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Coed Revolution: the Female Student in the Japanese New Left, 1957-1972

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Coed Revolution: the Female Student in the Japanese New Left, 1957-1972 Coed Revolution: The Female Student in the Japanese New Left, 1957-1972 Chelsea Szendi Schieder Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Chelsea Szendi Schieder All rights reserved ABSTRACT Coed Revolution: The Female Student in the Japanese New Left, 1957-1972 Chelsea Szendi Schieder Violent events involving female students symbolized the rise and fall of the New Left in Japan, from the death of Kanba Michiko in a mass demonstration of 1960 to the 1972 deaths ordered by Nagata Hiroko in a sectarian purge. This study traces how shifting definitions of violence associated with the student movement map onto changes in popular representations of the female student activist, with broad implications for the role women could play in postwar politics and society. In considering how gender and violence figured in the formation and dissolution of the New Left in Japan, I trace three phases of the postwar Japanese student movement. The first (1957–1960) was one of idealism, witnessing the emergence of the New Left in 1957 and, within only a few years, some of its largest public demonstrations. Young women became new political actors in the postwar period, their enfranchisement commonly represented as a break from and a bulwark against "male" wartime violence. The participation of females in the student movement after its split from the Old Left of the Japan Communist Party in 1957 served to legitimize the anger of the New Left by appealing to the hegemonic ideal of young women's political purity. Chapter one introduces the postwar context in which female students represented, in both works of fiction and reportage, new ideals for citizen participation and agency. The 1960 death of activist Kanba Michiko at the frontline of a climactic protest against renewal of the US-Japan Security Treaty (Anpo) won an extraordinary amount of public sympathy for the student movement as a whole in the early 1960s. Kanba stepped into a narrative, forged in the mass media, of young women as victims of violence. However, when considered as an individual, Kanba is far more complicated and even aggressively radical. Chapter two traces the processes by which Kanba Michiko became an icon of New Left sacrifice and the fragility of postwar democracy. It introduces Kanba's own writings to underscore the ironic discrepancy between her public significance and her personal relationship to radical politics . A phase of backlash (1960–1967) followed the explosive rise of Japan's New Left. During the early and mid-1960s, both leftists and conservatives engaged in a series of seemingly disparate debates about the political place of women, countering ideals of female purity and political utility. In the wake of the 1959–1960 mass demonstrations opposing Anpo and the death of Kanba Michiko, government policies focused on national economic growth sought to quiet the recent tempest of street activism. Chapter three introduces some key tabloid debates that suggested female presence in social institutions such as universities held the potential to "ruin the nation." The powerful influence of these frequently sarcastic but damaging debates, echoed in government policies re-linking young women to domestic labor, confirmed mass media's importance in interpreting the social role of the female student. Although the student movement imagined itself as immune to the logic of the state and the mass media, the practices of the late- 1960s campus-based student movement, examined in chapter four, illustrate how larger societal assumptions about gender roles undergirded the gendered hierarchy of labor that emerged in the barricades. I frame these practices as a kind of backlash in light of the theoretical importance of the writings of Tokoro Mitsuko to the organizational ideals of the late-1960s student movement. Tokoro, a student activist of Kanba Michiko's generation, proposed to bring nonviolent and nurturing feminine values to the student movement as a whole. Although Tokoro's ideas of a non-hierarchical leftist organization influenced the student movement of the late 1960s, opening up a moment of potential liberation for female student activists from the strict gender codes solidifying in Japan's increasingly rationalized economy and society, the dichotomy of "violence" versus "nurturing" created a new hierarchy in the campus-based student movement of 1968–1969. The final phase (1969–1972) of the student New Left was dominated by two imaginary rather than real female figures, and is best emblematized by the notion of “Gewalt." I use the German term for violence, Gewalt, because of its peculiar resonances within the student movement of the late 1960s. Japanese students employed a transliteration—gebaruto—to distinguish their "counter-violence" from the violence employed by the state. However, the