos 3, 179 Syracuse 39, 181 Minoan Crete 4–5, 179 Akragas 40, 181 Mycenae 5, 179 Cyrene 40, 182 Mycenaean Greece 4–6, 179 Olympia 41, 182 Mainland Greece in the Homeric Poems 7–8, Greek Dialects c.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Ion of Chios the Case of a Foreign Poet in Classical
    ION OF CHIOS THE CASE OF A FOREIGN POET IN CLASSICAL SPARTA ABSTRACT This paper aims to reassess one piece of evidence for the performance of music and poetry in classical Sparta: an elegy by the Chian poet Ion (fr. 27 West). It is argued here that this poem evokes the atmosphere of a Spartan festival and, specifically, a symposium held as part of that festival. Ion was present in Sparta not merely as a friend of prominent Athenians, as is often claimed, but as a professional travelling poet. This suggests that Sparta remained an important centre for μουσική in the classical period and, moreover, was part of a broader Panhellenic network of festivals and contests. χαιρέτω ἡμέτερος βασιλεὺς σωτήρ τε πατήρ τε· ἡμῖν δὲ κρητῆρ’ οἰνοχόοι θέραπες κιρνάντων προχύταισιν ἐν ἀργυρέοις· †ὁ δὲ χρυσὸς οἶνον ἔχων χειρῶν νιζέτω εἰς ἔδαφος.† σπένδοντες δ’ ἁγνῶς Ἡρακλεῖ τ’ Ἀλκμήνηι τε, Προκλεῖ Περσείδαις τ’ ἐκ Διὸς ἀρχόμενοι πίνωμεν, παίζωμεν· ἴτω διὰ νυκτὸς ἀοιδή, ὀρχείσθω τις· ἑκὼν δ’ ἄρχε φιλοφροσύνης. ὅντινα δ’ εὐειδὴς μίμνει θήλεια πάρευνος, κεῖνος τῶν ἄλλων κυδρότερον πίεται. May our king rejoice, our saviour and father; let the attendant cup-bearers mix for us a crater from silver urns; †Let the golden one with wine in his hands wash to the base † 1 Pouring libations piously to Heracles and Alcmene, Procles and the sons of Perseus and Zeus first of all, let us drink, let us play, let our song rise through the night. Dance someone, willingly begin the festivities. And anyone who has a fair girl waiting to share his bed will drink more like a man than all the others.
    [Show full text]
  • La Localidad De Carias En La Frontera Entre Esparta Y Arcadia Mª Del Mar Rodríguez Alcocer 135
    1 CIJIMA I I Congreso Internacional de Jóvenes Investigadores del Mundo Antiguo (26-29 de marzo de 2014) www.um.es/cepoat/cijima © De los artículos: los autores © De esta edición: Centro de Estudios del Próximo Oriente y la Antigüedad Tardía C O: Rafael González Fernández (Universidad de Murcia) Gonzalo Matilla Séiquer (Universidad de Murcia) Pedro David Conesa Navarro (Universidad de Murcia) José Javier Martínez García (Universidad de Murcia) José Antonio Molina Gómez (Universidad de Murcia) C : Alejandro Egea Vivancos (Universidad de Murcia) Laura Arias Ferrer (Universidad de Murcia) José Miguel García Cano (Universidad de Murcia) José Miguel Noguera Celdrán (Universidad de Murcia) Nuria Castellano Solé (Universidad de Barcelona) Juan Carlos Olivares Pedreño (Universidad de Alicante) Carlos Molina Valero (Universidad Complutense de Madrid) Celso Sánchez Mondéjar (Universidad de Murcia) Josep Padró i Parcerisa (Universidad de Barcelona) Helena Jiménez Vialás (Université de Toulouse) Fernando Prados Martínez (Universidad de Alicante) 2 ANTIGÜEDAD IN PROGRESS... Actas del I Congreso Internacional de Jóvenes Investigadores del Mundo Antiguo (CIJIMA I) Pedro D. Conesa Navarro - José J. Martínez García Celso M. Sánchez Mondéjar - Carlos Molina Valero Lucía García Carreras (Coords.) 3 CIJIMA I 2014 Reservados todos los derechos por la legislación en materia de Propiedad Intelectual. Durante los primeros doce meses, ni la totalidad ni parte de este libro, incluido el diseño de la cubierta, puede reproducirse, almacenarse o transmitirse en manera alguna por ningún medio ya sea electrónico, químico, mecánico, óptico, informático, de grabación o de fotocopia, sin permiso previo por escrito de la editorial. Centro de Estudios del Próximo Oriente y la Antigüedad Tardía C/ Actor Isidoro Máiquez, 9, 30007, Murcia.
