Volume. 31, No. 3, July 2010
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Switching Over to Identity Politics Nepali Left Political Parties Have
1 1. Introduction: Switching over to Identity Politics Nepali left political parties have come to regard caste and ethnicity equivalent to class disseminating new ethnic-based identity that demonstrates how the very foundation of communist ideology has been shifting from class into identity politics. The politics of identity that emerged and spread from 1990 received prominence in Nepali politics especially after 2006 April Uprising which ultimately popped up as an apple of discord when political parties failed to deliver new constitution through the Constituent Assembly (CA) bickering over it. Ultimately, the CA got dissolved on May 27, 2012 after parties apparently failed to make consensus on identity-based federalism. Though a number of identity-based organizations emerged before 2006 as well, the trends of forming identity-based organizations and focusing on identity groups rather than class soared after the second people's movement. Moreover, polarization due to the identity politics has heightened in Nepali politics after the CA dissolution. Left political parties of Nepal who are guided by the Marxist slogan as 'Worker's of all countries, unite' gradually gave way to identity politics that was diluted from 'class struggle' itself. As the time changes, everything changes with it except the 'change' itself. Same is the case with ideology. It shifts from one to the other as Daniel Bell in his book " The End of Ideology: on the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties" claims that the older humanistic ideologies developed during the nineteenth and early twentieth century is ebbing gradually (1960). During 1960s and 70s, in contrast to the logic of Marxist and Neo-Marxist theory, social movements were focused on culture and identity such as civil rights and women's movements challenging the class structure (Bernstein 49). -
Communists Sweep the Nepali Elections, a Blow to the Establishment Parties
Communists Sweep the Nepali Elections, a Blow to the Establishment Parties Their competition was wracked by corruption scandals, infighting and a lack of vision. By Prof. Vijay Prashad Global Research, December 19, 2017 AlterNet 13 December 2017 You might as well imagine a large red flag fluttering from the summit of Mount Everest. That’s what the outcome of the parliamentary and provincial elections in Nepal suggests. The Communists have won both decisively. In the parliament, the Communist alliance will hold close to a two-thirds majority. The government that this majority forms will not only be able to last the full five year term – the first time this would have happened since Nepal adopted parliamentary democracy in 1990 – but it will be able to revise the 2015 Constitution. Both the parliamentary and provincial results show that the Communists won across the country from the countryside to the cities. Even though they have a strong mandate to govern according to their agenda, the likely Prime Minister K. P. Oli said carefully, “We have seen in the past that victory often tends to make parties arrogant. There is apprehension that the state will become oppressive. Winners tend to become indifferent to their responsibility.” This is not something the Communist government will do, said Oli. What allowed the Communists to win so conclusively? The incumbent, the Nepali Congress, was wracked by corruption scandals, infighting, and the lack of any vision for the country. In 2015-16, when the Indian government closed its border to landlocked Nepal, the Congress could not find the words to condemn India. -
Momen N, Begum M (2014)
ISSN 2319-2593 IISUniv.J.S.Sc. Vol.3(1), 52-63 (2014) The Political Challenges for Free and Fair Elections in Bangladesh Nurul Momen and Marzina Begum Abstract There is a perception among the political scientists that a free and fair election is the keystone of good governance. People in Bangladesh expected that the democratic journey in 1991 would bring significant qualitative political changes, but the new democracy has not brought any changes to the lives of the people. Therefore, this article examines the case of Bangladesh and explores about how political issues challenge a free and fair election. Although, elections provide a test of the political system in a country, but political environment in Bangladesh is a threat to the credibility of electoral process. However, every research requires methodology to execute the study. In doing so, both historical and empirical data was used. In the findings, the research found that the current political environment negatively affects to ensure a free and fair election in Bangladesh. This study examines free and fair parliamentary elections by engaging in political analysis of the so-called democracy in Bangladesh. This study mainly focused on political challenges from 1991 to 2012 in the area of parliamentary elections, since the country started their democratic journey from 1991. Keywords: Awami League (AL), Bangladesh, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), Free and Fair Elections. Introduction Democracy was likely to take root when Bangladesh emerged from a long period of military government in December 1990. Bangladesh is still struggling to foster a democratic political environment due to an intense political conflict over the rules of the political game. -
