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Spring 5-26-2017 Transnational ‘Interruptions’ in Eritrean Refugee Lives in the Bay Area Meron Y. Semedar Mr [email protected]
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Recommended Citation Semedar, Meron Y. Mr, "Transnational ‘Interruptions’ in Eritrean Refugee Lives in the Bay Area" (2017). Master's Theses. 242. http://repository.usfca.edu/thes/242
This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects at USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TRANSNATIONAL ‘INTERRUPTIONS’ IN ERITREAN REFUGEE
LIVES IN THE BAY AREA
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF ARTS
in
INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
by MERON SEMEDAR
May 26, 2017
UNIVERSITY OF SAN FRANCISCO
Under the guidance and approval of the committee, and approval by all the members, this thesis project has been accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree.
APPROVED:
Advisor Date
Academic Director Date
Dean of Arts and Sciences Date TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Tables ...... v List of Figures ...... vi DEDICATION ...... vii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... viii ABSTRACT ...... x Introduction ...... 1 My Story as an Eritrean Refugee ...... 1 Experience in Eritrea ...... 1 Departing Eritrea ...... 3 Life in South Africa ...... 3 Escape of my Older Brother ...... 4 Arriving in USA ...... 5 Escape of Younger Brother ...... 6 Chapter I: Background to the Study ...... 10 Eritrean Refugees in the Bay Area ...... 10 Family Values, Morality & Social Obligations ...... 13 Definition of Terms ...... 14 Resettlement, Integration and Government Services ...... 16 Methodology ...... 17 Statement of the Problem ...... 17 Purpose of the Study ...... 17 Research Questions ...... 18 Theoretical Framework ...... 18 Methodology ...... 18 Participants ...... 19 Data Collection ...... 19 Limitations of the Study ...... 20 Significance of the Study ...... 21 Chapter II: The Eritrean Background ...... 22
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A Short History of Eritrea ...... 22 Location and Geography of Eritrea ...... 22 Climate and Topography ...... 23 Religion ...... 23 Ethnicity ...... 24 Economy...... 24 Traditional economies ...... 25 The Diaspora and the economy ...... 27 Colonial Era: Italy, WWII: 1985 - 1962 ...... 28 Struggle for Independence/State Formation; 1961 - 1991 ...... 28 First Eritrean Migration 1961 - 1991 ...... 29 Second Ethiopian-Eritrean War: 1998 - 2000 ...... 30 Start of Dictatorship: 2001 ...... 31 Second Migration: 2001 – present...... 32 The National Service: 1994 - present ...... 33 Human Rights as a reason of plight ...... 34 The Eritrean Diaspora and the home land/Transnational ...... 35 Chapter III: Literature Review ...... 37 A. Refugees ...... 37 B. Reception and Hosts ...... 38 C. Integration ...... 40 D. Trauma ...... 43 E. Migration, Diaspora and Diasporic Identity ...... 45 F. Transnationalism; Transnational Economies; Remittances ...... 46 G. Interruptions ...... 48 H. East African values, morals and obligations ...... 50 Chapter IV: Data Interviews and Fieldwork ...... 52 A. Trauma and PTSD ...... 54 B. Religion and Morality ...... 56 C. Cultural and Ethnic Identity ...... 57 D. Social Obligations and Family Bonds ...... 58 E. Reproducing the Family ...... 59
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F. Remittances...... 60 G. Economic Mobility and Class Identity ...... 63 H. Education ...... 64 I. Integration Issues ...... 64 J. Effects of Events in Eritrea ...... 68 Chapter V: Discussion of Implications and Significance ...... 71 Chapter VI: Conclusion and Recommendations ...... 76 Conclusions ...... 76 Policy Recommendations ...... 77 Chapter VII: References ...... 80 Chapter VIII: Appendixes ...... 95 Appendix A: Interview Questionnaire ...... 95 Appendix B: Informed Consent Form ...... 96 Appendix C: IRBPHS - Approval Notification ...... 97
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List of Tables
Table 1: Summary of participant information; order by arrival year ...... 53
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List of Figures Figure 1: Location and geography of Eritrea, (Source: Eritrea country review 2016) ...... 22 Figure 2: Overview of US refugee resettlement program. (Source: ORR 2016) ...... 40
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DEDICATION To the hundreds of thousands of Eritrean men, women, children and unaccompanied minors who fled Eritrea in pursuit of safety and better opportunity.
Leaving Eritrea seeking freedom, not knowing what to expect, but to deal with what is ahead of them. They find themselves dispersed around the world in a culture that is not their own as they try to navigate how to integrate into their new home. They continue to be treated as economic infiltrators and denied access to asylum in Israel, left as homeless in the streets of Italy, the Calais jungle between France and England. In many African countries treated harshly as foreigners. To the many in the refugee camps in Ethiopia and the Sudan as they look for a better future and resettlement elsewhere.
To the Eritrean youth who are in Eritrea without a bright future and trying to figure out their lives. To the many who have planned to take the dangerous route of crossing the border of Eritrea into Ethiopia or the Sudan. To those who are planning the route of the Sahara desert into Libya, then using unsafe boats crossing the perilous journey of the Mediterranean Sea into Italy.
To the 65 million displaced people around the world, nearly 21 million are refugees. May the world see their suffering and provide them with a place to call home and humanity restored.
To my father Major Yemane Semedar Andegiorgis who died fighting to protect
Eritrea in the border war between Eritrea and Ethiopia in 1998 to 2000. Who always told me to believe in education and to be true to myself. Today I can truly say his advice saved me.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My great appreciation goes to all the participants of the study. For their willingness and time to contribute to this study of knowledge. This research wouldn't have been complete without their input.
To my thesis adviser Prof. Lindsay Gifford. Thank you so much for all your help, your guidance and your mentorship which means a lot to me. Thank you for supporting me throughout my study years at USF in and outside of class. Thank you for opening opportunities and often connecting me for different projects. This study would not have been possible without you.
Thank you to Robyn Newton and Elizabeth le Sueur from South Africa who has helped me with editing my work and has been part of my life for the last 10 years.
Thank you to Professor Lee Bycel for his continued encouragement for believing in me and supporting me in many ways.
To Prof. Clyde Leland thank you for investing your time in editing my thesis research.
Thank you to Prof. Ruth Ziegler for the Ruth W. Ziegler Fellowship Award. The award was instrumental during my trips to Canada to advocate for refugees.
To all the professors that taught me at USF- Prof. Susana Kaiser, Prof. Lucia
Cantero, Prof. Brian Dowd-Uribe, Prof. Dana Zartner and all the other professors at the
MIAS department, to the administrative team - Christine Meno, Amanda Mitchell, Sindy
Vela, the Student Leadership Engagement (SLE) at student center and the Office of the
Dean - thank you for all your support and making my time at USF more meaningful.
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To the office of the Chancellor, the President and the many departments at USF, thank you for supported the conference I held in September 2016 titled - Eritrea at 25:
Human Rights, Migration and the Route to Democracy.
To my class mates who have come with a vast knowledge and taught me through their presentations and area of interest. I have learned so much from you.
To my roommates who were helpful and understanding of my studies, advocacy and work. Thank you for all your support.
To my mother, who raised me against all odds and believed in me and encouraged my education since I was a child. Who continues to keep me in her prayers and has been the rock of my life.
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ABSTRACT For many refugees, the day they flee their home country is the start of the interruption of their life. For refugees, such interruption brings the absence of continuity and loss of vision for the future, that they have to be present in the current situation – not knowing their future. This interruption literally 'interrupts' the life plan of refugees. Many
Eritrean refugees vocally state that, "Our body might be here, but our soul is all in
Eritrea". Eritrean refugees, having fled an oppressive regime, continue to experience nonstop interruption to their lives in their new country. Due to both the continuing repression in Eritrea which is why they fled, and because of the strong family, cultural and religious values Eritreans grow up, Eritreans in the diaspora feel obliged to save lives and remit funds to sustain the family back in their home country. The research found that this burden of helping not only slows their integration into their new countries, but also leads to stress, compassion fatigue and trauma in the Eritrean diaspora community in the
Bay Area. In light of this, the research suggests that refugee resettlement agencies give rigorous orientation teaching refugees/asylees to first take care of oneself, achieving the necessary life empowerment and to work with community centers and religious institutions to understand their needs and expedite their integration. Once having created a strong foundation for themselves, then they can help family members. The research also calls on the Eritrean government to end the indefinite national service and Eritreans to work together to bring about positive change. It is also recommended that USCIS officials, while considering asylum cases, to consider the family as well. Finally, it recommends the UN pressure the Eritrean government to uphold human rights and rule of law and thus stemming migration out of Eritrea and its ultimate consequences on those living abroad.
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1
Transnational ‘Interruptions’ in Eritrean Refugee Lives in the Bay
Area
Introduction
My Story as an Eritrean Refugee To understand why I chose to do my thesis research on the topic of
"Transnational ‘Interruptions’ in Eritrean Refugee Lives in the Bay Area", one needs to understand my own life experience.
Experience in Eritrea I never thought of leaving my country and did not expect my life would turn out to be the way it is now. Today I am a 31-year old political asylee from Eritrea living in the US. It has been 12 years since I fled indefinite national service and harsh treatment by the military in Eritrea. During my service, I faced beating and many forms of punishment.
After finishing the military training in 2004, we continued our grade 12 education in the same camp. Every day we would go to our classes under strict military rule although we were considered students. The commanders continued to apply the same military treatment to us even during school. Punishments continued as before. Imagine coming back after a morning class and before you enter your room to change clothes, you are told to lay on the ground and crawl back-and-forth in your uniform while being beaten with a stick or a rubber lash. At times, they made us stand still in the hot sun for so long that many students fainted and fell to the ground, suffering heat stroke. Every now
2 and then, the commanders and ministers would gather us onstage and barrage us with rhetoric; “We are not at peace, be ready, war could break out at any time, the enemy is still occupying our land.” This was not a good environment for learning. In the camp I hated all the punishment. My interest in education was highly affected by the situation.
And then the only university in the country in 2004 closed. My uncle had previously entered the university with the highest marks. He was my role model. With the closure of the university, I saw no hope for a future in the country. I hated my situation and my existence as a person. This feeling drove me to escape from the country I love dearly.
The hardest for me was leaving my family. But we'd already been split up when I lost my father in the border war between Eritrea and Ethiopia that lasted from 1998 to
2000. We didn’t hear anything about my father’s passing until 2003, though we sensed it early on. Every day I prayed a miracle would reach our house to tell us his whereabouts, but I also sometimes wished to know for certain whether he was dead.
Life got much harder around this time as my mother was diagnosed with severe asthma. In an Eritrean family, the father usually goes out to earn income for the family and the mother takes care of the kids and prepares food. This wasn't the case in my family. Initially my mother was the provider for our family working as a cleaner in the government hospital until she was diagnosed with asthma, only later did my father start to earn salary. These circumstances increased my level of responsibility at a young age to care for my family. I started working in heavy labor at the age of 14. I also had to take care of my younger brother who was born in 1994 as my mother was spending most of her time in the hospital.
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Departing Eritrea Early in 2005, I finally decided to flee Eritrea. I knew it wouldn't be easy and planned for months. There was a shoot-to-kill policy and I had to make sure I didn't get killed. If I got caught, I would end up in prison as a traitor. The military training camp where I was in school was the closest I could get to the border. Also my presence in the area for 8 months by then helped me think of a possible route. Before my final departure,
I used the two week break they gave us to see my family. After the break, I only stayed one night and started the journey that would define my life forever in mid-March 2005.
During the carefully planned journey, I was joined by 5 other students from the same camp. We all made it safely to Sudan.
In Sudan, I met people who had been "protracted" refugees for many years waiting for resettlement. Concerned for my safety due to the camp's proximity to the
Eritrean border, I decided to move to the capital city Khartoum. Ever since I fled Eritrea,
I have moved from country to country in pursuit of more safety and better opportunity.
While in Khartoum, I decided to move to South Africa to continue my education. After 9 months in Sudan, I moved to South Africa via Dubai and then Mozambique paying thousands of dollars to those who navigate the routes. I started what I call moving on with life in South Africa.
Life in South Africa I always believed in education. I followed my uncle’s advice to move to South
Africa from Sudan instead of heading north to Europe as many of my friends were doing.
My desire to study may have saved me from drowning in the Mediterranean Sea or being tortured at the hands of smugglers. My uncle paid for my flight.
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Before I could even begin school, I had to get asylum papers and a year later refugee status from the South African Department of Home Affairs. This is not easy and the corrupt system makes it difficult to obtain legal documentation in time and without putting yourself in danger. I had to bribe officials to get both of these documents, and I did the same to extend the expiration date of the status.
At the beginning of 2006, I started school at an Information Technology and
Business college in Cape Town. Halfway through my certificate I applied to join a
University. By the beginning of 2007, I joined a local university to study Civil
Engineering. In 2010 I graduated with a BA degree. I worked as a waiter full time to be able to afford my rent, daily expenses and pay my tuition. At the same time, I also had to take care of my family back in Eritrea by sending remittances. Many days I worked a double shift to be able to make ends meet.
Escape of my Older Brother In 2008 I financed and coordinated my older brother's escape from Eritrea to joined me in South Africa in December.
While I was waiting for my brother in May 2008 xenophobic attacks took place in
South Africa killing refugees in horrific ways, at times burning them alive (HRW 2008).
During this period, I had to hide myself at home for more than two weeks without going to work or school. As a result of this I started to engage in advocacy. I started advocating for the South African Department of Home Affairs to make asylum and refugee processing more effective and humane. I co-founded a refugee-led organization with other colleagues called Unity for Tertiary Refugee Students (UTRS). With UTRS, we
5 would advocate for faster processing of asylum cases for students and also scholarships for refugees to attend universities so that they could advocate for their community and country. I also joined and served as an executive committee member at an Eritrean organization called Eritrean Movement for Democracy and Human Rights (EMDHR) based in South Africa. The organization was created by former students who were sent to
South Africa by the Eritrean government for higher education. Most of these students never went back.
