What Was and Is “1968”?: Japanese Experience in Global Perspective
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Peace in Vietnam! Beheiren: Transnational Activism and Gi Movement in Postwar Japan 1965-1974
PEACE IN VIETNAM! BEHEIREN: TRANSNATIONAL ACTIVISM AND GI MOVEMENT IN POSTWAR JAPAN 1965-1974 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI‘I AT MĀNOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE AUGUST 2018 By Noriko Shiratori Dissertation Committee: Ehito Kimura, Chairperson James Dator Manfred Steger Maya Soetoro-Ng Patricia Steinhoff Keywords: Beheiren, transnational activism, anti-Vietnam War movement, deserter, GI movement, postwar Japan DEDICATION To my late father, Yasuo Shiratori Born and raised in Nihonbashi, the heart of Tokyo, I have unforgettable scenes that are deeply branded in my heart. In every alley of Ueno station, one of the main train stations in Tokyo, there were always groups of former war prisoners held in Siberia, still wearing their tattered uniforms and playing accordion, chanting, and panhandling. Many of them had lost their limbs and eyes and made a horrifying, yet curious, spectacle. As a little child, I could not help but ask my father “Who are they?” That was the beginning of a long dialogue about war between the two of us. That image has remained deep in my heart up to this day with the sorrowful sound of accordions. My father had just started work at an electrical laboratory at the University of Tokyo when he found he had been drafted into the imperial military and would be sent to China to work on electrical communications. He was 21 years old. His most trusted professor held a secret meeting in the basement of the university with the newest crop of drafted young men and told them, “Japan is engaging in an impossible war that we will never win. -
A Thesis Entitled Yoshimoto Taka'aki, Communal Illusion, and The
A Thesis entitled Yoshimoto Taka’aki, Communal Illusion, and the Japanese New Left by Manuel Yang Submitted as partial fulfillment for requirements for The Master of Arts Degree in History ________________________ Adviser: Dr. William D. Hoover ________________________ Adviser: Dr. Peter Linebaugh ________________________ Dr. Alfred Cave ________________________ Graduate School The University of Toledo (July 2005) ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It is customary in a note of acknowledgments to make the usual mea culpa concerning the impossibility of enumerating all the people to whom the author has incurred a debt in writing his or her work, but, in my case, this is far truer than I can ever say. This note is, therefore, a necessarily abbreviated one and I ask for a small jubilee, cancellation of all debts, from those that I fail to mention here due to lack of space and invidiously ungrateful forgetfulness. Prof. Peter Linebaugh, sage of the trans-Atlantic commons, who, as peerless mentor and comrade, kept me on the straight and narrow with infinite "grandmotherly kindness" when my temptation was always to break the keisaku and wander off into apostate digressions; conversations with him never failed to recharge the fiery voltage of necessity and desire of historical imagination in my thinking. The generously patient and supportive free rein that Prof. William D. Hoover, the co-chair of my thesis committee, gave me in exploring subjects and interests of my liking at my own preferred pace were nothing short of an ideal that all academic apprentices would find exceedingly enviable; his meticulous comments have time and again mercifully saved me from committing a number of elementary factual and stylistic errors. -
Prevalence of Chronic Bronchitis Symptoms in Japan
Keio J. Med. 27: 69-88, 1978 PREVALENCE OF CHRONIC BRONCHITIS SYMPTOMS IN JAPAN -A review of the nation-wide surveys on prevalence of pulmonary symptoms using standard questionnaire TOSHIO TOYAMA* and JUN KAGAWA** * Department of Preventive Medicine and Public Health , School of Medicine, Keio University, Tokyo, Japan ** Department of Public Health , School of Medicine, Tokai University, Kanagawa, Japan (Received for Publication, October 28, 1978) ABSTRACT This paper reviewed prevalence rates of various pulmonary symptoms among 22,560 general population in 21 survey areas throughout Japan, 1965 1973, interviewed by health professions using standard questionnaire of Japa nese version of British Medical Research Council for chronic bronchits. Prime symptoms, persistent cough and phlegm were fairly low rates as compared to England and the U.S. studies. Their wide ranged rates may imply the pre valence of pumonary symptoms in Japan is not static, and cigarette smoking and rapid industrialization may be possible factors to altering the morbidity to comparable level of the Western countries in future. Sputum examination and pulmonary function tests were also discussed. INTRODUCTION The statistics of mortality and morbidity of the chronic non-specific lung diseases in Japan have been obscure because of lack their appropriate standard diagnostic criteria and being regarded as minor respiratory conditions, and until recently for chest physicians tuberculosis had been the greatest concern among other lung diseases. Furthermore in our National Health -