    [Show full text]
  • Thucydides HISTORY of the PELOPONNESIAN WAR
    Thucydides HISTORY OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR Thucydides HISTORY OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR ■ HISTORY OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR file:///D|/Documenta%20Chatolica%20Omnia/99%20-%20Provvisori/mbs%20Library/001%20-Da%20Fare/00-index.htm2006-06-01 15:02:55 Thucydides HISTORY OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR:Index. Thucydides HISTORY OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR General Index ■ THE FIRST BOOK ■ THE SECOND BOOK ■ THE THIRD BOOK ■ THE FOURTH BOOK ■ THE FIFTH BOOK ■ THE SIXTH BOOK ■ THE SEVENTH BOOK ■ THE EIGHTH BOOK file:///D|/Documenta%20Chatolica%20Omnia/99%20-%20Provvisori/mbs%20Library/001%20-Da%20Fare/0-PeloponnesianWar.htm2006-06-01 15:02:55 PELOPONNESIANWAR: THE FIRST BOOK, Index. THE FIRST BOOK Index CHAPTER I. The State of Greece from the earliest Times to the Commencement of the Peloponnesian War CHAPTER II. Causes of the War - The Affair of Epidamnus - The Affair of Potidaea CHAPTER III. Congress of the Peloponnesian Confederacy at Lacedaemon CHAPTER IV. From the end of the Persian to the beginning of the Peloponnesian War - The Progress from Supremacy to Empire CHAPTER V. Second Congress at Lacedaemon - Preparations for War and Diplomatic Skirmishes - Cylon - Pausanias - Themistocles file:///D|/Documenta%20Chatolica%20Omnia/99%20-%20Provvi...i/mbs%20Library/001%20-Da%20Fare/1-PeloponnesianWar0.htm2006-06-01 15:02:55 PELOPONNESIANWAR: THE SECOND BOOK, Index. THE SECOND BOOK Index CHAPTER VI. Beginning of the Peloponnesian War - First Invasion of Attica - Funeral - Oration of Pericles CHAPTER VII. Second Year of the War - The Plague of Athens - Position and Policy of Pericles - Fall of Potidaea CHAPTER VIII. Third Year of the War - Investment of Plataea - Naval Victories of Phormio - Thracian Irruption into Macedonia under Sitalces file:///D|/Documenta%20Chatolica%20Omnia/99%20-%20Provvi...i/mbs%20Library/001%20-Da%20Fare/1-PeloponnesianWar1.htm2006-06-01 15:02:55 PELOPONNESIANWAR: THE THIRD BOOK, Index.
    [Show full text]
  • 'No Freer Than the Helots' Messenian Rebel Behaviour
    ‘NO FREER THAN THE HELOTS’ MESSENIAN REBEL BEHAVIOUR IN PAUSANIAS’ MESSENIAKA IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE Drs. Lydia L.B.M. Langerwerf Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy FEBRUARY 2010 1 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores Pausanias’ depiction of the (mythical) Messenian revolt against the Spartans in book 4 of his Periegesis in comparative perspective with ancient depictions of slave revolts and Flavius Josephus’ Jewish War. I concentrate on how Pausanias portrays Aristomenes and the other rebels, as well as the Messenians in general. Although recently the Messenian Wars have been the subject of scholarly interest from literary critics, historians, and archaeologists, who have fruitfully combined their disciplines in their interpretations of the story, Pausanias’ aims and agenda in his representation of the Messenians have so far been left unexplored. This dissertation therefore asks: What stance did Pausanias take in the contested history of Messenia? In my analysis of Pausanias’ figuration of Messenian history, in chapters 1 (the introduction) and 2 I concentrate on his frequent use of τόλμη and in particular in its combination with ἀπόνοια (‘despair’). Τόλμη, translated as daring, contains both positive and negative connotations. It is a necessary ingredient of courage, but can also lead to recklessness if uncontrolled. My comparative framework in chapters 3 to 6 puts this reading of Pausanias’ book 4 to the test. In chapter 3 I compare Pausanias’ depiction of Aristomenes’ leadership qualities with Athenaeus’ use of the story of Drimakos, the rebel leader of a slave revolt on the island of Chios. In chapters 4 and 5 I pursue the connection between slavery, τόλμη and ἀπόνοια further in a comparison of the Messenian revolt with Diodorus’ depiction of the two Sicilian slave wars, along with Plutarch’s and Appian’s account of Spartacus’ revolt.