Arriving in USA My advocacy led me to speak at an international conference in the United States in October of 2012. At that point, I was an honors student at the University of Pretoria, but I gave up my studies when I decided to remain and apply for asylum in San
Francisco.
As an asylum seeker, I was not allowed to work or study or get government assistance until I'd obtained a work permit. "US immigration law prohibits asylum seekers from working legally for 150 days after filing their applications – plus an additional 30 days to process the application – unless they are granted asylum before that time is up" (HRW 2013, USCIS 2015). This leaves many asylum applicants without any means to support themselves. That was my case in 2013, but I was lucky enough to have my application accepted after the five months period. Others take illegal jobs with little protection and many end up on the street without help. I was educated enough but could not work to sustain myself due to the policy in place. This was the most stressful time of my transition since my arrival. There was a moment where I could not pay my rent, and one of the local organizations gave me a donation of $1000 dollars.
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During this period, I kept myself busy by representing my community at a forum and volunteering as a translator for social services and refugee resettlement organizations in the Bay Area. The forum addressed community and refugee concerns by bringing local government services to the table.
Going to the Eritrean Catholic Church in Oakland and the friends I developed there helped me overcome a lot of stress. During this period, I actively engage in exercise such as running which helped me get tired. I also kept myself busy so that I would not have to think about my past and my present asylum case.
I believe that the church and the connections I made there were instrumental in getting my feet on the ground. My first job was at a 7-Eleven store, which I got connected to through a member of our church . At the end of 2013 I was granted asylum.
After working for several months, I relocated myself to Washington DC.
Escape of Younger Brother In early 2014, after I'd been in the US for about a year and a half, I helped my younger brother flee Eritrea. I was largely responsible for his expenses starting from those that would get him out of Eritrea safely until arriving in Khartoum, the capital of
Sudan, then on to South Africa to pursue his education. My brother’s escape took place at a time when I myself was relocating to the East Coast. Before I could even settle and secure a job, all the money I saved was used to pay my brother’s escape and travel expenses. As a result, my life was again interrupted. I was forced to come back to the Bay
Area and put all my plans aside. I was out of money and lost my rental and my two previous jobs. I was lucky to find a place to sleep without paying for two months with a
7 friend as I continued to look for a new job. I decided to get a license as a Security Guard.
After two months I started earning money again.
My two brothers in South Africa, still needed my help, I had to obtain asylum papers which usually requires bribing South African officials. Once they got their papers
I also assisted in finding them jobs through my previous network. At the same time, I also continued to send remittances to my mother in Eritrea for her rent and basic food expenses.
About a year after my younger brother's arrival in South Africa, in 2015 another wave of xenophobic attacks erupted against African refugees; the traditional king of Zulu
(South Africa's tribe) stated that "foreigners must leave the country" (Haffejee 2015). In less than three days, five people were brutally killed and many businesses were looted.
Looking over social media and international news was very disturbing to me. I knew the severity of the problem, because I witnessed it myself in 2008. Again I had to think of how to help my brothers leave South Africa to a safer place.
My older brother was able to join our aunt, who resettled to Canada. That left our younger brother behind in South Africa. Getting him to Canada took time, money and energy. It also affected my health and education, since my doctor recommended I reduce my workload.
Though some were in Eritrea and some in Canada, I was still the main provider for my family working as a taxi driver in and around San Francisco. I spent any money I saved. I sent money to my mother and at times helped her family members also. I
8 continue to send remittances to my mother. I hope that once my brothers settle in Canada, they will be in a position to send remittances and allow me to pull back.
Although I continued to pursue my education in the middle of these efforts, it was hard to deal with the day-to-day phone calls, planning, and fears of what could happen during the process of my brother's escape. Today, I feel much more at peace having both my brothers in the same country and in a safe place. The joy I got out of this result is immeasurable. My mother was beyond words when we all spoke to her over the phone together from Canada in early October 2016.
But taking care of my family has affected me tremendously. I hardly spend time with people to socialize as I have to spend most of my time between working long hours to cover basic necessities, to provide for my family and trying to catch up with the years I lost in my education. After taking care of my family members for many years I have already felt as if I was a father with heavy responsibilities.
The financial strain has also been significant. Whenever I feel I have some savings, soon it is gone to fix an issue. I constantly find myself borrowing money from people who trust me to return it. While I am glad to help my family, the endless interruption as a result of transnational support and, at times, saving lives, affects my sense of agency to live the life I aspire to. Many of my Eritrean friends express similar sentiments, working hard to make sure they assist their families before they continue their education, get married or start a business.
Dealing with these family issues in Eritrea and abroad made it harder to integrate in my new home in the Bay Area. During my time in the US, I have lived with several
Eritrean roommates who were all involved in similar activities. I have heard them
9 continuously complaining about their circumstances as they too have to deal with helping a family member escape, an interruption to their life plans. The crises seem to be endless: today a sibling, tomorrow a cousin, a relative, a neighbor, a person from the same village.
My experience led me to wonder if the transnational involvements I had with my family and friends were shared by other Eritrean refugees in the Bay Area. The discussion with my friends over their family members escape and my roommates asking and looking for routes to get their siblings to a safe place got me to think. How much time and money are they sacrificing to such transnational events? What are they giving up?
I also started to ask, what are the impacts in Eritrean lives? Do these transnational events generate emotional challenges or vicarious trauma? How do Eritreans see such active transnational participation and its impact in their lives? Why do they do it? How does it affect their integration process in their new home? Has their life been
"interrupted" as a result of such active and endless transnational events?
Reflecting on my personal experiences and those in my community, led me to raise certain ideas about “life interruption” and testing whether that is unique or common in the Eritrean diaspora. With those questions, I set out to do my research by engaging with members of the Eritrean community in the Bay Area.
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Chapter I: Background to the Study
Eritrean Refugees in the Bay Area It is difficult to establish an accurate estimate of Eritrean refugees residing in the
Bay Area. Initially, with the implementation of the Immigration Act of 1965, the first
Eritrean students and workers were able to enter the United States. With the adoption of the Refugee Act of 1980 many refugees from North Africa, including Eritreans, were resettled in the US (Woldemikael 1998, 90; Kibreab 1985). The war for independence against Ethiopia lasted for 30 years, from 1961 to 1991. During this period Eritreans were considered Ethiopians under the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) statistic data. In an annual report that was provided to Congress, the number of Ethiopian and Eritrean refugees that arrived in the US between the fiscal years of 1983 - 2005 was recorded as
38,759 (ORR 2014). In 1993, the Eritrean Embassy in Washington DC estimated that between fifteen and twenty thousand Eritrean adults were residing in the US (Hepner
2009, 106). Hepner argues that the number is significantly higher, considering those under the age of 18 and the many not casting their ballot. Today the Eritrean Community
Center (ECC 2017) in Oakland, run by a government representative, states in its website that there are currently an estimated 10,000 Eritreans residing in the Bay Area, with the greater number living in Oakland (ECC 2017).
Today, according to the US Census Bureau, an estimated 32,754 Eritreans live in the United States (American Fact Finder 2015). This number is believed to be very low, considering that many Eritreans were registered as Ethiopians as recently as the late
2000s. After Washington DC, the second highest number of Eritrean immigrants in the
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US, about 10%, are believed to live in the San Francisco Bay Area, with the largest number in Oakland, Santa Rosa, San Francisco, San Leandro, San Jose and Berkeley
(O'Brien 2011). In San Francisco, the Fillmore District and Western Addition are home to an Eritrean community. In Oakland Eritreans often frequent coffee shops in the Temescal district and the stretch along Telegraph and Claremont Avenues. With the second wave of migration, as a result of the indefinite national service and human rights violations
(OHCHR 2016; Kibreab 2013), more Eritreans started arriving in the Bay Area since
2005. Many were resettled by the ORR and many came to apply at the San Francisco
Asylum office believing it was the easiest for winning one’s asylum case, in comparison with the rest of the country. Many of the first Eritrean refugees who arrived in the US in the late 1980s were resettled in the Bay Area. This had a direct impact on later comers as they seek to be close to existing communities. Also many Eritreans call the Bay Area home sighting to its similarity of weather in Eritrea.
The majority of Eritreans in the Bay Area can be described as low-income with the exception of a few who have professional jobs. This economic status is strongly associated with migration at a late age, a lack of education and not being able to integrate into the host society. Many Eritrean men work as taxi, Uber, Lyft and truck drivers and as security officers. Women often do child care or hospitality jobs, become Certified Nurse
Assistants (CNA), or stay at home as housewives. Eritreans are also known for their entrepreneurial skill of running Eritrean restaurants (Idris 2015), which can be found throughout the Bay Area. Such industries and occupations have not change for the many
Eritreans with the exception of a few who went to join the tech companies and some using the services of UBER and Lyft. Eritreans are well known for trying to create the
12 community of origin in the Diaspora by trying to live in key cities, forming community centers and building churches and mosques that enhance their culture (Hepner 2009).
One constant in Eritrean society is religion. In Eritrea the practice of religion is restricted to Sunni Islam and three recognized denominations within the Christian faith
(Eastern Orthodox, Roman Catholic and Swedish Protestant) (Mekonnen & Kidane
2014). In the Bay Area such religions are well-practiced to the degree that congregations buy their own land and build churches. Most Eritreans in the Bay Area belong to one of two Orthodox churches: the Eritrean Orthodox Tewahdo Church in Oakland, and the
Saint Mary Eritrean Orthodox Church in San Leandro. The emergence of St. Mary came as a result of religious and political divisions in 2006 (O'Brien 2011). This was also as a direct result of the Eritrean government action in the removal and arrest of the head of the
Orthodox Church, Patriarch Abune Antonios. Since 2006, the Patriarch remains under house arrest for calling for the release of political prisoners and advocating for the rights of believers to worship freely (USCIRF 2016). Such divisions directly impacted the lives of many refugees in the Bay Area, adding additional stress as they tried to navigate their place in their new country (O'Brien 2011).
While the Eastern Orthodox own their buildings, Eritrean Catholics practice their religion in collaboration with other communities that already own churches. Initially based at St. Joseph the Worker, the church in Berkeley recently moved to Mary Help of
Christians Church in East Oakland. Similarly, the Muslims in Oakland join in prayer with members of other communities at a mosque on Telegraph Avenue and also rent their own meeting room at a nearby location. Eritreans use these prayer days for connection, a way to meet people and get necessary information and assistance from other refugees who
13 arrived earlier (Hepner 2003). Having arrived in a country that allows freedom of worship, Eritrean Jehovah's Witnesses and Pentecostals now also have worship and meeting places in Oakland (Mekonnen & Kidane (2014).
Family Values, Morality & Social Obligations In the Eritrean society family values are very important. From growing up in one big room to eating from one big round plate, these traditions remain to bring the family together. Children from a young age are nurtured to take responsibility. The responsibility given on a daily basis as a child remains with one through life. At times the family also sacrifices its basic income to educate their children in the city where high schools and higher education are accessible only by selling part of their harvest. Such sacrifices by parents make it hard to only think of oneself. Hence many of the Eritrean refugees in Oakland continue to uphold the family values learned from a young age by remaining the sole breadwinner for the family, sending remittances home – and in recent years saving lives by paying smugglers, which is very stressful, even traumatizing.
Most of these family values, including morality and social obligation, are well lived among many Eritrean refugees who call the Bay Area their home. Hence, sending remittances back home, helping family members or friends escape Eritrea by paying smugglers or contributing to ransom required for the release of someone in the hands of smugglers, becomes part of their day to day life.
Back in Eritrea and East Africa, culturally having many children is believed to be a blessing. Parents look forward to their children helping them out with daily life as they grow older (Smith et al. 2015). Whereas girls do housework such as cooking, washing, cleaning and often tending younger siblings, boys are expected to look after cattle and
14 help with farming during summer and preparing for harvest during winter. Hence some of those who arrived in the early days had more than five children, whereas the younger generation look forward to fewer children, citing the expense of raising children. Having children is still seen as an essential part of the culture and society.
Definition of Terms Refugee; According to Article 1 A (2) of the 1951 Convention, a refugee is a person who is unable or unwilling to return to his country of origin "owing to a well- founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion''. This definition was later modified through the 1967 UN protocol. Different regions of the world also added their input to the definition to make it more extensive (Moldovan 2016). The United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), an organization that is responsible for the protection and safety of refugees, stated in its 2015 global trend report that a record high of 65.3 million people had been forcibly displaced around the world, the highest since
WWII. Of these, 21.3 million were refugees, 10 million stateless people and 3.2 million were seeking asylum (UNHCR 2016).
Asylee; According to US Citizenship and Immigration Services, asylees are individuals who, on their own, travel to the United States and subsequently apply for/receive a grant of asylum. Asylees do not enter the United States as refugees. They may enter as students, tourists, businessmen, undocumented. Once in the US, or at a land border or port of entry asylum-seekers apply to the Department of Homeland Security
(DHS) for asylum (USCIS 2017). For someone to meet the claim of asylum status, the person has to have met the definition of a refugee. However, the distinctive difference is
15 that asylees have to arrive at the border or port of entry or already be inside the country
(Gibney 2004).
Migrants; are defined as those who leave their country for socioeconomic and others reasons. Such phenomena include but are not limited to: looking for jobs, family reunification, educational needs and more. What differentiates a migrant from a refugee or an asylee is that migrants do not have the fear of persecution (Long 2013). According to the UN population division, as of 2015, the number of international migrants was at a record high of 244 million (3.3% of total world population), of which two-thirds lived in high income countries (MPI 2016).
Transnational connection; refers to the links, interactions, area of interest, means of relating to home country between those leaving outside the country in the diasporas (usually the west) and those living in country of origin. This could take place in different forms, such as remittances, political engagement, nation-building etc (Lum et al.
2013).
Diasporas; are often defined as invisible nations outside the origin country
(Beine et al. 2011). Diaspora can also refer to those who flee their country due to protracted conflict, violence or war (Mohamoud and Osman 2008). For others life in the diaspora could be due to environmental stress such as drought or famine.
