Transnational Islam in South and Southeast Asia
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Indian Muslims: a Valuable Prize for Regional Rivals
Indian Muslims: A Valuable Prize for Regional Rivals by Dr. James M. Dorsey BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 1,069, January 21, 2018 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: The hearts and minds of Indian Muslims would be a valuable prize for Saudi Arabia and Turkey as they vie for leadership of the Muslim world. This is particularly true in the wake of the October 2 killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, which catapulted the rivalry to center stage. When President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan recently declared that Turkey was “the only country that can lead the Muslim world,” he probably wasn’t only thinking of Middle Eastern and other Islamic states such as Pakistan and Bangladesh. There is growing evidence that Indian Muslims, the Islamic world’s fourth-largest community after Indonesia and the South Asian states, is on Erdoğan’s radar. Erdoğan’s interest in Indian Muslims highlights the flip side of a shared Turkish and Indian experience: the rise of religious parties and leaders with a tendency towards authoritarianism in non-Western democracies that, according to Turkey and India scholar Sumantra Bose, calls into question their commitment to secularism. Erdoğan’s interest in Indian Muslims goes beyond his hitherto unsuccessful attempts to persuade Indian authorities to shutter some nine schools and colleges associated with exiled Muslim preacher Fethullah Gülen. Accusing Gülen of responsibility for a failed 2015 military coup, Erdoğan’s government is seeking the preacher’s extradition to Turkey from his refuge in the mountains of Pennsylvania. While Gülen remains an obsession for Erdoğan, his interest in Indian Muslims shows he has bigger fish to fry. -
Articles Al-Qaida and the Pakistani Harakat Movement: Reflections and Questions About the Pre-2001 Period by Don Rassler
PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 11, Issue 6 Articles Al-Qaida and the Pakistani Harakat Movement: Reflections and Questions about the pre-2001 Period by Don Rassler Abstract There has been a modest amount of progress made over the last two decades in piecing together the developments that led to creation of al-Qaida and how the group has evolved over the last 30 years. Yet, there are still many dimensions of al-Qaida that remain understudied, and likely as a result, poorly understood. One major gap are the dynamics and relationships that have underpinned al-Qaida’s multi-decade presence in Pakistan. The lack of developed and foundational work done on the al-Qaida-Pakistan linkage is quite surprising given how long al- Qaida has been active in the country, the mix of geographic areas - from Pakistan’s tribal areas to its main cities - in which it has operated and found shelter, and the key roles Pakistani al-Qaida operatives have played in the group over the last two decades. To push the ball forward and advance understanding of this critical issue, this article examines what is known, and has been suggested, about al-Qaida’s relations with a cluster of Deobandi militant groups consisting of Harakat ul-Mujahidin, Harakat ul-Jihad Islami, Harakat ul-Ansar, and Jaish-e-Muhammad, which have been collectively described as Pakistan’s Harakat movement, prior to 9/11. It finds that each of these groups and their leaders provided key elements of support to al-Qaida in a number of direct and indirect ways. -
The Anatomy and Future of Pakistan's Afghan Interests