Between Power and Protest
HELSINGIN YLIOPISTO Between power and protest The Japan Times and Anpo-protests in 1960 Meri Tuuli Elina Timonen Master’s thesis Political history Department of Social sciences University of Helsinki December 2020 Tiedekunta – Fakultet – Faculty Koulutusohjelma – Utbildingsprogram – Degree Programme Valtiotieteellinen tiedekunta Yhteiskunnallisen muutoksen maisteriohjelma Tekijä – Författare – Author Meri Tuuli Elina Timonen Työn nimi – Arbetets titel – Title Between power and protest – The Japan Times and Anpo-protests 1960 Oppiaine/Opintosuunta – Läroämne/Studieinriktning – Subject/Study track Poliittinen historia Työn laji – Arbetets art – Level Aika – Datum – Month and year Sivumäärä – Sidoantal – Number of pages Maisterintutkielma 12/2020 70 + 3 sivua. Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract The aim of this thesis is to research Japan-U.S. Security Treaty protests in 1960 in global context. The Anpo-protests were selected as research topic because not much research was found of the protests. Anpo-protests begun in 1959 and ended in late 1960. The main motive was to oppose revision of U.S.- Japan Security Treaty but eventually protests led to resignation of the prime minister Kishi Nobusuke. The protests were the largest in Japanese history and left their legacy to Japanese political history and civil society. Scholars have researched Anpo-protests to some extent. However, the Anpo-protests have not been analysed in Worldwide context of Cold war which is why transnational history got selected as primary theoretical framework for this thesis. This thesis uses the Japan Times as the primary source. The Japan Times is Japan’s oldest English language newspaper firstly published in 1897. As for main method theory-guided content analysis was used. -
Introduction: Protesting National Identity
Introduction: Protesting national identity In 1968 and the early months of 1969 anti-Vietnam War activists gathered in the underground passageways of Shinjuku Station on a Saturday night to sing folk songs and listen to antiwar speeches. With a name that made it sound like a cross between a renegade force and a hippy movement, the Tokyo Folk Guerilla concerts saw as many as 7000 activists crowding into the underground plaza and surrounding passageways. 1 Held in a subway station below one of Tokyo’s burgeoning city centres, the concerts were in many ways an underground movement of student sects and activists embracing images from the American civil rights movement. On the other hand, with Shinjuku being one of the world’s biggest and busiest train stations the Folk Guerilla activists were coming into contact with millions of commuters from all over Japan. Shinjuku was the point of intersection between activists and the ‘ordinary people’ converging on Tokyo. In a slight metaphorical twist the protest went underground at Shinjuku in an endeavour to be inclusive and representative, to bring ‘the people’ of Japan into contact with political activism. ‘Everybody sing together,’ read one pamphlet distributed around the newly ordained ‘citizens plaza,’ ‘Sing for the protection of fundamental human rights - for freedom of thought and freedom of expression.’ 2 There was a sense of both hope and urgency underpinning the gatherings, as underground activists sought to excavate new sites for popular political expression. Far from being marginal or illicit, the activist politics implicit in the Folk Guerilla concerts were integral to the opportunity and economic prosperity that surfaced in 1960s Japan. -
The Female Student in the Japanese New Left Coed Revolution Coed Revolution the Female Student in the Japanese New Left
Chelsea s zendi sChieder Coed Revolution the Female Student in the JapaneSe new leFt coed revolution coed revolution the female student in the japanese new left Chelsea Szendi Schieder Duke University Press · Durham and London · 2021 © 2021 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ∞ Designed by Matthew Tauch Typeset in Arno Pro and Quadratt Sans by Copperline Book Services. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Cover art: A woman throwing a rock at police in Kanda, Tokyo, September 12, 1969. Source: Mainichi News. Duke University Press gratefully acknowledges the support of the Association for Asian Studies, which provided funds toward the publication of this book. This one’s for Miriam. contents ix Acknowledgments 1 Introduction: Gendering the Japanese New Left 21 1 Naive Politics: A Maiden Sacrifice for Postwar Democracy 49 2 “My Love and Rebellion”: The Politics of Nurturing, the Logic of Capital, and the Rationalization of Coeducation 78 3 Is the Personal Political? Everyday Life as a Site of Struggle in the Campus New Left 104 4 “Wh en You Fuck a Vanguard Girl . ”: The Spectacle of New Left Masculinity 132 5 “Ge walt Rosas”: The Creation of the Terrifying, Titillating Female Student Activist 158 Conclusion: Revolutionary Desire 169 Notes 191 Bibliography 205 Index acknowledgments This is a poor and incomplete acknowledgment of the debts I have ac- crued in framing, researching, writing, and revising the following pages over a decade. The project began at Columbia University, and I will begin by thanking the mentors who encouraged me there: Gregory Pflugfelder, Kim Brandt, and Carol Gluck. -