Home country: refers to the country of original where diaspora members were born from. Many refugees were born in protracted refugee camps and resettled in a third country. For these, the home country is the place that their parents fled from.
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Resettlement, Integration and Government Services The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, in addition to ensuring refugee protection as its responsibility, is also tasked with finding a durable solution as part of its mandate. One of these is resettling refugees to a safer third country (Betts et al.
2008). Over the past few decades, the United States, Canada and the Scandinavian countries have been among the major nations resettling refugees (Capps et al. 2015).
Many Eritreans have been resettled in these countries and in Australia since the 1970s.
With the second wave of Eritrean refugees, the US has been the leader in resettling thousands from Malta and Ethiopian refugee camps between 2010 - 2013.
In refugees’ lives a major issue, following resettlement, is the process of integration into their new home. Integration is more complex than just adjusting to cultural, economic, legal, political and social issues in the host country (Koska 2015).
Socioeconomic independence is seen as one of the main measures of integration (Capps et al. 2015). According to Ager and Strang (2008) and Pittaway et al (2009), for refugees to integrate includes securing a home, obtaining quality education for their children and health care services, and securing an income.
Individuals and their family members granted refugee status overseas by the US
Department of Homeland Security are brought to the US for resettlement by the U.S.
Department of State. Through a wide range of programs and benefits, the Department of
State, voluntary agencies (VOLAG) and ORR assist the refugees’ resettlement and integration into the US. During the integration period, refugees are eligible to receive
ORR benefits and services from the date of arrival in the US (ORR 2016). These services are provided by an ORR-accredited organization, and include cash assistance, medical
17 screening and assistance, intensive care management, employability services, English language training, translators and social services. Individuals granted asylum are also eligible for ORR assistance and services (ORR 2016). In the Bay Area, members of the
Vietnamese, Burmese and Lao community have also set out community center and nonprofit organization to help with safety net services. Such is not the case among
Eritreans communities, although they are welcome to get services from these community organizations.
Methodology
Statement of the Problem Reaching safety is just the beginning of refugees endless responsibility. Before they are integrated into their new country, they set out to provide support for their families by sending remittances and helping family members escape to safety. Those in the Diaspora carry the burden that arises from home-country conditions and the challenges of life in their new home (the US).
Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study was to understand the role that conditions in the home country may play in holding back Eritrean refugees from integrating and moving forward in their lives once they are resettled in the Bay Area. This research will unpack refugees’
"life interruptions," as a result of the obligation to support family members and friends in the home country which make it difficult for them to plan their own lives in a new country. The study will also shed more light on the issue of trauma among refugee communities. From the findings, the study suggests recommendations to government policy makers.
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Research Questions The study seeks to answer the following research questions:
Do conditions in the country of origin (Eritrea) affect the integration of those
living in the Bay Area?
How common is “life interruption” within the Eritrean community?
What motivates the act of saving lives and continuous helping family members
among Eritreans in the diaspora?
Theoretical Framework The theoretical framework incorporates ideas about refugee integration, trauma, the nature of diasporas and diasporan identity. I explore the role of the diaspora in transnational connections such as remittances, the idea of interruptions followed by an examination of East African families, cultural, religious, moral and social values.
Methodology I conducted 20 in-depth qualitative interviews coupled with a literature review, to examine the possibility for transnational ‘interruptions’ in Eritrean refugee lives in the
Bay Area. Through interviews, I gather data on Eritrean transnational activities, the role of continuous remittances to the home country, and effects on integration in the Bay
Area. I then performed a content analysis on the data gathered in the interviews.
In the introduction, by sharing my story as an Eritrean refugee, I motivate the research question. A brief description of Eritreans in the Bay Area followed by the methodology is discussed in Chapter One. In Chapter Two I present background to
Eritrea's country conditions to contextualize Eritrean migration to the diaspora. The Third
19 chapter brings together literature in refugee studies on integration and trauma. Diaspora studies on remittances and transnational connections, the idea of 'interruption' and concepts of the family in East African communities. This is followed by the analysis of the data collected in Chapter Four. A discussion is carried out in Chapter Five. Finally conclusions and policy recommendations are put forward in chapter Six.
Participants The participants in this study were all residents of the Bay Area with the majority living in Oakland. Twenty individuals were interviewed for the purpose of the study, ranging in age from 19 to 72 years old half men and half women. The average age of the study group was 42 years. One participant was first-generation born here in the US, another was adopted by her extended family; one came through marriage reunification and another as a result of the Diversity Visa Lottery program of the US government. Five of the participants were resettled by the US refugee resettlement program from refugee camps. Seven came with a valid visa and ended up applying for asylum at an immigration office. Another four crossed the Mexico border into the US on foot and applied for asylum. These individuals took a lengthy and dangerous route flying from Africa to Latin
America with legal and illegal visas and paying smugglers, then making their way over the harsh US frontier (Connell 2015). The goal of this convenience sample was to collect different experiences. See Table 1 for participants' information.
Data Collection To collect data, a questionnaire (See Appendix A) was first prepared that adhered to the research question. The questionnaire had to pass the Institutional Review Board
(IRB) as it involved human subjects. The questionnaire started with basic biographical
20 information of participants, followed by questions on finance, assistance and connections with the home country lasting about 35 minutes. A consent form (See Appendix B) was also prepared in line with the University of San Francisco IRB guidelines. Data was collected by conducting one-on-one interviews with all the participants. Interviews were carried out in coffee shops, libraries and homes. The data was recorded and kept on a recording machine with a password for safety reasons. Participants were also given the choice of answering either in English or Tigrinya (Eritrea’s main spoken language).
Interviews were translated and transcribed. Each interviewee was given pseudonym. From the collected data, themes were drown out through a content analysis.
Subtopics identified include trauma, PTSD, religion, morality, cultural/ethnic identity, social obligations, family bonds, reproducing the family, remittances, economic mobility, class identity, education, integration issues, dealing with smugglers and effects of sending money.
Limitations of the Study One of the driving forces for this research is my personal life story, so it was important for me to take myself out of the equation to be able to carry out such research.
That said, it is always difficult to be perfectly unbiased. Secondly, the twenty interviewees used for the purpose of this analysis were selected based on convenience and were known to the researcher either through church, community events, or as neighbors. None are personally related to me. I am actively involved in activism upholding human and refugee rights, both locally and internationally. This activism may induce fear among community members for political reasons. Some interviewees were not willing to disclose the amount of money they send as remittances or to pay smugglers
21 to get their family members out of the country or from the hands of kidnappers. Some did not want to disclose their involvement with smugglers at all, making it hard to know the extent financial support and what happened during these journeys. There has also been little research done on refugee life interruptions, so I had to draw my own conclusions from the data collected.
Significance of the Study The study seeks to increase understanding of the daily struggles of Eritrean refugees and other refugees’ in the Bay Area. Such understanding can help refugee resettlement organizations as well as health care professionals dealing with Eritrean refugees. Refugees may be validated in their sacrifice that they make for others.
Most importantly this research may help change the focus of government support and scholarly analysis, from viewing the refugee simply as an individual to thinking of the refugee as part of a family, an identity that is always part of him or her.
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Chapter II: The Eritrean Background
A Short History of Eritrea
Location and Geography of Eritrea Bordered by Ethiopia to the south, Djibouti to the southeast, Sudan to the west and the Red Sea to the east (Solomon and Quiel 2003) Eritrea has been attractive to colonial powers. During the colonial period there were ten provincial zones based of kinship and ethnicity, called Awraja (Tronvoll 1998). After independence, to fulfill the idea of national unity and ethnic integration, the People's Front for Democracy and
Justice (PFDJ) replaced the old zones by six new regional areas called Zobas (Habtom et al. 2007).
Figure 1: Location and geography of Eritrea, (Source: Eritrea country review 2016)
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Climate and Topography In Eritrea in different provincial zones, different climate zones can be found
(Tesfagiorgis 2010). The fertile central part of the country a highland area, is more densely populated than the rest of the country, with a rainfall of 900mm per year
(Solomon and Quiel 2003). The people in this part of the country are mostly farmers and cattle herders. In the lowlands bordered by Sudan in the west and Ethiopia in the south, people are known for practicing irrigation and also pastoralism for survival (Jeheskel et al. 2004).
Religion Due to its geographically strategic location and closeness to the origin of religions, over the centuries Eritrea has attracted many foreign powers, starting with the
Ottoman Turks, and later the Egyptians, Italians and even the Swedish, each of whom tried to impose their religion on the Eritrean people (Hepner 2003). The majority of the
Eritrean highlanders belong to the Orthodox Church, which is strongly aligned with its
Ethiopian roots. The Muslims, who cover the vast periphery of Eritrea, have a strong link to the Arab world and specifically Sudan (Connell 1993). Catholic missionaries of the
Jesuit and Lazarist orders were able to convert a small portion of Eritrea’s Orthodox
Christian community in the central area and in some parts of the highland. The
Protestants who came after the Italians from a Swedish Evangelical mission were able to attract a small number of people from the Orthodox and Muslim believers (Hepner 2003).
Such diversity of religion has not been an issue in the Eritrean society, but it might have affected where people migrated during subsequent conflicts. For example, many of the Muslims who fled Eritrea during the war have stayed in Sudan or left for the
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Arab world. The majority of Eritrean Christians are believed to have migrated to Europe,
Australia, Canada and the United States. In the United States, the Eritrean diaspora community includes few Eritrean Muslims as compared to Christians.
Although Eritrea has no official state religion, since independence, the government has officially recognized three denomination of Christianity (slightly above
50% of the population, which are; Orthodox Church, Roman Catholics and Lutheran
Protestants) and Sunni Islam. There are a number of religious beliefs which are not formally recognized by the state and cannot function openly. Ethnic religions and a small number of atheists also exist. Members of the other small religions include Jehovah's
Witnesses and Pentecostals (Mekonnen and Kidane 2014).
Ethnicity The 6.5 million people in Eritrea comprises nine ethnic groups. Most of these ethnic groups live in specific areas, but in some places they also live together (Cliffe
1989). Major ethnic groups are the Tigre and Tigrinya. The Tigre, mostly Muslims, live in the western and northern parts of the country, practicing herding and seasonal farming; almost all Tigrinya are Christians living in the central and southern highlands as seasonal farmers (Hepner 2003).
Economy Once a country that was expected to see rapid economic growth, Eritrea is among the poorest nations in the world and is recognized as one of the world's most isolated and economically stagnant countries. According to the World Bank 2016 Index of economic freedom, Eritrea scored 42.7 which is far lower than the world average of 60.7, meaning that it has a restrained economy. According to the World Bank, currently Eritrea is
25 ranked 173rd globally and 45th among Sub-Saharan African nations in its economy. In
2011 Eritrea's GDP was only 2.6 billion USD (World Bank 2016). Such lack of economic growth is also believed to be among the driving forces for the latest wave of migration out of the country.
Traditional economies Historically Eritreans were pastoralists, farmers and herders. They depended mostly on their farm land and cattle to support their daily needs (Poole 2013). However, with the coming of the Italians at the end of the 19th century, they were exposed to a modern market economy: the idea of buying and selling through currency. During the first three decades of the 20th century, the Italians built major infrastructure, including transport systems such as ports, railroads and roads, telecommunication, administrative and police stations (Connell 2010). Italian experts hired Eritreans to construct these infrastructure projects, which introduced Eritreans to the idea of working for pay. This infrastructure also facilitated Eritrean movement from one part of the country to another
(Taddia 1990). However, besides infrastructure the Eritrean people benefited very little from the Italian colony. Education was allowed only until 4th grade and its aim was to produce service providers for the colony, not to empower the people.
Eritrea's economy was dysfunctional for more than three decades during the 30 years of war following annexation by Ethiopia in 1952 and the famine of the late 1980s
(Gleditsch et al., 2002).
Reconstruction of agricultural areas, renovating existing and building new infrastructure and the demobilization of former freedom fighters were all critical needs
26 after the years of war and famine. Between 1991 and 1997, Eritrea showed considerable economic with businesses mostly free to operate (Tronvoll 1998).
Soon the Eritrean government agreed to collaborate with the World Bank in building a liberal macroeconomic policy to boost the economy by investing in the private sector. However, the government started by tightening its policy toward the private sector by making it difficult for businesses to operate, acquire licenses and access to foreign currency. Such policy led to a decrease in GDP and an increase in inflation (Abraha
2010). Many Eritrean investors moving out of the country, and today there are almost no foreign businesses operating in Eritrea, making it difficult for the country to own foreign currency. The resulting lack of employment opportunities is a major driving force for emigration. An estimated half a million Eritreans of working age have fled the country in just the last decade and half (UNHCR 2016).
The economy was further damaged by the second war with Ethiopia, from 1998 to
2000, when as much as a quarter of Eritrea's gross domestic product was directed to defense expenditure. Many Eritreans in the Diaspora also contributed money to support the cause of national defense (Bernal 2004). The war cost Eritrea an estimated 18,000 lives and the destruction of critical infrastructure, mostly in the towns along the border with Ethiopia (Hirt 2015, 25).
The government response to those economic stresses was to promote self reliance with little to show for it. The 1994 policy of national service was derived from the political-economic strategy of self-reliance (Hirt 2015). The current government cites this self reliance to reject NGOs that want to operate in the country (Abraha 2010). And supposedly to ensure a ready response to foreign aggression, every citizen aged 18 to 40
27 was mandated to perform military training and national service. Conscripts were paid less than $15 US dollars per month during their service, making the service highly controversial and raising questions of forced labor (Hirt 2015). As a result many fled the country.
Since the early 2000s, several international companies have been making deals and gaining licenses for mining operations in Eritrea (Amerjee 2014). Mining has now become the main revenue source for the Eritrean government. In recent years other companies from China, Australia and South Africa also gained licenses to operate in the country (Mining Journal 2016).