CA Books Layout.Pmd
A Land of Our Own: Conversation with Dalit member of constituent A L assembly is a collection of interviews with dalit members of the A ND OF Constituent Assembly. The formation of an inclusive CA has validated the aspirations for change embodied by 10 years long A LAND OF People’s War and People’s Movement 2006. But the Dalit Liberation O Movement continues, and the dalit representatives who are a UR part of the Assembly given the duty of writing a new constitution O OUR OWN for first time in Nepalese history have become the focus of the WN Movement. This collection of interviews, which includes the voices CONVERSATIONS WITH DALIT MEMBERS OF CONSTITUENT AssEMBLY of those who raised the flag of armed rebellion alongside those Assembly Conversations with Dalit Members of Constituent Suvash Darnal who advocated for dalit rights in the parliament and from civic and social forums, contains explosive and multi-dimensional opinions that will decimate the chains of exploitation and firmly establish dalit rights in the new constitution. It is expected that this book will assist in identifying the limits of the rights of the dalit community and of all exploited and oppressed groups, and to encourage the Constituent Assembly to write a constitution that strengthens the foundations of an inclusive democratic republic. SUVASH DARNAL is the founder of Jagaran Media Center. He has served as the Chairperson of Collective Campaign for Peace (COCAP), and is an advocate for inclusiveness in democracy. Darnal, who has published dozens of articles on dalit rights and politics, is also a co-editor of Reservation and the Politics of Special Rights. -
Changing Modes of Transportation: a Case Study of Rajshahi City Corporation
Changing Modes of Transportation: A Case Study of Rajshahi City Corporation Rabeya Basri Lecturer Department of Economics University of Rajshahi, 6205 Tahmina Khatun Lecturer Department of Humanities (Economics) Rajshahi University of Engineering and Technology Rajshahi Md. Selim Reza Assistant Professor Department of Economics University of Rajshahi, 6205 And Dr. M. Moazzem Hossain Khan Professor Department of Economics University of Rajshahi, 6205 Abstract This study carried out about the comparative study of the changing mode of transportation. Battery operated auto-rickshaws are newly introduced vehicle in city areas and took the place of rickshaw because of cheap cost and comfort. We selected Rajshahi City Corporation (RCC) as a sample area, because there are huge rickshaws and auto-rickshaws used for daily travelling. This study based on primary data and tried to show the socio-economic conditions which ultimately influence the income of auto-rickshaw drivers and rickshaw pullers. Here, linear regression model is used to estimate the income determinants and in case of auto- rickshaw opportunity cost, family member, and other cost have significant impact on income where ownership, age, education of auto-rickshaw drivers have insignificant impact. While in the case of rickshaw other cost and family member have positive and significant effect on income. But education, ownership of vehicle and opportunity cost have found insignificant here. To increase the income of auto drivers as well as rickshaw pullers, number of rickshaw and auto-rickshaw must be limited in city area and ensure that the vehicles have licence issued by proper authority. I. Introduction Economic development and transportation are closely related. -
Stephen P. Luby
Stephen P. Luby Stanford University Yang and Yamazaki Environment and Energy Building 473 Via Ortega, Stanford, CA 94305 USA phone 1-650-723-4129 fax 1-650-725-3402 email [email protected] Education Creighton University 1981 Bachelor of Arts, summa cum laude (philosophy) University of Texas--Southwestern Medical School at Dallas MD 1986 University of Rochester--Strong Memorial Hospital Internship and residency in Internal Medicine. Centers for Disease Control -- Epidemic Intelligence Service 1990 Completed Preventive Medicine Residency 1993 Professional Experience Stanford University Professor of Medicine (Infectious Diseases & Geographic Medicine), 9/2012 – currently employed Senior Fellow Woods Institute for the Environment Senior Fellow Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Director of Research, Center for Innovation in Global Health Courtesy Appointment Department of Pediatrics International Centre for Diarrheal Disease Research, Bangladesh (ICDDR,B) Director, Centre for Communicable Diseases, 8/2004 – 8/2012 Country Director, US Centers for Disease Control, US Embassy Dhaka, 8/2004 – 8/2012 1. Secured funding for and oversaw an externally funded research program a. Increased the annual research funding for the research program from $400,000 in 2004 to > $10 million b. Increased the number of scientists working in the unit from 6 in 2004 to 44, and the number of employees from 22 to 500. 2. Coordinate collaboration between ICDDRB and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 3. Facilitate multi-disciplinary research across the administrative divisions within ICDDR,B 4. Editor, Health and Science Bulletin, a quarterly surveillance update and original scientific report from ICDDR,B Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Medical Epidemiologist, Foodborne & Diarrheal Diseases Branch, 12/98 – 7/04 Major responsibilities 1. -
The Maoist Insurgency in Nepal and the Political Economy of Violence∗