The Journal of Conflict Studies The Anatomy and Future of Pakistan’s Afghan Interests by Julian Schofield ABSTRACT The relationship between the nation-building mission in Afghanistan and that country’s connection with its influential neighbor Pakistan is very complex. The success of NATO’s strategy to strengthen the new Kabul regime depends on its intersection with Pakistani poli- cies. Pakistan’s strategy in Afghanistan, in turn, is tied to its broad- er security policy against India. This is complicated by Afghan- Pakistan disputes over territory, Afghan refusal to recognize the Durand Line as the international border, Pakistan’s interdiction of third-party trade to and from Afghanistan, and a history of Afghan sponsorship of secessionism in Pakistan. All of these factors con- tribute to Pakistan’s reluctance to contribute to the stabilization of Afghanistan by closing the insurgent sanctuaries in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas. NATO has few non-escalatory military options. It has two remaining venues of influence. First, its presence acts as a restraint on Afghan provocation of secessionism, thereby satisfying one of Islamabad’s goals. Second, NATO could offer trade and aid incentives to Pakistan to gradually withdraw its support to those elements of its society that foment Pakhtun insurgency in Afghanistan (and Pakistan). The long-term effect of such a strategy would be a gradual economic integration and normalization of the Afghan and Pakistan frontier areas. INTRODUCTION Outcomes in world politics are the result of the interaction of competing strategies. NATO’s primary strategy in Afghanistan is to strengthen the indige- nous capacity of the Kabul regime to supplant Islamists with pretensions towards global jihad. -
Binary Framings, Islam and Struggle for Women's Empowerment In
Feminist Dissent Binary Framings, Islam and Struggle for Women’s Empowerment in Bangladesh Sohela Nazneen* Address *Correspondence: [[email protected]] Abstract In this paper, I investigate how binary framings of women’s identity have influenced struggles for women’s rights and the interpretations of the relationship between Islam and women’s empowerment in Bangladesh. These binary framings position women at opposite ends by dividing them between ‘Muslim/religious/moral/authentic/traditional’ or ‘Bengali/ secular/immoral/Westernised/ modern’. I trace the particular genealogies of these binary constructs which emerged during specific historical junctures and are influenced by the shifts in regional and international Peer review: This article politics. Drawing on primary research with women in religious political has been subject to a double blind peer review parties and women’s movement actors and newspaper reports, I provide process an account of how binary framings have been used by the Islamist actors and the counter framings used by the feminists to make claims over the state. I show how these framings have influenced the politics of © Copyright: The Authors. This article is representation of gender equality concerns, and reflect on what this means issued under the terms of the Creative Commons for possibilities of women’s empowerment and strategies for resistance. Attribution Non- Commercial Share Alike License, which permits use and redistribution of the work provided that Keywords: Bangladesh, women’s empowerment, gender, Islam, Hefazat the original author and source are credited, the work is not used for commercial purposes and that any derivative works are madentroduction available under the same license terms. -
Ideology of the Faraizi Movement of Bengal History 2001
IDEOLOGY OF THE FARAIZI MOVEMENT OF BENGAL ABSTRACT i THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF THE il "^ »L;i. ! HISTORY I i ^ if By » <t MUHAMMAD AHSAN ULLAH Under the Supervision of PROF. ISHTIYAQ AHMAD ZILLI CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) 2001 ABSTRACT The Faraizi movement of Bengal was the first organized Islamic revivalist movement in British India, it was not merely a religious movement but its activities also extended to socio-economic, political, cultural, dawah, and agrarian spheres. Its genesis could be traced to local factors such as religious^ socio-economic and political conditions prevailing at that time in Bengal. But it was also influenced by the general awakening in the Muslim world and the rise of Islamic revivalist movements during the 19**' century