mass media soon picked up on the term and reversed its polarities in order to disparage the students' actions. It was in this late-1960s moment that women, once considered particularly vulnerable to violence, became deeply associated with active incitement to violence. In the case of Japan's New Left , the imaginary embodiment of the rationalized liberal social order and the target of the radical student movement's anger was not "the Man," but "Mama." The conservative order that stepped in after the Anpo demonstrations to organize social life around national economic strength linked women with motherhood and the household, and knitted each household in turn to the Japanese nation. Chapter five explores how student activists' rejection of "Mama" led to an embrace of a particularly masculinist ideal of violence, aligning the student left in many ways with the logic of the far right. Chapter six explores how the mass media, on the other hand, coded female student activism in particular as both terrifying and titillating through its imaginary construction of the "Gewalt Rosa" (Violent Rosa). By 1970, public sympathy, which had sided with the student movement when its members seemed like victims of state violence, faded in the wake of increasingly violent poses and tactics on the part of the New Left. Demonstrating the shifting meaning of the politics of protest, by the end of the 1960s, few Japanese would have entertained the idea that female students were politically innocent, much less peaceful by nature. Throughout these three phases, violence may have changed in form, but it provided a common means of pursuing political goals as well as evaluating their significance. The social meaning created by the relationship between female students and violence and disseminated through the mass media critically influenced public reception of student activism. When, in 1972, the mass media revealed a leftist group's bloody internal purge, it marked the definitive "death" of the New Left. The female leader of the group, Nagata Hiroko, stepped all too conveniently into existing media formulations of the "Gewalt Rosa", leading to a general disavowal of the student movement among feminists in the 1970s. Table of Contents List of illustrations ii Introduction 1 1. Good Citizens and Angry Daughters: The moral authority of female students in the New Left 19 2. Ironies of an Icon: The creation of a maiden sacrifice 54 3. "Coeds Ruin the Nation": Young women at the limits of postwar citizenship 85 4. The Barricades as Rupture and Continuity: The gendered labor of the New Left 111 5. "Don't Stop Me, Mama!": The New Left's valorization of masculinity 148 6. "Gewalt Rosa": The creation of the titillating, terrifying female student activist 178 Epilogue 204 Bibliography 216 i Illustrations Figure 1. "Police and the angry daughters." Shūkan shinchō, 16 May 1960. 50 Figure 2. A young woman pushed to holster level. Shūkan shinchō, 51 16 May 1960. Figure 3. Female student protestors confronting police. Shūkan shinchō, 51 16 May 1960. Figure 4. Kanba Michiko's portrait at her 18 June 1960 Tokyo University 66 memorial service. Photograph by Hamaya Hiroshi. Figure 5. Reader-submitted cartoon on "Image of the Ideal Person." 105 Ishikawa Shōji, Yomiuri shinbun, 24 January 1965. Figure 6. Reader-submitted cartoon on "Image of the Ideal Person. 106 Taki Katsuki, Yomiuri shinbun, 24 January 1965. Figure 7. Figure 7. A female student making rice balls in the Kyoto 142 University barricades. Asahi gurafu. 6 June 1969. Figure 8. Cartoon of a man battling the riot police and impressing women. 152 Ishimori Shotarō, "Anpo hantai!" Shūkan yomiuri, 2 January 1970, p. 49 Figure 9. Cartoon of a sarariiman going home to his family after rioting. 153 Ishimori Shotarō, "Anpo hantai!," Shūkan yomiuri, 2 January 1970, p. 51 Figure 10. The 19th Annual Tokyo University Komaba Festival Poster. 154 Hashimoto Osamu, November 1968. Figure 11. Takakura Ken in a 1967 advertisement for the fourth film in the nine-film 155 series Remnants of Chivalry in the Showa Era (Shōwa zankyōden). Figure 12. A "caramel mama" passes out sweets at Tokyo University. 159 Shūkan yomiuri, 6 December 1968. Figure 13. Photograph of high school students imitating Mishima Yukio's 177 final speech. Yomota Inuhiko, Hai sukuuru 1968. Figure 14. A special report on the Tokyo University "ruins," 179 featuring a photograph of a young woman arrested in Yasuda Tower. ii Shūkan yomiuri, 31 January 1969. Figure 15. Father: "I'm also going to join the Zenkyōtō!" "Campus Kyanko," 197 Shūkan yomiuri, 21 November 1969. Figure 16. "College Sister," Sunday mainichi, 5 October 1969. 199 Figure 17. Cartoon of a formal marriage interview. Suzuki Yoshiji, "Suzuki 202 Yoshiji no kiza geba jihyō," Shūkan yomiuri, 5 December 1969, 87. iii Acknowledgements This remains an unfinished project. However, publishing my research as a dissertation affords me an opportunity to express thanks to the many people without whom this work would not have been possible.
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