The Maoist Insurgency in Nepal and the Political Economy of Violence∗ Avidit Acharyay October 2009 Abstract This paper studies the incidence of political violence associated with the Maoist insurgency in Nepal. I take a cross-sectional approach where the unit of analy- sis is the district, and dependent variable is total killings by state and Maoists normalized by district population. I find no evidence that political and economic grievances are linked to the incidence of political violence. There is also very lit- tle evidence that district prosperity or political ideology are associated with the incidence of violence. On the other hand, I find that the intensity of violence was greatest in the Midwestern districts and in districts with low road density. His- torical evidence suggests that the dummy variable for Midwestern districts that appears significant and robust reflects the political entrepreneurship of leftist lead- ers more than half a century ago. The results support a theory of conflict that treats an insurgency as analogous to a profit maximizing firm. JEL Classification Codes: D74 Key words: conflict, insurgency, political violence, greed, grievance ∗I would like to thank Jayaraj Acharya, Jose Azar, Nicholas Sambanis, Swarnim Wagle, an anony- mous referee, and the editors of this volume for valuable comments and discussions. All errors and shortcomings are my own. yWoodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Robertson Hall, Princeton University, Princeton NJ 08544-1013 (e-mail: [email protected]). 1 1 Introduction What were the causes of insurgency in Nepal? There have been two approaches to an- swering this question. In one line of research, studies such as Murshed and Gates (2005) and Bohara, Mitchell and Nepal (2006) have used cross-sectional regression techniques to predict the effect of poverty, inequality, rough terrain, and ethno-linguistic divisions on the intensity of political violence. -
A Comparative Analysis on Food Security in Bangladesh, India and Myanmar
sustainability Article A Comparative Analysis on Food Security in Bangladesh, India and Myanmar Yuanyuan Chen 1,2 and Changhe Lu 1,2,* 1 Key Laboratory of Land Surface Pattern and Simulation, Institute of Geographic Sciences and Natural Research, CAS, Beijing 100101, China; [email protected] 2 College of Resources and Environment, University of Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing 100049, China * Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +86-10-6488-9110 Received: 9 November 2017; Accepted: 1 February 2018; Published: 4 February 2018 Abstract: In 2013, China proposed the Bangladesh–China–India–Myanmar Economic Corridor initiatives to enhance the economic cooperation between Bangladesh, India, and Myanmar. To serve the priority setting of agricultural cooperation in the initiatives, an analysis is necessary to understand the food security situation and its key influencing factors in the three countries. For this purpose, this study applied a food security index (FSI) to measure the food security level at state scale and analyze its changes in the three countries during 1990–2013. Further, a factor decomposition method was used to quantify the contribution of major factors to the FSI changes. The results showed that the food demand was generally secured in Myanmar and India during 1990–2013 but in shortage by around 10% in most years before 2008 in Bangladesh. The annual FSI values showed a rather obvious periodic variation and a slightly increasing trend during the whole period. Although the grain production in the three countries increased significantly, the FSI was not accordingly improved, as a result of the simultaneous increase of grain consumption. -
Uml-Maoist Merger
UML-MAOIST MERGER Two of the three largest political parties, CPN-UML and CPN-MC merged to form Nepal Communist Party (NCP) on May 17 and were approved by the Elec- tion Commission on June 6, 2018. bunch of leaders, in a guerilla style, brought the seven-point unification (document) and announced the decision, not a proposal, for unification with UML. That decision was brought into an informal meeting where a task force was meeting to distribute electoral tickets...I have never read about an example of humiliation of such a huge proportion in any com- munist Ajaya Bhadra Khanal [email protected] Merger of CPN-UML and the CPN (Maoist): Implications for Nepal's Democracy [1] Ajaya Bhadra Khanal While the rest of the country had quietened down for the Dashain holidays in October 2017, the two major leftist forces made a surprise announcement they were going to merge after the series of local and parliamentary elections for the three levels of the government.[2] The move created a huge political ripple in Nepal and abroad. The announcement came after three days of intensive discussions between K P Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal. Initially, the two party leaders had been talking about such a possibility, and now the proposal has reached a stage of alliance and party Maoist leader Narayan Kaji Shrestha says.[3] In order to complete the unification process, the parties announced a seven-point plan[4]. After seven months of intense negotiations, the two largest communist parties formally merged on May 17, 2018. Until the 2017 elections at the local, provincial, and federal levels, the Communist Party of Nepal-United Marxists Leninists and Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Center) had largely played second fiddle to the Nepali Congress.[5] But with the electoral alliance, the UML and the Maoists collectively received a resounding electoral victory at all levels of the government. -