throughout the Muslim world. This movement was launched by Haji Shariatullah (17S1-1840) in the first quarter of nineteen century in British Bengal. The basic aims and objectives of the movement were related to the religious reform and restoration of the true Islamic spirit but gradually its activities were extended to the spheres of Politics, economy and culture as without all round upliftment of the Muslims no real change could be expected to take place. Morover, as Islam does not countenance a division among the various sphere^ of human society, the Faraizis could not have legitimately looked over these aspects. 2- This thesis seeks to put the the Faraizi movement in its correct perspective by working out its ideology in relation to not only religion but other aspects of its activities which covered politics, economy, culture etc. -
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Religie W Azji Południowej
RAPORT OPRACOWANY W RAMACH PROJEKTU ROZBUDOWA BIBLIOTEKI WYDZIAŁU INFORMACJI O KRAJACH POCHODZENIA WSPÓŁFINANSOWANEGO PRZEZ EUROPEJSKI FUNDUSZ NA RZECZ UCHODŹCÓW GRUDZIEŃ 2010 (ODDANY DO DRUKU W KWIETNIU 2011) RELIGIE W AZJI POŁUDNIOWEJ Sylwia Gil WYDZIAŁ INFORMACJI O KRAJACH POCHODZENIA UDSC EUROPEJSKI FUNDUSZ NA RZECZ UCHODŹCÓW RAPORT OPRACOWANY W RAMACH PROJEKTU ROZBUDOWA BIBLIOTEKI WYDZIAŁU INFORMACJI O KRAJACH POCHODZENIA WSPÓŁFINANSOWANEGO PRZEZ EUROPEJSKI FUNDUSZ NA RZECZ UCHODŹCÓW RELIGIE W AZJI POŁUDNIOWEJ Sylwia Gil GRUDZIEŃ 2010 (ODDANY DO DRUKU W KWIETNIU 2011) EUROPEJSKI FUNDUSZ NA RZECZ UCHODŹCÓW Sylwia Gil – Religie w Azji Południowej grudzień 2010 (oddano do druku w kwietniu 2011) – WIKP UdSC Zastrzeżenie Niniejszy raport tematyczny jest dokumentem jawnym, a opracowany został w ramach projektu „Rozbudowa Biblioteki Wydziału Informacji o Krajach Pochodzenia”, współfinansowanego ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu na rzecz Uchodźców. W ramach wspomnianego projektu, WIKP UdSC zamawia u ekspertów zewnętrznych opracowania, które stanowią pogłębioną analizę wybranych problemów/zagadnień, pojawiających się w procedurach uchodźczych/azylowych. Informacje znajdujące się w ww. raportach tematycznych pochodzą w większości z publicznie dostępnych źródeł, takich jak: opracowania organizacji międzynarodowych, rządowych i pozarządowych, artykuły prasowe i/lub materiały internetowe. Czasem oparte są także na własnych spostrzeżeniach, doświadczeniach i badaniach terenowych ich autorów. Wszystkie informacje zawarte w niniejszym raporcie zostały -
Shiism and Sectarian Conflict in Pakistan Identity Politics, Iranian Influence, and Tit-For-Tat Violence
Combating Terrorism Center at West Point Occasional Paper Series Shiism and Sectarian Conflict in Pakistan Identity Politics, Iranian Influence, and Tit-for-Tat Violence Hassan Abbas September 22, 2010 1 2 Preface As the first decade of the 21st century nears its end, issues surrounding militancy among the Shi‛a community in the Shi‛a heartland and beyond continue to occupy scholars and policymakers. During the past year, Iran has continued its efforts to extend its influence abroad by strengthening strategic ties with key players in international affairs, including Brazil and Turkey. Iran also continues to defy the international community through its tenacious pursuit of a nuclear program. The Lebanese Shi‛a militant group Hizballah, meanwhile, persists in its efforts to expand its regional role while stockpiling ever more advanced weapons. Sectarian violence between Sunnis and Shi‛a has escalated in places like Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Bahrain, and not least, Pakistan. As a hotbed of violent extremism, Pakistan, along with its Afghan neighbor, has lately received unprecedented amounts of attention among academics and policymakers alike. While the vast majority of contemporary analysis on Pakistan focuses on Sunni extremist groups such as the Pakistani Taliban or the Haqqani Network—arguably the main threat to domestic and regional security emanating from within Pakistan’s border—sectarian tensions in this country have attracted relatively little scholarship to date. Mindful that activities involving Shi‛i state and non-state actors have the potential to affect U.S. national security interests, the Combating Terrorism Center is therefore proud to release this latest installment of its Occasional Paper Series, Shiism and Sectarian Conflict in Pakistan: Identity Politics, Iranian Influence, and Tit-for-Tat Violence, by Dr. -