The Diaspora and the economy The Eritrean economy also depends on payments to the government from
Eritreans in the diaspora who must pay a 2% income tax (Hirt 2015). Although a 2011
UN Security Council, resolution called for the Eritrean government to stop "using extortion, threats of violence, fraud and other illicit means to collect taxes outside of
Eritrea from its nationals" (U.N. Security Council Resolution 2011), the government still makes it difficult to obtain assistance from the government both inside and outside the country if one doesn't pay the tax (Hirt 2015). Between 1997 and 2003 deposits from the
2% tax skyrocketed from $1.2 to $10.4 million, making it among the main means of getting foreign currency for the government (Fessehatzion 2005). Additionally, in 2005 more than $200 million US dollars were believed to have been remitted to the country, usually through the black market (Riggan 2013).
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Colonial Era: Italy, WWII: 1985 - 1962 The economy Eritrea has, of course been influenced by colonial powers and war.
The Italians colonized Eritrea until 1941. Following World War II, they surrendered to the British administration (Triulzi 2006).
Between 1941 and 1952 Eritrea was recognized as an autonomous state even though it was still under the British Military Administration (Taddia 1990). A United
Nations resolution followed in 1952 to federate Eritrea with Ethiopia for 10 years until
1962 (Cliffe 1988). During the period of federation with Ethiopia, Eritreans were to have their own administration and judicial system but the then leader of Ethiopia,
Emperor Haile Selassie, dissolved Eritrea's parliament (Connell 2010). After 10 years of annexation, such violation of the Federation led to the rise of an armed struggle for independence by the Eritrean people led by the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF).
Struggle for Independence/State Formation; 1961 - 1991 The ELF, a guerilla group grew out of an earlier generation of Eritrean nationalists. At first, most were Muslims from the lowlands and were supported by the
Middle Eastern nations, but they soon started to attract Eritrean Christians from the highlands as the desire for independence was growing (Bernal 2000). After leadership of the ELF split, the organization of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) arose in
1970s (Woldemikael 1991).
Soon the EPLF group started a more disciplined and highly nationalistic liberation movement with a strong support by the youth of that time (Bernal 2000). Having broken away from the ELF movement, the EPLF faced attack from both the ELF and the
Ethiopian army (Woldemikael 1991). As a result of this civil war between the ELF and
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EPLF, many ELF members and civilian refugees were resettled around the world in the early 1980s. Since the late 1980s, Eritreans in the diaspora have supported the EPLF forces by contributing money and time in the hope of achieving independence.
This independence was achieved when Eritreans held a referendum in 1993 with
99.8% supporting independence. This ended 30 years of war against successive Ethiopian regimes and resulted in international recognition for Eritrea as an independent state (Pool
2001). Post-independence EPLF re-named itself to the People’s Front for Democracy and
Justice (PFDJ) in 1994 and took over the government as the only party and immediately went into nation-building (Hint 2015).
First Eritrean Migration 1961 - 1991 The turmoil from colonization and civil war has always motivated emigration from Eritrea. Eritrea’s history of migration starts in the late 1950s with the start of the aggression by Ethiopia. During the 30 years of war for independence from 1961 to 1991, many Eritreans fled to avoid the war, while others were escaping political repression and persecution by the Ethiopian army (Johnson 1979). Many, especially Muslim Eritreans in the lowlands faced continuous repression such as burning homes, killing and a push to invade the country by the then Ethiopian Emperor, Haile Selassie, wanting to annex
Eritrea with Ethiopia (Cliffe 1988 and Connell 2010). In the late 1980s drought also drove migration (Kibreab 2013).
In the first years of independence between 1991 and 1998, very few Eritreans fled to neighboring countries illegally (Kibreab 2009). Many had great hopes of a fruitful life inside their country. However, after the "indefinite military/national service mandate was imposed in 2001, a new wave of emigration began (Kibreab 2003, OHCHR 2016, 20).
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Second Ethiopian-Eritrean War: 1998 - 2000 In the mid-1990s Eritrea and Ethiopia were considered Africa's new hope for the exemplary cooperation they showed coming out of 30 years of war in the quest for independence in Eritrea and new government in Ethiopia (Isaac 2015). But soon the two countries began the biggest and bloodiest war of the period. Between May 1998 and June
2000 an estimated 100,000 soldiers on both sides perished. The 1998 - 2000 border war initially started over a disputed territory, a town called Badme in the south-western part of the country and later extended throughout the southern border. (Negash and Tronvoll
2001). Hundreds of thousands were displaced from their homes and lost their possessions
(Abbink 1998). The war was followed by the expulsion and deportation of some 70,000 ethnic Eritreans from Ethiopia, most of whom had no place to go except to family members. In the immediate aftermath of the war, an estimated 250,000 Eritreans were also internally displaced (Akresh et al. 2012). Just after the signing of the ceasefire, around 100,000 refugees were returned from Sudan to Eritrea (Kibreab 2009).
Despite a peace agreement signed in 2000 and a border demarcation ruling issued in 2002 in which the town of Badme were assigned to Eritrea, the Ethiopia government still occupies the territory. The Eritrean government claims that it faces a looming threat of war from Ethiopia and has kept the indefinite national service requirement, which continues to drive people to leave the country (Kibreab 2009).
It is true that the end of the war for independence did not mean Eritrea was at peace. Since its independence in 1991, Eritrea has been at war with essentially all its immediate neighbors, namely Sudan, Yemen, Ethiopia and Djibouti (Kwiatkowska 2001,
Frank 2008). These conflicts affect the stability of the nation and its relations with neighboring countries with little to no trade or bilateral relations.
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Start of Dictatorship: 2001 Out of all this conflict and realignment, PFDJ has emerged as the ruling party in
Eritrea. The only party in the country that follows a Marxist- Leninist ideology
(Gebresslase 2015), it is influenced by a highly disciplined and centrally controlled leadership. Although the PFDJ was successful in mobilizing people during the revolution, it has never allowed differences of opinion or a democratic decision-making process
(Abbink, 1998).
The government introduced compulsory military and national service in 1994 which was later extended from 18 months to an unspecified period. Women between 18 and 27 and men between 18 and 40 have since been forced to serve in the army for as little as $15 US dollars a month (Kibreab 2009).
After independence the PFDJ also drafted a constitution. Although the constitution was ratified and supposed to be implemented in 1997, but it still has not been
(Iyob 2000). It has stopped political opposition groups from forming or playing any political role in the country. Many political parties do exist, however in the diaspora
(Mohammad and Tronvoll 2015).
The final devolution of the PFDJ into dictatorship came in 2001, when the PFDJ cancelled the election that was supposed to take place and arrested eleven members of the ministry who were veterans from the liberation movement. This was followed by the shutdown of all private media and the arrest of many journalists. To date no independent judicial system exists in Eritrea (Kidane and Ogbazghi 2005). Thus Eritrea has become a state of dictatorship.
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The Eritrean government has given little attention to the fabric of its people in playing a role in the wellbeing of the country (Kidane and Ogbazghi 2005). In June 2016, a new report by the Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea (OHCHR) appointed by the United Nations Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) stated that
"Crimes against humanity have been committed in a widespread and systematic manner in Eritrean detention facilities, military training camps and other locations across the country over the past 25 years by government officials" (OHCHR 2016). Such was the combined result of the lack of all the basic necessities of democracy and governance.
The many opposition political parties outside the country have little power in bringing about change in Eritrea, both because they cannot operate in the country, and because they seem unable to work. However, the number of civic and human rights organizations outside the country addressing the plight of the people has increased in the last decade and a half (Hirt 2015).
Second Migration: 2001 – present
Around the early-2000s, many Eritreans started to react to the country conditions by fleeing to neighboring countries. The political crisis of 2001, in which many ministers and journalists were imprisoned, was a big reason (Bozzini 2011). A new Eritrean proverb was coined; “wey zibeluka giberelom wey adom hidegelom" (Either do what they asked you to do or leave their country).
In 2015, 47,025 Eritreans applied for asylum in Europe making Eritrea among the top 10 refugee producing countries (UNHCR 2016, Brekke 2015). The United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimated that 5,000 people left the country every month in 2015. More than 411,000 Eritreans were known to have been recognized
33 as refugees or in similar situations by the end of the year. This is likely to be below the exact number, as many do not register and refugee claim (MPI 2016).
Around the mid-2000s, to stem this tide and punish emigrants, the government imposed a fine of $50,000 Nakfa ($3,500 US dollars) on the families of those who successfully fled the country or disappeared from the national service (Styan 2007). This was a good revenue for the state. During this time there was also a shoot-to-kill policy for those found trying to flee (UNHCR 2013).
Over the past decade and a half, between 2001 and 2016, an estimated half a million Eritreans are believed to have fled the country (UNHCR 2016), and thousands of
Eritreans have died trying to reach safety. Between 2009 and 2013, many Eritreans also found themselves at the hands of human traffickers en route to Israel from the Sudan.
During this period an estimated 40,000 Eritreans reached Israel. They usually are called economic “infiltrators” by the Israeli government so that to date their asylum cases have not been reviewed (Van Reisen et al. 2013). An estimated 150,000 Eritreans live in
Ethiopian refugee camps and many are unaccounted for in the cities. The number of
Eritrean refugees residing in Sudan is still unknown although it is thought to be in the hundreds of thousands.
The National Service: 1994 - present First introduced in 1994, national service originally required six months of military training and 12 months of development service for those between the age of 18 to 40 (Kibreab 2003). During the 1998 - 2000 war with Ethiopia, however the upper age
34 was extended from 40 to 50 and the term became indefinite (Abbink 2003). Today some have been in-service since 1997.
This national service had a huge effect on the wellbeing of every family in Eritrea and ultimately the society (Kibreab 2013). At times it is seen as modern-day slavery and highly criticized by the United Nations Human Rights Council. Almost no one can escape the national service as there are continuous roundups taking place (Connell 2015).
Human Rights as a reason of plight In addition to the economic problems, the wars, and the specter of indefinite military service, Eritreans also suffer from what the OHCHR called in June 2015
"widespread and gross human rights violations" (OHCHR 2015).
The enjoyment of rights and freedoms are severely curtailed in an overall context
of a total lack of rule of law. The commission also finds that the violations in the
areas of extrajudicial executions, torture (including sexual torture), national
service and forced labour may constitute crimes against humanity (OHCHR 2015,
14).
In its June 2016 report the Commission stated that "indefinite military/national service is frequently cited by Eritreans as the prime reason for leaving Eritrea" (OHCHR
2016, 20). Regarding its task of finding whether crimes against humanity were committed in Eritrea, the Commission concluded as follows:
The Commission finds that there are reasonable grounds to believe that crimes
against humanity have been committed in Eritrea since 1991. Eritrean officials
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have engaged in a persistent, widespread and systematic attack against the
country’s civilian population since 1991 (OHCHR 2016, 83).
The Eritrean Diaspora and the home land/Transnational Eritreans driven from their homes and families by all these forces nevertheless remain actively connected with the homeland. Hepner states that, "Eritrea is a transnational entity and has been since the inception of the nationalist movement for independence” (Hepner 2009, 21). Because of mandated low-paying national service most families in Eritrea are not able to sustain themselves (Kibreab 2013). Hence remittances from the Diaspora have been a main source of sustaining households (Lum et al. 2013). Indirectly, such remittances from the Diaspora are seen to sustain the government in power with no accountability for the government to provide jobs and decent income.
The connection to home is personal and financial, but also political. Today many
Eritrean communities, especially those in North America and Europe, are actively engaged in activism to end human rights violations and call for democratic governance in
Eritrea (Hirt 2015). Over the last few years Eritreans in the Bay Area have gathered to form organizations. Many civic organizations and political opposition groups have been formed to advocate and push their agenda (Mohammad and Tronvoll 2015).
This is not to say all Eritreans around the world oppose the current government
(O'Brien 2011). Indeed in the last few years opponents of the Eritrean government have led to protests demonstrations and circulated petitions condemning the Eritrean
Community Cultural Civic Center (ECCCC) in Oakland to close due to its ties to the
36 regime (Naib 2015). Meanwhile, supporters of the government have staged their own protests against UN and US sanctions (Sifaf 2015). In Oakland an annual festival to celebrate and gather the community has split into two separated festivals on politics
(Hepner 2009).
The personal connection to home is seen most clearly when Eritrean diasporans help their family members escape the country and reach a safer place. The ‘facilitators’ demand large sums often in US dollars. Usually the requested amount of money is hard to collect in Eritrea, so people ask family members in the diaspora. At times people just flee, making deals with their guide and once they arrive in Sudan or Ethiopia, they make the calls to those in the diaspora to pay the money. In mid-2016, the average amount of money requested by a smuggler to guide someone to reach the Sudan was around $3500
US dollars. This process does not stop just in neighboring countries. Once they are in
Sudan or Ethiopia people are looking for a much safer place (Kibreab 2013), hence they continue to deal with more smugglers, often known as “businessmen” to reach either
Europe, the US or any other African country. In this process many also land in the hands of human traffickers who request as much as $30,000 to $40,000 US dollars for their release while torturing them. For all this it is mostly those in the diaspora who pay the money (Van Reisen et al. 2013).
But another personal connection stems from the cultural imperative to marry an
Eritrean. Thus, many Eritreans (mostly men) travel to Africa to find spouse.
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Chapter III: Literature Review
A. Refugees The history of refugees dates back to time immemorial. However, it is only in the late 1940s and early 1950s that the international community began to develop refugee law. The United States played a leading role in the development of the international refugee regime, and in taking refugees for resettlement. The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that "everyone has the right to seek and enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution" (14.1). This clause is believed to have paved the way for the creation of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in 1949, coming into effect in 1951 (Betts et al. 2012).
The legal framework for refugees evolved out of the people fleeing events of
World War II (Olivius 2010). According to the UN Refugee Convention, adapted in
1951, a refugee is defined as "someone who is unable or unwilling to return to their country of origin owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion"
(UNHCR). Many states place stricter restrictions on their domestic policy defining refugees to minimize the number to be accepted (Barnett 2002).