    [Show full text]
  • Artemis and Virginity in Ancient Greece
    SAPIENZA UNIVERSITÀ DI ROMA FACOLTÀ DI LETTERE E FILOSOFIA DOTTORATO DI RICERCA IN FILOLOGIA E STORIA DEL MONDO ANTICO XXVI CICLO ARTEMIS AND VIRGINITY IN ANCIENT GREECE TUTOR COTUTOR PROF. PIETRO VANNICELLI PROF. FRANCESCO GUIZZI 2 Dedication: To S & J with love and gratitude. Acknowledgements: I first and foremost wish to thank my tutor/advisor Professor Pietro Vannicelli and Co- Tutor Professor Francesco Guizzi for agreeing to serve in these capacities, for their invaluable advice and comments, and for their kind support and encouragement. I also wish to thank the following individuals who have lent intellectual and emotional support as well as provided invaluable comments on aspects of the thesis or offered advice and spirited discussion: Professor Maria Giovanna Biga, La Sapienza, and Professor Gilda Bartoloni, La Sapienza, for their invaluable support at crucial moments in my doctoral studies. Professor Emerita Larissa Bonfante, New York University, who proof-read my thesis as well as offered sound advice and thought-provoking and stimulating discussions. Dr. Massimo Blasi, La Sapienza, who proof-read my thesis and offered advice as well as practical support and encouragement throughout my doctoral studies. Dr. Yang Wang, Princeton University, who proof-read my thesis and offered many helpful comments and practical support. Dr. Natalia Manzano Davidovich, La Sapienza, who has offered intellectual, emotional, and practical support this past year. Our e-mail conversations about various topics related to our respective theses have
    [Show full text]
  • Wronged Maidens in Myron's Messenian History and the Ancient Novel Berg, Beverly Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1998; 39, 1; Proquest Pg
    Wronged maidens in Myron's Messenian history and the ancient novel Berg, Beverly Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Spring 1998; 39, 1; ProQuest pg. 39 Wronged Maidens in Myron's Messenian History and the Ancient Novel Beverly Berg HEN PAUSANIAS reaches Messenia in his guide to Greece he inserts his most extended historical Wexcursus, a narration of the wars by which the Spartans imposed helotry on the Messenians. Pausanias dates the wars to the eighth and seventh centuries B.C., a millennium before his own day, and portions his materials into two sep­ arate wars, basing his division on lines of the poet Tyrtaeus, who inspired the Spartans during the second war and reminded them of the glorious struggle of their grandsires in the previous war (Paus. 4.15.1-3). As his sources Pausanias names the prose work of Myron of Priene and the epic poem of Rhianus. He will use Myron for the first war and Rhianus for the second. Com­ plications arise because Aristomenes, Rhianus' hero, appeared as a warrior also in Myron's tale. One or the other author must be incorrect. Pausanias decides the poet is more accurate than the prose writer, and condemns Myron for retailing false and untrustworthy material both in his Messenian work and his other writings (4.6.1-4). To this day Myron's reputation as a historian remains low. Writing in the early Hellenistic age about a period from which only legends survived, Myron has produced what Pearson! has 1 L. Pearson, "The Pseudo-History of Messenia and its Authors," Historia 11 (1962) 397-426 (hereafter PEARSON) at 425 .
    [Show full text]