Dr Abubakar Muhammad Zakaria Mojumder
CURRICULUM VITAE DR ABUBAKAR MUHAMMAD ZAKARIA MOJUMDER Professor Department of Al-Fiqh & Legal Studies Faculty of Law and Shari‘ah Islamic University, Kushtia, Bangladesh Mobile: +880 1552 373787 Email: [email protected] PERSONAL INFORMATION Name : Dr Abubakar Muhammad Zakaria Mojumder Present Address: House # 1/104, Dormitory 2, Islamic University Campus, Islamic University, Kushtia, Bangladesh. Permanent Address: Village: Dhanusara, Post Office: Golpasha, Upazilla: Chowddogram, District: Comilla, Bangladesh. Mobile no.: +880 1552 373787 Telephone : (Office) +880 71 62201 Ext. 2531 E-mail: [email protected] website: abubakarzakaria.com Marital Status: Married Nationality: Bangladeshi by birth EDUCATION 2005 PhD in ‘Aqidah (Creed) Faculty of Da‘wah & Usuluddin Islamic University of Madinah Munawwarah, Saudi Arabia. Specialization: Comparative Religion Dissertation title: “Hinduism And Its Impact on Some Islamic Sects” (in Arabic). Grade: Excellent 1998 Master's & MPhil (Magister Degree) in ‘Aqidah (Creed) Faculty of Da‘wah & Usuluddin Islamic University of Madinah Munawwarah, Saudi Arabia. Specializations: ‘Aqidah, Usuluddin, Contemporary ideologies, and Da‘wah Dissertation title: “Polytheism in ancient & modern age” (in Arabic). Grade: Excellent 1993 Bachelor's degree in Shari‘ah (Islamic law) Faculty of Shari‘ah Islamic University of Madinah Munawwarah, Saudi Arabia. Grade: Excellent 1988 Kamil in Hadith 2-year diploma in prominent six hadith books From Bangladesh Madrasah Education Board, Dhaka Grade: 1st Class (1st in whole Bangladesh, combined merit list) 1986 Fazil Equivalent to Higher Secondary Certificate Dr Zakaria | 1 From Bangladesh Madrasah Education Board, Dhaka Grade: 1st Division 1984 Alim Equivalent to Secondary School Certificate From Bangladesh Madrasah Education Board, Dhaka Grade: 1st Division OTHER TRAINING 2012 South Asian Training Session (SATS) on International Humanitarian Law (IHL). -
Strengthening the Resilience of the Water Sector in Khulna to Climate Change (Financed by the Climate Change Fund)
Technical Assistance Consultant’s Report Project Number: 42469-01 August 2010 Bangladesh: Strengthening the Resilience of the Water Sector in Khulna to Climate Change (Financed by the Climate Change Fund) Prepared by Institute of Water Modelling Dhaka, Bangladesh Alterra Netherlands For Local Government Division Khulna City Corporation Khulna Water Supply and Sewerage Authority This consultant’s report does not necessarily reflect the views of ADB or the Government concerned, and ADB and the Government cannot be held liable for its contents. GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF BANGLADESH MINISTRY OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT, RURAL DEVELOPMENT & COOPERATIVES LOCAL GOVERNMENT DIVISION The Asian Development Bank (ADB) ADB TA-7197 BAN: Strengthening the Resilience of the Water Sector in Khulna to Climate Change Food Water Environmen tal Waste HUMAN Climatic HEALTH Social Agricultural Infra structure Final Report August 2010 ADB TA-7197 BAN: Strengthening the Resilience of the Water Sector in Khulna to climate change Final Report EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1. With vast low lying areas, Bangladesh is considered as one of the most vulnerable countries in the world to climate change. Strengthening the resilience to climate change is pivotal in all its development and poverty alleviation activities. The city of Khulna, being located in the coastal area of Bangladesh, and influenced by tides from the Bay of Bengal, is highly vulnerable to climate change. The increasing salinity intrusion into the city waters and the anticipated sea level rise might have a major impact on the water resources and the water and drainage infrastructure of the city and its surrounding areas. The city experiences frequent water logging during the rainy season. -