A Short History of Zengakuren, Japanese Student Movement March 4, 2010
No1. Report A Short History of Zengakuren, Japanese Student Movement March 4, 2010 Brothers and sisters! We’d like to thank you for inviting us to join your vigorous struggle and for receiving us so warmly in the midst of the busy days. I’m convinced that our encounter with you, fighting students and workers of UC Berkeley, proud of the long history of militant struggle, happened not by chance but by necessity because we in Japan and the US have been fighting the same struggle against the common enemy quite simultaneously. In a word, we are comrades. This is the significant first step in forging international solidarity. We fully realize the importance of this opportunity and are firmly determined to develop our solidarity further. Our fundamental and practical standpoint of looking back on our history My theme today is to tell you the history of Zengakuren, Japanese student movement. I’d like to develop my speech from the viewpoint of clarifying our task and problem in today’s Japan, not simply looking back on the history. We are confronted now all over the world with a common task to fight back neo-liberal offensive, that is, a desperate attempt of imperialism in deepening crisis to carry out war, reactionary revision of the Constitution (or the existing ruling system and method), privatization and union busting. An overall destruction of employment, social security, education and other social institutions is the aim and content of neo-liberalism. These outrageous attacks are awakening working class all over the world to rise up for struggle. -
Chapter 1 Civil Society and Ngos in Japan
A revised version of this appeared as the first chapter in: Hirata, Keiko (2002). Civil Society in Japan: The Growing Role of NGOs in Tokyo’s Aid and Development Policy. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Chapter 1 Civil Society and NGOs in Japan Japan is typically viewed as a docile society, with its people subservient to their corporations and the government. Even Makido Noda, chief program officer at the leading research institute on Japan’s grassroots organization, says, “Japan didn’t have a civil society until recently. And our civil society remains weak.”1 Of course, Japan has always had some level of social activism, as witnessed for example, by the small community groups in the seventeenth - nineteenth centuries known gonin-gumi (“group of five families,” Yamamoto, 1998), by farmers’ protests (hyakushô ikki) during the same era, and by environmental and antiwar protest movements in the 1960s and 1970s. But almost every knowledgeable observer would agree that throughout Japanese history civil society has remained extremely weak vis-à-vis the state. Most observers also would agree that Japanese civil society has finally emerged on the scene. Although disagreement exists as to its current size and prominence, it is widely assumed that it will continue to grow and play a more prominent role in the future. Why civil society activism has recently spurted is puzzling to many. Japan experienced unprecedented economic growth in the 1950s - 1970s and eventually became the world’s second largest economy. During this period of rapid economic growth, Japanese civil society was largely reticent. Only since the 1980s, and especially since the 15 early 1990s, have Japanese grassroots groups such as nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) emerged to play an ongoing active role in political life in Japan. -
The Barbie Phenomenon in Japan
THE BARBIE PHENOMENON IN JAPAN Arisa Shibagaki A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS August 2007 Committee: Marilyn F. Motz, Advisor Esther Clinton © 2007 Arisa Shibagaki All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Marilyn F. Motz, Advisor This research examines the popularity of Barbie among young adult Japanese women as the “Barbie phenomenon” in Japan. By investigating the historical and cultural aspects of Japanese values of beauty, the author found that the phenomenon emerged from the combination of the values of kawaii (Japanese cuteness) and kakkoii (Japanese coolness). Kawaii is the traditional positive feeling for small and delicate things, and in modern society its meaning extends into popular characters and fashion. Kawaii fashion is usually considered to use lace, ribbon, and frilly materials and colors of pink, white, and pastels. On the other hand, the English- language word “cool” is usually translated into kakkoii (かっこいい), which means that people’s appearance is attractive, and its meaning also extends into people’s behavior and fashion in modern society. Kakkoii behavior is masculine and independent; the colors of black, blue, and khaki and plain materials are usually used in kakkoii fashion. In fact, “Kakkoii” is different from American “cool,” which is a word used for not only an attractive appearance but also individuality and a sense of belonging; however, the words “kakkoii” and “cool” are used without regard for such a difference in Japan. In women’s fashion magazines, both “kawaii” and “cool” are the common key words. -