Interestingly, the Organization for African Unity (OAU) Convention of 1969 expands on the refugee protection concept, defining a refugee as anyone who “…, is compelled to leave his place of habitual residence in order to seek refuge in another place outside his country of origin or nationality.” This additional OAU definition comes from the political history of the African continent: occupation mostly by European powers, conflict and natural disaster (Shacknove 1985). The colonization era in Africa has
38 brought different forms of oppression, such as totalitarianism, invasion, racism, apartheid, and occupation leading to forced displacement. The UNHCR, however, has been slow in finding a durable solution for refugees in many parts of the world (Betts et al. 2012). Today there are an estimated 65.3 million displaced persons around the world with 21.3 million of them being refugees – believed to be the highest record in the history of UNHCR (UNHCR 2016).
B. Reception and Hosts Since 1975, the US has welcomed more than three million refugees from 113 countries (Lewton 2016). In the US, it is the role of the Department of State to process and bring refugees into the country (Darrow 2015). Such admissions were put into place by the Immigration and Naturalization Act (INA) which passed the Refugee Act of 1980 whose main mission is to provide admission of refugees and assistance for their resettlement (Vialet 1999). The voluntary agencies or VOLAGS working with the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) created after the Refugee Act play a key role in the relocation and provision of services for newly arriving refugees. The Bureau of
Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM) budgets a total of $1,875 for every refugee;
$750 of that is dedicated to the organizations assisting with pickup from the airport, enrolling children in school, finding housing and medical appointments and other paperwork (Nezer 2013). Such assistance is provided for only a brief period upon arrival
(Bruno 2011 and Schwartz, 2010). At the end of the 90 day support period, many refugees feel left alone as they couldn't establish a sense of self and belonging in the new country (Edwards 2005). Also resettlement programs are often unstable and funded by temporary grants making it hard for them to support refugees beyond the 90 day period
(Brick et al. 2010).
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From the date of arrival, the ORR at Health and Human Services (HHS) provides short-term cash and medical assistance to new arrivals, as well as case management services, English as a Foreign Language classes, and job readiness and employment services – all designed to facilitate refugees’ successful transition in the US and help them to attain self-sufficiency (ORR 2016).
Figure 2 below shows the role of different branches of the US government in resettling refugees in the country. The Department of Homeland Security US Citizenship
& Immigration Services is tasked with pre-screening, interviews and security. The State
Department’s Bureau for Population, Refugees & Migration deals with allocations, orientation, reception and placement. The Department of Health & Human Services
Office of Refugee Resettlement works on providing assistance, services and programs
(ORR 2016 and Darrow 2015).
The screening period is lengthy, from one year up to unspecified period, depending on the vetting process. Having waited for years in refugee camp, many refugees resent the wait. However, the placement period brings joy at arriving at their new home, while at the same time the bombardment with information by resettlement agencies to fulfill their duties in a short time is believed to contribute to depression among many refugees (Nezer 2013, Brick et al., 2010). Refugees often come from a slow-paced lifestyle, having been kept in camps with little to do. The transition period brings a great deal to be done, such as having to see a doctor to check their health after they have been staying in an unhygienic and unhealthy environment (Polzer 2009).
However, the fewer and shorter periods of financial support they get during this time is something most refugees complain about (Bruno 2011; Schwartz 2010). During this
40 period, refugees also look for a job to sustain themselves, usually with the help of community members and the connections they create at religious institutions (Schmoller
2016).
Figure 2: Overview of US refugee resettlement program. (Source: ORR 2016)
C. Integration Integration is one of the three durable solutions which the UNHCR has identified to address the plight of refugees (Betts et al. 2012). During the resettlement process refugee integration into the host society becomes one of the most crucial moments in making arrivals feel welcome in their new home. Forcibly fleeing their country separates
41 individuals from their homeland and, often, also their families (Pittaway et al. 2009).
These events creates difficulty for refugees to establish themselves and integrate into their new country.
Having been resettled in a new country, the education system is one area that is often difficult for refugees to adapt to (Christie & Sidhu, 2002). In the US students are placed into grades based on their age, but refugees may have lost years of educational access during flight or in camps. In addition, Ethiopian and Somali refugees in Canada reported that some of the main challenges they faced while integrating were language barriers, cost of accommodation and racism (Danso 2002).
Although the United States is known to be among the leading nations when it comes to refugee resettlement, it has not been immune to heavy criticism when it comes to properly integrating refugees in their host society (Anastasia and Todd 2014). The economic recession period of 2008 has also had its own impact on integrating refugees into the host society. It has brought a major setback of income disadvantage (Capps et al.
2015).
Director at a refugee resettlement agency in Philadelphia describes a "5 year integration period" as the ideal to integrate refugees well. During this period she advocates refugees to maintain all the support they need from VOLAGs and at the city level (McWilliams and Bonet 2015, 425).
Ager and Strang (2008) and Pittaway et al (2009) suggest what makes a refugee feel integrated into the host society. In their discussion they look at several factors. The primary factors, referred to as "markers and means of achieving integration" which (Ager and Strang) include access to securing a home, quality education, health care and a
42 regular income. The secondary factors – "facilitators of integration" (Ager and Strang) – include but are not limited to being able to speak the local language, identifying with the culture of the host society, the ability to claim and secure refugee status and also feeling safe and secure in the new place. These are also followed by a third factor, termed
"processes of social connection" (Ager and Strang) which can be explained as the connection between people from the same country and also creating a connection with other communities – especially the host community – and through government initiatives
(Ager and Strang, 2008; Pittaway et al., 2009).
The US Census Bureau's American Community Survey (ACS) released data about refugee resettlement regarding the characteristics of refugees on arrival and their long-term integration outcome (Capps et al. 2015). The study looks at the period 2009 to
2011, and its key findings were:
Refugees were more likely to be employed than US-born. Between 2009-11, 67%
of refugee men were employed versus 62% US-born, while 54% of refugee
women were also employed which is similar to that of US-born.
The median annual household income of refugees residing in the US for 20 years
or more was $31,000 higher than those residing for five years or less. However,
even with 20 years of residency, refugees’ household income remains below the
average of the native- born. The study explains that in 2000, there was no
difference in income between native-born and those who had lived in the US for
20 years. The economic crisis of the 2007-09 period is also believed to be among
the driving forces for the decline in income.
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Between 2009-11 the number of food stamp recipients was very high (42%)
among refugees with five or less years of residency compared to these who lived
for 20 years at 16%. When it comes to public benefit programs, despite a decrease
in recent years, even after 20 years of residency refugees continue to remain
slightly more dependent than those US-born. However, with time refugees
become economically self-sufficient.
Most refugees arrive with very low language skills and educational level.
D. Trauma Refugees go through many challenges in life. Once they are resettled into a third country, the challenge does not end there. They also have to deal with overcoming the trauma of what happened to them back home and also the daily challenges of integration
(Carswell et al. 2011). Such past and current experiences often lead to mental health struggles. Fleeing one's country, loss of culture, separation from family and friends, not being able to work in one's profession, life plans disrupted, not being able to speak one's language can all exacerbate trauma (Tribe 2002). Once they arrive in a new country refugees continue to face many stresses such as discrimination, lack of jobs, lack of safety, lack of enough assistance and lack of health care services (Akinyemi 2016) among many.
Most of the African refugees resettling in the United States did so as a direct or indirect result of violence in their home country and may suffer from PTSD (Adedoyin et al. 2016). Studies have also shown that there is a strong relationship between the trauma a person suffered before being displaced and the mental health issues that arise after or during resettlement (Bruce 2003). Past experiences such as torture, human rights
44 violations and life-threatening events are found to have a great impact on mental health leading to chronic psychiatric disorders such as PTSD and high levels of depression
(Momartin et al. 2003, Steel et al. 2009). It is known that both pre- and post - displacement trauma have a great impact on the mental wellbeing of resettled refugees
(Davidson 2008).
In June 2016, the finding of the OHCHR in which crimes against humanity and gross human rights violations have been committed in Eritrea since 1991 (OHCHR
2016), is believed to have left a traumatic impact in the lives of many Eritrean refugees.
A study done in Australia among refugee claimants also found that refugees face additional challenges considering their current status, such as having to deal with government policies which are new to many claimants (Davidson 2008). Depression is another problem that refugees deal with. Responses include reunifying families, religious institutions, community support and seeing children excel in education (Alemi 2016).
In many places around the world, UNHCR keeps refugees in camps while looking for durable solutions. Refugee camps often lack the necessary tools to provide enough assistance and are often crowded, leading to widespread diseases. Also the human mind is supposed not to be confined, which leads to depression and loss of hope in many cases
(Polzer 2009).
As Pittaway explains it, some refugees and asylees overcome such hardships and do well when it comes to integration (Pittaway et al. 2009). Other studies have also shown that those who carry the burden of helping usually are highly likely to face compassion fatigue and vicarious trauma (Mathieu 2012). Such is also the case for many
45 refugees as they continue to help family members back home while dealing with integration and life in their new home.
In dealing this such trauma, refugees were also found to prefer medical services rather than mental health services for overcoming psychological distress (Brainard &
Zaharlick, 1989). Practicing religion or joining a congregational group was found to be highly effective in overcoming refugees’ trauma, especially among African refugees
(Adedoyin et al. 2016).
E. Migration, Diaspora and Diasporic Identity The countries in East Africa (of which Eritrea is one) are among the least developed in the world (UNHCR 2015), producing the highest number of refugees
(Pittaway et al. 2009). These refugees also tend to end up in protracted bureaucratic processes, staying in refugee camps for extended periods (Milner and Loescher 2011). It is not hard to understand why many Sub-Saharan African refugees find themselves with lack of adequate protection in these camps; their host nations are themselves mainly third-world countries, facing their own domestic problems (d'Orsi 2011).
Refugees are known for their entrepreneurial skills. Such was the case among the
Eritrean, Ethiopian and many other communities, opening restaurants and small shops
(Idris 2016). Such entrepreneurship is evident in places such as Oakland along the corridor of Telegraph Avenue and in Washington DC along Adams Morgan and U-street.
When resettled to new country, while trying to adapt to new culture, refugees are often faced with a sudden loss of identity (Colic-Peisker & Walker 2003), especially among young people. The resettlement transition period also brings its own difficulties as people try to get accustomed to the new culture (Krulfeld and Camino 1994). A study in
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Australia showed that children of refugee families were found to have a highly positive attitude and a greater sense of self-worth in having to adapt the culture of their home country to that of Australia (Kovacev & Shute 2004). It is not uncommon to see refugees move from their original placement to a place where they have family members or a place where there are more people from their origin country (Okonny-Myers 2010).
Many Eritreans (as with other diasporans) are also highly attached to their culture, hence they go back to their home country to find a spouse to marry. However, there has not been much research into this aspect. Similarly, many South Sudanese women in the
US also stated that they wanted their children to go back the home country to learn where they had come from so that they could develop a sense of belonging (Faria 2014).
Religion is known to play a significant role in the lives of refugees during their integration (Schmoller 2016). Practicing religion in one's language is a reminder of identity and origins. Often refugees build or buy their own church out of their hard- earned money. Such was the case of Eritreans and Ethiopians in the Bay Area. Religion also has its own downside, for instance in some refugee communities, religious beliefs could be an obstacle to health treatment. Such was the case for Somali refugees in the US for whom their wellbeing was highly determined by their belief at times rejecting medical treatment (Freeman 2013).
F. Transnationalism; Transnational Economies; Remittances Transnationalism or transnational connections can be defined as the connections or means of relation that exist between the home country (country of origin) and the community in diaspora (usually the West or first-world countries elsewhere). Often such connections are in the form of remittances, political engagement, business and more.
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Often refugees who flee their home country and who end up resettled in the
Western world are believed to want nothing more to do with the home country. Although this does apply to some (MPI 2015), many are actively involved in transnational activities. Diasporans not only remit money, but were also found to have a much higher impact on exporting ideas of political, social, and cultural changes (Lum et al. 2013;
Najwa 2008). Burgess supports the idea, stating that since the 1980s diasporans are becoming increasingly active in the politics and development of their home country.
Burgess (2014) finds that two incentives arise as a result of diasporans’ involvement in home country politics, these being socioeconomic and political.
For many developing countries diasporans are key players and an important source of foreign direct investment into their home country (Nkongolo 2013).
Remittances from the Diaspora continue to build home country venture funding (Vaaler
2013). Theoretically, diasporans could impact the development of the home country by investing their capital in existing businesses or creating new ventures (Boly et al. 2014), but Such collaboration between diasporan remittances and businesses in the home country requires political stability, which often is missing (Beyene 2015).
Diasporic institutions are also formed to impact development work in the home country. The Tigray Development Association (TDA) is a good example, which was founded by Ethiopian diaspora members residing in the Washington DC area. The TDA has built 549 primary schools, 15 secondary schools and also rehabilitated many war- affected schools (Beyene 2015).
Remittances also support relatives and others who have left the home country.
Refugees in third-world refugee camps often find it hard to sustain themselves even if
48 they have jobs. In a study done among South Sudanese refugees living in a camp, 89% were working but still their income was not enough to sustain them. Hence they relied on remittances (Jackson et al. 2004). Another study of 172 South Sudanese refugees living in Western Canada shows that all were sending money as remittances to their families in
Africa (Johnson et al. 2008).
Of all the transnational activities involved, peace building and conflict resolution were found to be the weakest that diasporans are involved in (Brinkerhoff 2011). While
Haider (2014) emphasizes that such activities could alleviate commonly neglected traumas and divisions in diasporan communities, others argue that efforts made by diasporans at times are counterproductive and derail the peace process. Beyene (2015) also recognizes that diasporans make an important constituent of civil society in the home country, who can use their remittances and political activity to influence the stability of their home country (Lyons 2007).
It should also be noted that refugees in many developing countries have to use bribing as the main means of obtaining identification and travel permits. One who has money can get needed support, such as protection from deportation or acquiring asylum or refugee identification documents by bribing government officials and law enforcement workers eliminating long queues (Balakian 2016). Hence money becomes a means of access. Such money is often remitted from family members or former refugees.
G. Interruptions Each of these traumas, obstacles and burdens on a refugee is an interruption to his or her life. Although little research has been done on interruptions, there is little doubt that an interruption can have a negative impact on one’s productivity (Foroughi 2014). In this research, the term "interruption" will refer to incidents that prevent a refugee from
49 making progress or achieving life goals as a result of active involvement in transnational events arising in the home country.