Dilemma and Factionalism in the Maoist Politics of Nepal
A Peer-Reviewed Article Dilemma and Factionalism in the Maoist Politics of Nepal Arjun Bahadur Ayadi Abstract The history of the Communist movement of Nepal has passed almost 70-years since the formation of the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN) in 1949. During this period, the Communist movement of Nepal passes through so many ups and downs, twists and turns, and defeats and victories. It has taken different paths in course of its development. It has experienced series of split and merger, which still continues. The Maoist, a radical faction of the communist movement, led the armed struggle for ten-years between 1996-2006 to seizes political power and establish a “New People’s Democracy”. However, the deadly armed struggle concluded in negotiation after 10-year and Maoists re-entered in the competitive politics. As it entered in the competitive politics, the CPN (Maoist), revised its ideological goal from “New People’s Democracy” to “Democracy in the Twenty First Century”. After these ideological change, it has entered in the vicious circle of split and merger. In this context, this paper aims to understand the relations between political dilemma and fraction taken place in the history of Communist movement of Nepal in general and Maoist politics in particular. On the basis of documentary analyses, this paper argues, the whole Communist movement of Nepal including Maoists politics suffered from ideological dilemma (between liberal and radical line) that resulted internal contradiction within the movement leading toward the series of split and generated the serious crisis to radical politics in Nepal. Keywords: CPN (Maoist), Maoism, Marxism, Leninism, ideology Introduction … it will appear that sometimes we are going to the Left and - 1 - Journal of Political Science, Volume XVIII, 2018 sometimes to the Right. -
National Election Final Report-2008
Monitoring Report of the 9th Parliamentary Election 2008 in Bangladesh 7 Circuit House Road Ramna, Dhaka – 1000. Tel: 8802 9344 225-6, 8802 9330 405 Fax: 8802 8315 807 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.dwatch-bd.org Published by: Taleya Rehman Executive Director Democracywatch 7 Circuit House Road Ramna, Dhaka 1000 Tel: 8802 9344 225-6, 8802 9330 405 Fax # 8802-8315807 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.dwatch-bd.org Date: February 2009 2 Foreword Democracywatch played an important role in the 9th parliamentary elections in Bangladesh which was held in December 29, 2008. We hope our work contributed what has been acclaimed as the most free and fair elections to date. Although most of our work concentrated on the Election Day itself, there were several projects to increase voter awareness leading up to the election that we carried out with considerable success. However it was the election and the Election Working Group that was our greatest success. The EWG comprised of 32 members from all areas of Bangladesh with different social and political backgrounds. As part of the EWG we placed 11658 observers throughout the country on Election Day. We carried out all this work, from recruiting the observers, to training them, producing training manuals and ensuring they carried out their duties efficiently on the day. Out of these observers were recruited 18 constituency coordinators who carried out most of the training and managed all payments and papers. At our headquarters in Dhaka we maintained a 24-hour control center where many of our volunteers worked tirelessly to collect the thousands of reports. -
The Great Leap Forward: an Inevitable Need of History
The Great Leap Forward: An Inevitable Need of History [This document is undated, but from internal evidence it appears to be from 2001.] “Correctness or otherwise of the ideological and political line decides everything. If it is correct, everything is gained, but if it wrong, everything is lost.” —Mao Tse-tung i. International Communist Movement and its Historical Lessons ii. Some Fundamental Characteristics of the International Situation iii. On the Situation in South Asia iv. On National Situation v. On the Synthesis of the Nepalese Communist Movement vi. Additional Points on the Party History and the Process of Ideological Synthesis vii. On Three Instruments of Revolution viii. A Great Achievement ix. Great Leap Forward and Sketch of Future Plan With its originality and grandeur, the People‟s War has completed its five memorable years and is entering the sixth. Through its rapid development process, it is entering an entirely new and higher stage of achievements and challenges during this period. The ideological synthesis of the experiences of those five years on the basis of universal principles of invincible Marxism- Leninism-Maoism has been necessary for the continuation and further development of the Nepalese revolution and to serve the world revolution as well. Needless to say, this synthesis shall be based on lofty objectives of furthering the world revolution in the 21st century, learning lessons from both world communist movement and Nepalese communist movement. Moreover, it shall be the synthesis of achievements gained through initiatives and active participation of millions of Masses in the historical and great process of People‟s War.