ZENGAKUREN: Japan's Revolutionary Students
JAPANS REVOLUTIONARY STUDENTS edited by Stuart Dowsey ZENGAKURINi Japan i Hovitluti .l«*tl What li IwnuHbwriMi ? vt ii i 11hw important ii It In iH»..<-. • IIkw did it ttmt tind 1 i t., th «•• and i.t«n, ill m .... it timoly anolv " Tracinu th« •ri||li< 1 an, thi» book h«im t I ablo account §HI * i« of apic »truMul»' tl I iv« fought thalr 1 a, tl *f tho aarly flftlaa tl h{ 1960, to tha wniw«Mii Durinu tHU patlnd »•« Hn> uoutly devalued mh tha molt diitimtlvo «»iit jl Milt 1970 a irucial », this booh will • ..t intricate, w..»••! ..( ZENGAKUREN: Japan's Revolutionary Students edited by Stuart J. Dowsey THE ISHI PRESS Berkeley, California Published by The Ishi Press, . Box 1021, Berkeley 1, California, 94701, U.S.A. Tokyo Office: The Ishi Press, CPO Box 2126, Tokyo, Japan. Sole Distributor in Japan: JCinokuniya Bookstore Co,, Ltd. 826 Tsunohazu 1-chome, Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo 160-91 © Copyright 1970, by The Ishi Press All rights reserved First Impression May 1970 Printed in Japan by Sokosha Printing Co., Ltd. CONTENTS Preface iv Abbreviations and Organizations vi Introduction 1 Chapter 1: Historical Background by Ikeda Kazuo 9 Chapter 2: Origins of Zengakuren by Matsunami Michihiro 42 Chapter 3: The Anti-Ampo Struggle by Harada Hisato 75 Chapter 4: The University Problem by Kokubun Yutaka 100 Chapter 5: The University Struggles by Sawara Yukiko 136 Chapter 6: Kakumaru—Portrait of an Ultra-Radical Group by Nakanishi Masahiro 193 Chapter 7: The Future .. ? 226 Who's Who in Zengakuren and the Youth Movement in 1969 —A Profile by Matsunami Michihiro 242 Bibliography 268 PREFACE There are literally hundreds of books that have been written in English about the unique society and culture of Japaj^. -
Japan's New Left and New Wave. an Ideology's Perspective As An
arts Article Japan’s New Left and New Wave. An Ideology’s Perspective as an Alternative to That of National Cinema Ferran de Vargas Department of Translation, Interpretation and East Asian Studies, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 08193 Bellaterra, Barcelona, Spain; [email protected] Received: 17 October 2018; Accepted: 18 December 2018; Published: 20 December 2018 Abstract: Starting from the perspective that national cinema is not a neutral concept, but rather a film expression with ideological implications, in this article I will argue that what should be analysed in films is not what connects them to certain nations, but with certain ideologies. Rather than claiming the national nature of a film, it is more accurate to identify for instance elements of a national ideology underlying the film. It can be more enriching to analyse different film trends that are based on their connections with different ideologies, thus stressing their political nature, rather than highlighting cultural or geographical features in order to determine the supposedly natural outline of national cinemas. From this point of view, I consider the Japanese New Wave cinema of the 1960s and early 1970s to be a reflection of Japan’s coetaneous New Left ideology. In order to illustrate this political reading of the Japanese New Wave, I focus on the analysis of a paradigmatic film: Eros + Massacre (Erosu purasu Gyakusatsu 1969), directed by Yoshida Kiju.¯ Keywords: film studies; ideological analysis; ideology; Japanese cinema; nation; national cinema; New Left; New Wave; Nuberu Bagu; Yoshida Kiju 1. Introduction Considering that Japan’s cinema has occupied in Europe and the United States a discursive position of otherness more than any other Asian cinema (Needham 2006, p. -
Coed Revolution: the Female Student in the Japanese New Left, 1957-1972
Coed Revolution: The Female Student in the Japanese New Left, 1957-1972 Chelsea Szendi Schieder Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Chelsea Szendi Schieder All rights reserved ABSTRACT Coed Revolution: The Female Student in the Japanese New Left, 1957-1972 Chelsea Szendi Schieder Violent events involving female students symbolized the rise and fall of the New Left in Japan, from the death of Kanba Michiko in a mass demonstration of 1960 to the 1972 deaths ordered by Nagata Hiroko in a sectarian purge. This study traces how shifting definitions of violence associated with the student movement map onto changes in popular representations of the female student activist, with broad implications for the role women could play in postwar politics and society. In considering how gender and violence figured in the formation and dissolution of the New Left in Japan, I trace three phases of the postwar Japanese student movement. The first (1957–1960) was one of idealism, witnessing the emergence of the New Left in 1957 and, within only a few years, some of its largest public demonstrations. Young women became new political actors in the postwar period, their enfranchisement commonly represented as a break from and a bulwark against "male" wartime violence. The participation of females in the student movement after its split from the Old Left of the Japan Communist Party in 1957 served to legitimize the anger of the New Left by appealing to the hegemonic ideal of young women's political purity.