The interruption to one's life is also an interruption to his or her family's life.
Family reunification is vital to resettlement outcome. In a study on a perceived impact of family reunification that included 15 individual interviews and 13 focus groups in New
Zealand, 85% of participants stated that family reunification challenges was the paramount obstacle to their successful resettlement (Choummanivong 2014).
The majority of the Diaspora community are known to take pride in sending money back home to help family members. However, some also state their frustration that family members are not trying to help themselves and become dependent on them
(Johnson et al. 2013).
As refugees flee their home country and get resettled into a new country, they have to leave a more consistent and known life cycle and adapt to a new and unknown future in their host country (Krulfeld and Camino 1994). Family members often get separated and past memories and stories are also lost (Schmoller 2016).
For many Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, life interruption seems to be a common phenomenon, especially during the intifada (Palestinian uprising against Israeli occupation) where a curfew was in place (Amer 1989). People were not allowed to leave the camp, hence they relied on each other and on what they had with them.
More generally a study conducted among young and older women in Gothenburg,
Sweden found that they all felt their life being interrupted. Among young women it found that major interruptions in their lives were mostly health-related and also not being happy with life generally (Erlandsson et al. 2010). Such is also a common phenomenon among
50 woman refugees who have been subjected to all sorts of abuses including rape, which often leaves them experiencing depression and disruption in many life processes such as day-to-day emotions, reproduction and giving birth (Shors 2016).
The stability needed is hard to find even in refugee camps which are supposed to be places of safety for displaced persons, but ended up as places of life interruption as refugees continue to rely on aid from organizations and resettlement processes (Ramadan
2013). Refugees in camps have little control over their lives; hence it becomes a life in limbo. Furthermore, the interruption that arises from war and displacement for young children can leave them unaccompanied (Santa 2006). That often further disrupts the chances of getting access to basic education at the right age.
H. East African values, morals and obligations While all cultures celebrate family values, Eritreans are particularly tied to family.
Religion, culture and social values all emphasize this tie and encourage Eritrean refugees to help family at home.
Most East African countries lacked family planning, so there is no limit to the number of children in a family. In fact, many cultures across East Africa believed having a great number of children in a family is a real blessing (Smith et al. 2015). Such creates a burden on the person living in Diaspora to help many members of one's family. Such is also the case with Eritrean families.
The traditions and values that create a strong family come in part from religion.
For many East African societies, the idea of helping people in need comes, in part from their religious calling. Geographically, East Africa is close to the origin of the two principal religions of Eritrea, Christianity and Islam (Seland 2014). "In many African
51 traditional and the Muslim theocratic, or God-centered nations and societies, religion is both deeply and inseparably intertwined with politics. It is the most effective tool for education, moral agency, informational, political and social-economic mobilization and social control” (Twesigye 2011,91).
According to Harrison and Huntington (2000,15), culture is defined as “the values, attitudes, beliefs, orientations and underlying assumptions prevalent among people in a society”. For many Africans their culture remains their main source of moral values. However, in recent decades with the growing globalization, many younger generations in East Africa are believed to be adapting a Western lifestyle and in that process lose their culture and ancestral lifestyle (Hillewaert 2016).
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Chapter IV: Data Interviews and Fieldwork
The purpose of this study is to understand if transnational ‘interruptions’ are part of Eritrean refugees' lives in the Bay Area. Guided by the research questions, qualitative data were collected in interviews (See Appendix A). Interviews gathered information on understanding transnational activities, the role of continuous remittances to the home country and effects on integration in to their new home.
Themes of subtopics that were used for the analysis of the data include trauma,
PTSD, religion, morality, cultural/ethnic identity, social obligations, family bonds, reproducing the family, remittances, economic mobility, class identity, education, integration issues, dealing with smugglers, effects of sending money.
The participants in this study were all residents of the Bay Area with the majority living in Oakland. Twenty individuals were interviewed, half men and half women. Table
One draws a summary of demographic information of all participants, order by arrival year. All names have been changed to maintain confidentiality.
Of the 20 interviewees, 12 took the six months’ mandatory military training and served in the national service (Kibreab 2013) of the current Eritrean administration. All of them arrived in the US after 2000.
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Table 1: Summary of participant information; order by arrival year # Name Gender Arrival Age Occupation Education Marital Year in status USA 1 Hiwet F 1976 60 City Budget B.A. Widowed Planning Degree Officer 2 Hriyti F 1980 62 Baby Sitter Elementary Married School 3 Wolde M 1984 62 Retired B.A. Married Researcher Degree 4 Yemane M 1989 61 Limousine High Married Driver School 5 Rahel F Born in 19 Student/Part University Single USA time sales Student 1997 6 Selam F 2000 37 Nurse/Student Masters Single Degree 7 Daniel M 2001 33 Accountant B.A Degree Single 8 Fiseha M 2002 41 Security PhD Single Officer Graduate 9 Bereket M 2008 42 Taxi Driver High Married School 10 Nebiat F 2008 42 CNA College Married Graduate 11 Michael M 2009 34 Taxi driver High Single School 12 Shewit F 2009 21 Student/ Early University Single Child Care Student 13 Abdu M 2009 72 Security High Married Officer School 14 Kifle M 2010 38 Uber Driver High Single School 15 Tigisti F 2010 37 Administrative B.A. Single Assistant Degree 16 Lemlem F 2010 55 Baby Sitter Middle Married School 17 Solomon M 2010 40 Uber Driver/ Masters Married Security Degree Officer 18 Bana F 2010 30 Nursing B.A. Single Assistant Degree 19 Biniam M 2010 31 Security College Engaged Officer/ UBER Student Driver/Student 20 Yohana F 2013 24 IT specialist College Single /Student Student
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A. Trauma and PTSD Thirty years of war for independence followed by the border war against Ethiopia of 1998 to 2000 created turmoil in Eritrea. In these wars almost every household paid the price of a son or daughter. This history was coupled with indefinite national service and the oppressive nature of the government in which many gross human rights violations were committed in subsequent years (OHCHR 2016). The continuous lack of freedom and national service is among the driving forces for migration. Those who get resettled or arrive on US soil by crossing many borders also have their own difficulties, which often lead to further trauma and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) after migration.
However, in the Eritrean community, few talk about their traumatic conditions due to cultural norms. Below are some examples from interview data.
Lemlem is a 55-year old refugee who was resettled in the US in 2010 with her children and husband now works as a babysitter. She feels her life is interrupted daily with the stress of family situations back home. Both her brother and mother-in-law are sick and could not get the medication they need in Eritrea. As she nods her head looking distressed she says, "I live a life that is half-fulfilled every day because of being separated from most of my family … I am always frustrated to the point that I could not concentrate many times in my daily life". For Lemlem, Eritrea's condition is just one side of the problem; the other is trying to integrate into her new home. As her hands shake from what seems to be frustration, she states, "I also do not have enough education to read and write to deal with the application forms or even to get a better job and improve my life here".
For Rahel, who is 19 years of age and was born and raised in the US in an
Eritrean immigrant family, such issues of trauma are similarly constant. She says, "It
55 makes me feel emotionally stressed to hear all the news about people fleeing the country that include even my uncles and cousins. The smuggling and organ-harvesting news – ohhh it makes me shake some times."
Michael, 34 years of age, arrived in the US in 2009. He shares how much he is forced to work many hours, usually a double shift of taxi driving, and the constant stress of worrying if his family is safe. He says, "At times I work 16 hours daily for a week to just be able to save enough to send money or help someone reach Europe. The endless news of the country condition makes me feel depressed. I cannot escape it, at work, at home, everywhere. It is a failed state," he remarks angrily.
Few services are available to address refugees' PTSD. Stacey Koch, a Mental
Health Social Work Care Manager at the Vista Family Health Center in Sonoma County, said in an email communication she circulated in search of mental health resources for people arriving from Eritrea, "It has come to my attention that we are starting to receive more and more Eritrean patients with a significant history of trauma, who are ready and wanting to talk and get support." Koch claims that there was not any good source in
Eritrean community centers on PTSD issues in the US. Despite the growing need, trauma is rarely discussed at Eritrean community centers.
Few Eritrean refugees take advantage of such services preferring to handle their trauma themselves without seeking help from experts. Almost all of the respondents in this study are so busy trying to help family members that they block their own past experiences. Many also compare their situations with those of relatives and friends in
Eritrea and refugee camps, and feel they should act over their own problems. Many of the
56 interviewees, stated that participating in Church and their faith play an important role in managing their trauma.
B. Religion and Morality Churches and mosques are also seen as a meeting and information gathering place. Socializing is also a big cultural aspect of the Eritrean society in which many turn to their friends to have coffee and talk over their experiences. Religion plays a very important role in the day-to-day life of most Eritreans. Many view helping family and friends as a way to fulfill their religious calling. In Oakland, two of the biggest Orthodox churches were built with funding and support of these refugees. Some also collaborate with other churches. Almost every Eritrean religious institution has a place here in the
Bay Area.
Selam, who is 38 years of age, says "My faith is really important to me. I went to
Kenya twice as a missionary and I met a girl whose father was killed by the terrorist group and her mother was paralyzed. I paid $35 dollars a month for her to go to school."
Abdu, who is 72, arrived in the US in 2009 and is still working as a security officer. He shared that he belongs to an informal group of people from the same religion which contributes money monthly and spends it in helping families in need in Eritrea.
When asked why he and his group help families in Eritrea, he answered, "From losing hope to believing in hope. By contributing and sending them few money we are installing hope for them in a country where there is no hope.”
Seventeen of the 20 participants in the interview were identified as attending church mass regularly. The participants stated that going to Eritrean mass was an important part of their lives. Attending the Eritrean way of mass brings them joy, connects them with their upbringing and reduces stress, at least temporarily. Many also
57 donate money for building churches, not just here but also back home, believing in the positive role a church plays in the lives of those in Eritrea.
Most of the participants in the interviews say it is the right and godly thing to help another person, be it a family member, a friend or someone they never knew. Believing that God uses people to help people, they feel God is using them to help those in need.
The religious pressure to help those back in Eritrea or on a migration journey has a double-edged effect in their lives: positive, in feeling religiously fulfilled, but also stressful and trauma-triggering at the same time.
C. Cultural and Ethnic Identity Beside their religious identity, Eritreans have a strong sense of cultural pride.
Their culture is something that they cherish, even in diasporas. Especially during funerals and weddings, they can be seen helping out financially and through other materials.
However, such culture could often also be an impediment to integration (Hepner 2009).
Having lived for more than a decade in the US, Selam shares, "I never dated anyone who is not an Eritrean. I think it had to do with the Eritrean value and culture which is very important to us." However, dating can be described as a new custom in the Eritrean society: until a few decades ago courtship was done through parents, but this is changing at a fast pace.
Rahel, an Eritrean-American, appreciates her Eritrean identity and culture. Since she cannot travel to Eritrea as often as she would like, citing safety and country conditions, she is actively engaged in many events to define her identity here in the Bay
Area. She says, " I am connected to my family in Eritrea by speaking to them over the phone and I am also very active in student clubs that define our culture.”
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D. Social Obligations and Family Bonds In almost every Eritrean house, the bond among family members is very strong
(Hepner 2009). When asked why she helped bring her three brothers and her cousin to the
US, Selam said “because my family is very important to me, we have strong family values." Selam's father made this duty clear to her when she first arrived in the US; "You are the backbone of the family; if you not going to live in Eritrea, you have to make sure you and your siblings all live in the same country abroad together."
This social obligation goes far beyond one’s family. For example, Kifle, who is
38 years old and arrived in the US in 2010, says, "It wasn't just my family I helped; recently, I was involved in raising funding for groups of disabled and sick Eritrean people in eastern Sudan refugee camps. As Eritreans we do this a lot, we help each other."
Similarly, Michael feels the obligation to his family, and shares how his country’s condition is affecting people. He says, "My body is here but all my soul is in Eritrea. I will help for as long as I can, but I think if there were peace in Eritrea, people would remain in the country and would have been employed." In his understanding, if employment is created, the obligation will be less of a burden on people like him.
For those who have emigrated with other family members, or who reunite with them here, the burden is shared. Hiwet, who is 57 years of age and is now widowed, came to the US in 1976. She holds a BA degree and works for the City of Oakland - city planning department. She tells how she and her sisters share the burden that arises as a family. She shares "there was this boy of a close family member who was held hostage for ransoms, which we had to contribute for his release."
Sending remittances are also for special expenses as well as daily needs. Bereket who is 42 years of age and arrived in the US in 2008, "although I send money to help
59 with their daily expenses, I also have to send if someone dies or is getting married. I sent around $20,000 so far.” For Bereket such was his way of showing sympathy and support for the family of Hagos - one of the people who drowned in the Lampedusa tragedy in
October 2013.
I believe we live interdependently on one another and that is why I help people says Solomon, who is 40 years old, arrived in the US in 2010. "Back home, I already had started a business that my brothers have been working on. In the Bay Area, I help the community and newcomers. Helping my people has a much more positive impact on my life, it brought me a blessing.
E. Reproducing the Family Perhaps the greatest interruption to a refugee's life is the impact on starting a family. Young people who have to flee for their lives and then must build a new life burdened with saving lives from the country, have a hard time even meeting a companion. Selam tries to justify why she is still single by sharing, "I used to be isolated a lot of times, just because I wanted to work six days a week, and I would work, work and work hard. Maybe that is the reason why I am still single. That is what my father says."
Bereket, who currently works as a taxi driver in San Francisco, got married recently by travelling to Sudan. His wife is still there processing her claim to reunite with her husband. He does not feel integrated. He says, "The fact I haven't been married for long, just working hard day in and day out, made me not live the life I wanted in the US."
But now he says, smiling, "My wife just gave birth to a baby girl. I am so excited to go see her. It is still going to take us at least another six months to be reunited in the US. I
60 have to go back and forth in the meantime. This interrupts a lot of my plans and costs a lot of money, but I have to take care of my family."