Ansarullah Bangla Team: a Major Threat for Bangladesh’S Democracy Written by Siegfried O
Ansarullah Bangla Team: A Major Threat for Bangladesh’s Democracy Written by Siegfried O. Wolf This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Ansarullah Bangla Team: A Major Threat for Bangladesh’s Democracy https://www.e-ir.info/2016/01/30/ansarullah-bangla-team-a-major-threat-for-bangladeshs-democracy/ SIEGFRIED O. WOLF, JAN 30 2016 Since 9/11, the world has considered Pakistan and Afghanistan as the epicentre of Islamic fundamentalism in South Asia, incarnated in the Taliban movement and its affiliates. Many of the early observations dealt with the tremendous challenge which terrorism and religious-militant extremism would pose to peace and stability (from a geopolitical perspective). Realising the increasingly complex scenarios as well as the causalities and impacts, analyses on the phenomenon under discussion were slowly but persistently broadening. In order to be able to address not only the militant, but also the socio-economic and political dimensions of Islamic fundamentalism, the networks and ideological foundations of internationally acting fundamentalist groups have increasingly caught the attention of observers (worldwide). Despite a general widening of the research focus (for example taking gender aspects into account, like suicide bombing by female terrorists), it has also led to the phenomenon of only seeing certain aspects and/or dimensions of Islamic fundamentalism. By being pre-occupied with the security aspects of the Islamist challenge in the context of the foreign intervention in Afghanistan, many analysts initially had a narrow focus on the ‘AfPak’ region. -
Volume X, Issue 1 February 2016 PERSPECTIVES on TERRORISM Volume 10, Issue 1
ISSN 2334-3745 Volume X, Issue 1 February 2016 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 10, Issue 1 Table of Contents Welcome from the Editor 1 I. Articles Who are the Bangladeshi ‘Islamist Militants’? 2 by Ali Riaz Why is Contemporary Religious Terrorism Predominantly Linked to Islam? Four Possible Psychosocial Factors 19 by Joshua D. Wright How Dangerous Are Domestic Terror Plotters with Foreign Fighter Experience? The Case of Homegrown Jihadis in the US 32 by Christopher J. Wright The Nature of Nigeria’s Boko Haram War, 2010-2015: A Strategic Analysis 41 by James Adewunmi Falode II. Interview In Conversation with Morten Storm: A Double Agent’s Journey into the Global Jihad 53 Interviewed by Stefano Bonino III. Research Note If Publicity is the Oxygen of Terrorism – Why Do Terrorists Kill Journalists? 65 by François Lopez IV. Resources Counting Lives Lost – Monitoring Camera-Recorded Extrajudicial Executions by the “Islamic State” 78 by Judith Tinnes Bibliography: Northern Ireland Conflict (The Troubles) 83 Compiled and selected by Judith Tinnes V. Book Reviews Michael Morell. The Great War of our Time. The CIA’s Fight Against Terrorism, from Al Qa’ida to ISIS. New York: Twelve, 2015; 362 pp.; US $ 28.00. ISBN 978-1-4555-8566-3. 111 Reviewed by Brian Glyn Williams ISSN 2334-3745 i February 2016 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 10, Issue 1 Counterterrorism Bookshelf: Twenty New Publications on Israeli & Palestinian Issues 114 Reviewed by Joshua Sinai VI. Notes from the Editor TRI Award for Best PhD Thesis 2015: Deadline of 31 March 2016 for Submissions Approaching 126 About Perspectives on Terrorism 127 ISSN 2334-3745 ii February 2016 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 10, Issue 1 Welcome from the Editor Dear Reader, We are pleased to announce the release of Volume X, Issue 1 (February 2016) of Perspectives on Terrorism at www.terrorismanalysts.com.