For Kifle, who is single and trying to find a spouse, finding the right person is his biggest problem. "Finding the right woman is so difficult" he says, "especially if you are trying to minimize differences in nationality, ethnicity, region, location of home town and religion. Our culture and upbringing is so strong that we cannot think of marrying a person from another nationality."
Of the 13 interviewees who have arrived in the United States post-2000, only one is married and one is engaged. In a society that values marriage very highly and encourages young people to get married at a young age such a number is very low. This shows there is a serious obstacle to people getting married.
F. Remittances All of the participants in the interviews stated that they help family and friends mostly through remittances, some also by sending medical treatment, books, clothes, paying visa application fees, registration for GRE tests. Some also stated they help by providing information on how to apply for universities and how to leave the country. Of those who sent the highest amount of money to Eritrea, the largest amount was paid to smugglers to help a family member arrive in another country and in some cases to kidnappers for the release of a family member or friend. Some of the interviewees mentioned that since the required money is sometimes too much and the smugglers do not give any chance of time extension, they borrow money from a friend to make the payment in due time.
Participants had mixed feelings about sending money back to Eritrea. Of the 20 interviewee, 13 were involved in helping a family member or friend financially to arrive
61 to a safe country. For instance, Selam was the only provider for her family from 2000 to
2012. During this period she spent more than $100,000 US dollars, of which more than three-quarters was spent on bringing her three brothers and her cousin to the US. Selam worked as a registered nurse and before that as a waitress in a restaurant for all the money that was spent.
Similarly, Shewit, who is 20 years old, came to the US in 2009 and is currently a second-year college student and not employed. She says, "Although I am not employed, I had to help my sister from Sudan to cross to Europe via the Sahara Desert and the
Mediterranean Sea paying smugglers. I also had to send money to my mother and younger brother in Eritrea for their daily expenses. I used part of my financial aid, the money people gave me that I have saved and I also interned once. I used all that money. I don't like to send it, I just have to send it, I wish I could use it for my school stuff."
One way to save and contribute money is through traditional method called Ekub
(a rotating credit association). Hiryti, who works as a baby sitter, belongs to such a group.
Their money is awarded to different people every year and also at times used to help solve an issue for a family in need – here and in Eritrea. Such rotating credit associations have long been part of the culture in Eritrea, especially among women (Hepner 2009).
Others are creative about raising money on their own to help those in Eritrea. "In
2013 I raised money in my high school by selling baked doughnuts and sent it to Eritrea to help a group of orphaned children for their shelter and food through the church" says
Rahel, who was born in the US from an Eritrean family. "Also whenever there is someone going to Eritrea, there is always the question of do you want to give money, clothes to your cousins. I want to give anything. Sending money made me feel good. In
62 everyday life I spend a lot of money on unnecessary things and it makes me feel guilty, the life style I live now, it could be considered completely unfair and unjust compared to the way a lot of people in Eritrea live."
In spite of the burden and complications, most interviewees are glad to be able to meet what they see as an obligation. But they also realize the toll it takes on them.
"Helping my family makes me feel good. On the other side, it makes my life in America hard. I cannot excel, I cannot move fast, I cannot live the life I wanted. I cannot live up to my expectation," says Kifle. "Things like buying clothes, changing a better car, or buying a house, I cannot do. If I had kept all the money that I sent, I would have opened a business in another state, or I would have bought a house by putting down payment which I haven't done or cannot do. If I wasn't sending money to Eritrea, I would have lived in a better place than with many roommates which has no privacy. If I had a few savings, I wouldn't have stressed and I would have felt morally good."
Similarly, Nebiat explains, "Although I have a family, I still have to send money, mostly during church holidays. I also had two of my sisters in Sudan who I had to send money for their expenses. The fact I am here and I was able to help them, I feel privileged. I always ask myself, what if I was there? You feel happy, but on the other side, it brings problems in your family with your husband. It is hard to lead your life. You have to work extra hard and more time to be able to help. If I didn't have to send the money, I could have led a decent life."
Besides the burden and interruption, refugees sending remittances worry whether it is enough. Daniel says, "Helping my family makes me feel good too. However, the money I am sending is helping them to survive, it is not solving the problem. Helping
63 family is not just about sending the money but also it sucks a lot of energy thinking about it – did the money arrive and how it is spent? I couldn't find solutions so that they could help themselves, so I have to keep helping. Even if I am out enjoying a day out, the next day I have to think of my family as usual."
G. Economic Mobility and Class Identity Most Eritreans in the US belong to the working and lower classes. Indeed the majority of Eritreans work as taxi or UBER or Lyft drivers in and around San Francisco.
For those who are employed professionally and with good income, the continuous call to send money as remittances and help family reach a safe place is draining their economic mobility.
While new, most Eritreans do any job they can find, later some slowly discover jobs in their profession. For the many, due to the urgent need of supporting family, they remain with the same job. Majority of them find their first jobs through social network of friends or people they meet at churches and mosques. One of the challenges for many skilled Eritreans in finding jobs in their professions is, the fact they can not immediately transfer their degrees. Although many have advanced degrees and years of experience, they either have to take a test to certify their degree or have to go back to school again.
Of the 20 interviewees, only five are currently performing a professional job.
Selam realizes how lucky she is working as a registered nurse, getting paid well.
She went to the third round of military training in Eritrea. She says, "I lost so many friends, some in the war between Eritrea and Ethiopia, some in the route of migration trying to reach safety, I feel I have this special privilege living in a country where I can work and help my family. I do believe my family were able to reap the blessing of the
United States although they were far away from here."
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Daniel, in his early 30s and unmarried, arrived in the US in 2001 since when he got his BA and works as an accountant for a nonprofit organization. He feels not fully integrated because of his Eritrean culture and involvement with the community. "As a result of sending money back home I do not buy fancy clothes, I go to cheap restaurants, so I have to cut a lot from my expenses and could not live up to my expectations. If someone asks me to go to Vegas, I have to think twice," he says.
Kifle, Shewit, Michael, Yohanna, Bereket, Fiseha, Solomon, Abdu and Daniel stated that they struggle with finances and upward mobility, sharing a room with other roommates just to save money, send remittances and be able to make ends meet.
H. Education Many of the interview participants have shared that they could not pursue any education because they had to work to help family and friends. This interrupts their dream. For example, although Bana is a nursing assistant, she shares, "I couldn't continue my studies which I would have given enough attention if I was just living for myself."
Similarly, Selam shares that, "I got my green card in 2006; the only thing I wanted to do was go back for medical school. But then my brother was sick back home with brain issues due to the war in Eritrea and they gave him medical exemption and I said to myself, medical school can wait, I want to support my brother. He was the first one to leave for Sudan for medical reasons. The main sacrifice was putting my dream of going to medical school aside for many years, after which I only returned now in 2014 for my pre-med. All these years I had to help save my siblings."
I. Integration Issues Out of the 20 interviewees only four said they are well-integrated into US society.
The others explained that the continuous cultural expectation of family support is a big
65 reason why it is hard to fully integrate. Those who feel integrated either were born here or arrived before 1990.
Biniam, who works as a security officer and UBER driver while pursuing his college degree, feels not at all integrated, and the demands of his family at home are preventing him from getting settled. "It does not stop" he shares.
Shewit says she feels more Eritrean than American, stating that, "I cannot have fun the way Americans do. Back home they think if you live in America you have a lot of money, they expect me to help them every day. If I compare myself with girls of my age here, I see they get to be themselves and live their age. For me, I have to think of my brothers, my sister, my mother. I can't live my life the way they do, so I can't relate to them. They might have issues, but my issues are so big. They took my childhood away. I feel older because of the responsibility I have, they don't."
Fiseha also feels "interrupted" by his responsibilities. A Ph.D. in Education from the University of Arizona, he has to work as a security officer to survive although his professional job is teaching. "It is a mixed feeling," he says of sending money. "In a way
I am doing something useful which brings satisfaction to me. But on the other side, you are not resolving an issue and they are always becoming dependent on you. It drags your life because all you are trying to do is to survive. It cuts from your saving. If you have plans, you end up shelving your plans."
Nebiat, who works as a Certified Nursing Assistant (CNA). feels not integrated at all, because as she says, "I could not do what I wanted to do such as my education. The other reason is also because I have to send money both to Eritrea and Sudan. There was a moment when sending money was causing me issues with my husband. It affects not just
66 my integration, but also the wellbeing of my own family. It brought issues in our marriage. Marriage is supposed to be a shared commitment, but at the same time in my case I was the only one whose family needed help and that was an issue."
Yemane, on the other hands, feels "fairly integrated." Working now as a limousine driver, he says "he learned to adapt; my expectation was that I was going to make money very easily. It took me two years to understand that with hard work and following all the legal procedures I could achieve my dreams."
Abdu, whose wife is in Saudi Arabia, also has a steady job as a security officer.
He says, "I am probably half integrated as I continue to live the Eritrean way. I had to sleep in a car for a year and half because, I could not afford to pay rent here and I had to fulfill the needs of my family back home."
Yohanna says, "Sending money affects my life, right now I live to meet the ends meet. I don't have savings. It affects my future plans. I wanted to go to a better university and pay my tuition as I couldn't get a scholarship, but I cannot do that. The results of the country’s condition have contributed to my father leaving the country and me to take a bigger responsibility. From start if my dad was at home and helping my mother take care of the kids, I would have been focusing on my education fully. My mother got sick, my father also got sick when he left the country and my aunt died because of the government.
All this has left the burden of the family on me and I had to provide." She shares this has interrupted her life.
However some of the interviewees feel they are mostly integrated in the US society even though they still helping family members back home through sending money and other means. One such is Tigisti, who is in her mid-30s and who arrived in
67 the US in 2009 with a BA degree from Asmara University, currently working as an administrative assistant. She explains, she is doing an American job, volunteer jobs with senior citizens, and gets to use her free time to run, work, study, exercise, in weekends meets friends for a drink, breakfast or lunch, on Sundays visits church. She says,
"Although I am running around, I get to do most of them. I also have less weight on me as I have all my immediate family members here."
Selam, a qualified nurse also, feels mostly integrated and says, she simply learned to identify with the culture and its expectations. "For example, going to an appointment, I need to be on time which is a US culture, not an Eritrean culture." On the other hand,
Selam acknowledges that she is not fully integrated; "In a lot of ways, I still truly believe
I am Eritrean and there are times where I do not completely understand American culture".
Wolde, who retired just two months earlier, feels integrated for the most part. He says, "I developed my profession here and worked as a research associate for UC
Berkeley for the last 28 years. I also made sure my children study, graduate and I live a reasonable life." He continues:, “Our background is very strong in culture, so the majority of our discussion is about the country. Even if our physical body is here, our soul is in Eritrea."
Nevertheless, Wolde feels the pull of family obligation to Eritrea. "To give has its own happiness, but giving also affects your life. I could not go to some vacation that I wanted to go because of sending money back home. If I had to keep all the money, I would have given a nice gift to my children. Every time we send money, we are taking it away from them … on the other hand, I recently sent money to my cousin in Eritrea and
68 he responded by sending a letter. Reading his letter made me to feel encouraged to do more and to help many people. But getting a phone call at 4:00 in the morning stresses me out, my body shivers."
A different view on integration comes from Solomon, who was a water treatment researcher in Europe and in Eritrea, and now works as an UBER driver. He says he does all he can to not get integrated in the US. He fears that if he is integrated, he will eventually become Americanized, which he does not want to be. "I told myself that I will not do any professional job, because if I do that, then I am going to be attached to the life here" he says. "If I started to work professionally, I would have to do other things too, such as buying a house through a mortgage which will make me grounded to the US life.
I have also chosen this place on purpose because there are so many of our people, community, churches and organizations in the Bay Area. I have set some time aside to help them."
Whether or not they feel integrated or Americanized, almost all interviewees feel that they never have free time. The need to send money back home means they have to work long hours and most days of the week. Only a few of the interviewees said they had free time and use it for recreational activities.
J. Effects of Events in Eritrea Besides providing motivation for them, or for family members, to flee, events in
Eritrea also affects, refugees morale and mental state. Many Eritreans listen to several radio channels and read websites that operate outside the country to keep up with the news in Eritrea. These radio stations on a daily bases host interviews with Eritreans who recently left the country. Civic organizations and youth groups also use social media to update latest development in Eritrea. "Events in Eritrea affect me as I hear some bad
69 news every day," Kifle says. "Just last month nearly 400 people died in the
Mediterranean, most of them Eritreans. Even if my brother or sister might not be there, they are my fellow countrymen. There are days that I do not go to work, because it is bad day."
Daniel, also says he sometimes also too upset to go to work. He visited Sudan recently and saw Eritrean refugees from his home town. "Listening to their stories and the situation they going through, I get so angry and sometimes I cry alone, beating myself – why do they have to go through all the hardship?"
One effect of conditions in Eritrea is that one cannot go home. "if there was a democratic government I would have visited Eritrea to see my parents, my brothers or I even may not have fled the country" says Biniam.
Wolde says, he had specific plans to go back to Eritrea to teach when he retired.
"I could not do this because of the country’s conditions. Thus I feel my life has been interrupted due to events in Eritrea. I couldn't accomplish my dream."
Solomon also speaks of having his dream of higher education denied. "I was holding an Eritrean passport. It has too many obstacles: for one it is a problem to get a visa with an Eritrean passport, hence I decided to come to America to claim asylum. In my understanding for us Eritreans the Bay Area is the easiest place to integrate."
All interviewees mentioned that they have been affected by the country’s conditions. Many also believe that as long as the current government is in power, nothing will change. Four of the 20 interviewee describe themselves as actively engaged in political and civic organizations to bring voice to the human rights violations in Eritrea.
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Two of these served in the national service and one served during the struggle for independence.
Tracy Stevenson is the Coordinator of East Bay Refugee Forum, a collaboration of over 30 agencies whose members work to address gaps in interagency knowledge and strengthen service provisions in all areas pertaining to refugee resettlement. She describes the challenges asylum applicants face: frequently marginally housed; no eligibility for government benefits except Medi-Cal under PRUCOL regulations (and most are unaware that they may qualify to apply for Medi-Cal at all); have no funds for transportation and are walking long distances from appointment to appointment; and high stress due to lack of formal safety net. "For the first five months they are awaiting adjudication and then are eligible to apply for a work permit if the case has not yet been heard." She explains "The politics have created extreme divisiveness in the community that hampers formation of any non-profit organization to serve on-the-ground community needs."
All interviewees mentioned that they have connections with Eritrea, mostly through telephone calls or social media. All 20 interviewees also mentioned that they had family members in both Sudan and Ethiopia who had fled Eritrea.
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Chapter V: Discussion of Implications and Significance
For many refugees the day they flee their country for reasons of fear of persecution, the interruption of their lives begins. It is a moment after which life will not be the same or as planned or what society has set out for them in their home country – from living in a refugee camp in an open prison, to adapting to new languages and cultures, to receiving of help from organizations and the lengthy process of resettlement.
For either a short or an extended period, refugees are not in complete control of their lives.
From the interviews collected and the data interpreted, it is evident that there are strong transnational events undertaken by Eritreans living in the Bay Area. These events range from sending remittances to actively advocating for political change in Eritrea, and include travelling back home or to neighboring countries. According to Hepner, these connections can also be described as "ties that bind and sometimes choke" (Hepner 2009,
137). From the data gathered it was clear that there is a tangible life interruption as a result of conditions in Eritrea and the transnational connections that arise as a result.
Our interviews also confirmed that Eritrean refugees are highly family-oriented;
Assisting their family and friends financially, often rushing to help others before creating the life they dreamed of for themselves.
This selflessness raises the question whether a refugee's situation should be analyzed from the individual's point of view or from that of family. In the Eritrean case, the individual exist only as part of the family. When the individual is granted refugee resettlement or asylum, the family needs to be taken into account, which is not always the
72 case. For example, separation from family and the fact that it takes years for someone to reconnect, is a psychological challenge both for the refugee unable, for instance, not to say goodbye to dying family members in Eritrea and for the whole family.
The connection and commitment to Eritrea has led six of the interviewees to be actively involved in advocating for change in their home country. And that work be yet another interruption to the refugee's life, as some complained that their advocacy did little to bring democracy in Eritrea, so they wished they had used their time for their own needs, integrating into their new home.
While those who have been living in the US for more than 20 years feel fairly integrated with a job and some financial security and with children enrolled in college, those refugees who were in the US as a result of the second wave migration, after 2001, say they are not integrated at all. Meeting the Eritrean cultural expectation of family support is their main reason. Some also admit that life in the US is not what they expected it to be.
This discrepancy between new and old refugees support the proposal to keep providing assistance from VOLAG and city officials for at least five years (McWilliams and Bonet 2015, 425). This is not the policy at the moment, but had it been in 2001, it would have likely had a positive impact.
It is also necessary to explore if there are other policies external to the transnational obligation that could possibly impact the integration of refugees in the US.
Of course, one impediment to full integration has been the change in the US government policies towards refugee resettlement since 9/11 which coincides with the second wave of
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Eritrean immigration and the policy changes towards Eritrea by the US government
(Darrow 2015, Grady 2007).
Whenever Eritrean refugees arrived in the Bay Area, they soon learned that fleeing their home country did not end their nightmare which continues to follow them even in diaspora (O'Brien 2011). Tensions and divisions within the community, including among some religions based on political belief, make it difficult for many to associate and seek help from these institutions. Hence there is little support from existing community centers. Many tend to avoid these institutions and seek help from family, close friends and the resettlement agencies.
While internal tensions get in the way of connecting with the Eritrean community,
Eritrean customs get in the way of integrating into American culture. For example in the
Eritrean culture it is highly important that one marry another Eritrean - even if one has time for socializing, the likelihood of finding a companion who is Eritrean becomes a challenge, especially with increasing age. It gets even more difficult as many also add other criteria such as belonging to the same religion or having come from the same city or area in Eritrea. Two of the female interviewees stated that they blame themselves for working too hard for too long to help their family. For the males, finding a companion is not easy either. They also have to make sacrifices although not as demanding as those of women. Many go to Ethiopia and the Sudan to find a spouse, for the most part through an arranged marriage. The challenges of not knowing each other and having to decide in a short time are always in place, and sometimes is the reason for divorce at a later stage.
Many also shelve their dream of getting married until they finish helping their siblings escape the country. As a result of this obligation, personal fulfillment is often interrupted.
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Since the start of the second wave of refugees out of Eritrea, many people were lost en route, some were held and died at the hands of human traffickers for ransom, and for some no-one knows their whereabouts. Also people make deals informally and illegally with smugglers to get them to their next destination, usually on a perilous journey. Such dealings with smugglers and human traffickers has been a life-draining process for many, at the same time living with worry until they hear that their family members have reached their destination.
Those who come to the US legally and end up applying for asylum, live under high stress due to the lack of a formal safety net for the first five months while they are awaiting adjudication. Only then are they eligible to apply for a work permit if the case has not yet been heard.
Ninety percent of the participants also stated that they do not have free time to enjoy any fun activities. This is because they need to work extra hours to be able to pay their monthly expenses here and also sustain the family back home. Many stated that they could not go on vacation because they do not have extra money to spend on vacations.
The interviewees feel they are constantly in financial crisis. The expectation is too high and it is difficult to stop helping while knowing the life back in Eritrea is so hard, where there are no jobs and the government does not allow one to live one’s life. This means there is no work-play balance.
All the above-mentioned interruptions were among the main reasons why half of the interviewees feel they have not integrated at all, while 85% of the other half think they are partially integrated.
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Such interruptions do not seem likely to stop for the Eritrean refugees in the Bay
Area in the near future since the situation in Eritrea continues to go from bad to worse.
Politically, Eritrea is isolated from both regional and international arena and economically the country is ranked among the poorest nations in the world (World Bank
2016). Such implication also extend to the cultural and religious areas as many new arrivals in the diaspora continue to struggle to fit in existing communities. The number of people fleeing Eritrea also continue to rise to above 5,000 every month in 2015/2016
(UNHCR 2016) due to the indefinite national service and oppressive nature of the government (OHCHR 2016). Although all interviewee know this, they continue to affirm that they will help until the situation in Eritrea has been resolved.
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Chapter VI: Conclusion and Recommendations
Conclusions From the data gathered and the discussion of analyses made, we can conclude the following:
Many Eritrean refugees vocally state that, "Our body might be here, but our soul is all in Eritrea". Eritrean refugees, having fled an oppressive regime, continue to experience nonstop interruption to their lives in their new country. Due to both the continuing repression in Eritrea which is why they fled, and because of the strong family, cultural and religious values Eritreans grow up, Eritreans in the diaspora feel obliged to save lives and remit funds to sustain the family back in their home country. The research found that this burden of helping not only slows their integration into their new countries, but also leads to stress, compassion fatigue and trauma in the Eritrean diaspora community in the Bay Area. This Eritrean lives in the Bay Area can be described as "life interruption" as a result of transnational events.
The main reason why many flee Eritrea is still the political climate there, including indefinite national service, human rights violations and a regime based on fear.
Hence, in reaction to this, Eritrean refugees in the Bay Area are actively involved in helping their siblings and friends reach safety. At the same time, they continue to send remittances to the country, which is the main means of sustaining life for many families.
Indirectly this operates to stabilize the government. Thus, the transnational connection created in this process becomes a direct interference against the integration of those refugees residing in the Bay Area.
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All the interview participants in this study stated that they continue to help family members through remittances and other means. Although for many such support brings them great fulfillment and satisfaction, they do it at the cost of shelving their own dreams and life goals. Thus many of the Eritrean refugees in Oakland have claimed that their lives have been interrupted as a direct result of the transnational events that they are involved in. The idea of "life interruption" is familiar to many Eritreans as the government in Eritrea has forced people throughout the country to flee.
All the participants in the interview also said they help family members deal with businessmen or smugglers. Several of the interviewees also stated that they will continue to help family for as long as the problem exists. It is safe to conclude that among
Eritreans such endless helping and saving life at any cost comes from growing up with strong family, cultural, religious and social moral values. Growing up in such an environment leaves one with an obligation to be bound to help family and friends.
Policy Recommendations The data analyses from these interviews with Eritrean refugees residing in the Bay
Area not only illuminate the problems of life interruptions; they also point to solutions;
Because indefinite national service policy is the primary reason why many flee,
the Eritrean government should end or limit the time of service to the original
proclamation.
The UN Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea has found that "fear as the way of
ruling the society." For this, the Eritrean government should implement the
constitution of 1997 and adhere to rule of law.
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The United Nations should strongly pressure the Eritrean government to adhere to
international human right laws on citizens and call for political reform.
The OHCHR should continue monitoring the human rights situation in Eritrea and
pressure the government to uphold international regulations.
The refugee resettlement office, under the US Department of State, and
organizations such as the International Organization for Migrants (IOM), and
VOLAGs should provide a very well-rounded orientation before and after arrival
of refugees in the US. In these, it should be strongly stated that one needs to take
care of oneself and build strong foundations before helping others.
Resettlement organizations should monitor and assist the integration of newly
resettled refugees by making home visits and providing stronger assistance with
job placement, skill building and more robust English as a Second Language
(ESL) classes.
Because refugees who have been longer show better integration result,
resettlement assistance should continue for a period of five years to achieve a
strong integration outcome.
Because refugees find it hard to integrate with in the 90-day support period
designed by the refugee resettlement, the US Department of State should think
beyond processing refugees and helping them become a productive part of the
society.
The US Department of State should assign and implement a budget for hospitals
and community centers that are dealing with trauma and PTSD to help refugees
with such history to heal and become a more productive part of society.
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Local resettlement agencies and community centers should educate communities
and new arriving refugees about trauma and PTSD and encourage them to seek
help.
Mental health service providers should seek and be updated on conditions in
Eritrea, understand the push and pull factors, what makes up the society in its
cultural, sociopolitical, religious and economic aspects.
For a strong family oriented society like Eritreans and even others, USCIS should
consider the family and social aspect of one's background in determining their
refugee or asylum status rather than as an individual, reviewing its traditional
Western approach.
USCIS should give strong attention to family re-unification, expedite and improve
delays on processing of asylum applicants.
For asylum applicants, the US government should provide a formal safety net for
the first five months while awaiting adjudication of the asylum case, or eliminate
the policy that stops people from working.
Although the recommendations set out above might not end the interruption of
Eritrean refugee lives in the Bay Area, they are most likely to improve their integration into their new home, the US.
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Chapter VIII: Appendixes
Appendix A: Interview Questionnaire Interview Schedule: Meron Semedar
Basic Information - Sex - Age - Occupation - Education level - Marital status
Interview Questions General - When did you arrive in the US? - Do you feel that you are integrated in US society? How, how not? - How do you like to spend your free time? - Are you connected to Eritrea? How so? - Do you ever help family members or friends in Eritrea? If yes, how so? Financial - Do you send money back home? No/ Yes - To whom? - How much? - How often? - Why/ for what purpose? - Have you ever participated in or organized a group collection of funds for a family member or friend in Eritrea? Can you tell me about that collection? (Who was it for; for what purpose; How were contributors identified?) - How do you send money to Eritrea? (exs. Western Union, money broker, Xoom, mobile phone transfer, online transfer) - How does sending money to Eritrea make you feel? - Does sending money to Eritrea affect your life here in the US? How so? - Is sending money to Eritrea a source of economic pressure for you? - What would you do with the money you send to Eritrea if you kept it instead? General Assistance & Connections - Aside from financial assistance, are there any other ways you assist family members or friends in Eritrea? - How does assisting your family or friends in Eritrea make you feel? - Does helping your family & friends in Eritrea affect your daily life here in the US? How so? - Does providing assistance to family and friends in Eritrea cause you to feel stress or any other health issues? - Do you ever feel that events in Eritrea interrupt your life in Oakland? If yes, how so? - Do your family or friends have particular expectations of you because you are living in the US? What are they? - How long do you plan to continue assisting your family or friends in Eritrea? - Does helping your family or friends in Eritrea affect your integration in the US? - How would you define integration? - Are there any other ways of being connected to Eritrea you would like to share?
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Appendix B: Informed Consent Form
MERON SEMEDAR & mysemedar@usfca,edu
Researcher, Graduate Program in International Studies
Faculty Advisor: Lindsay Gifford
Consent Form for Research
Dear Participant:
I am a researcher in the Masters of International Studies Program at the University of San Francisco. I am currently conducting a research project that examines the effects of transnational interruptions in the life's of Eritrean refugees in Oakland.
I am asking you to participate in a 30 to 45 minutes interview about your experience/knowledge of important issues that are related to globalization, specifically life interruptions as a result of helping a family member in Eritrea or elsewhere. Your participation in this project is completely voluntary and you can choose to end the survey/interview at any time.
There are no known risks involved in this study and you will not receive compensation for this study. Your responses may be used to support research on Eritrean refugee topic. Unless you are a public official, any information collected that reflects your identity name, title, place of work, etc will be kept strictly confidential. Your identity will not be used in our research. With your permission it may be used by this researcher to contact you again with a request for follow-up questions. If you are a public official, this researcher may request to use your true identity in the research; see below to give or deny permission. All records from this research will be maintained by me in a locked location on the USF campus, with guidance from my faculty sponsor, Professor. Lindsay Gifford/ or other. If you have any questions, please contact either of us at the above contact information.
Sincerely,
Meron Semedar
Agreement:
( ) I have read the information provided above. I understand the purpose, benefits, and possible risks of this survey and agree to participate in this research project.
( ) As a public official I understand that I am requested to allow my true identity to be used in this research. My signature here indicates my permission to use my name in any publications based on this research. Lack of signature indicates refusal to share my identity.
PRINT NAME: ______
SIGN & DATE: ______
You may also contact the USF Institutional Review Board ([email protected]) or the student advisor Prof. Lindsay Gifford ([email protected]) if you have any issues to discuss regarding this research.
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Appendix C: IRBPHS - Approval Notification