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Urban Studies http://usj.sagepub.com/ Beyond the 'Exclusionary City': North-east Migrants in Neo-liberal Delhi Duncan McDuie-Ra Urban Stud 2013 50: 1625 originally published online 16 November 2012 DOI: 10.1177/0042098012465126 The online version of this article can be found at: http://usj.sagepub.com/content/50/8/1625 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com On behalf of: Urban Studies Journal Foundation Additional services and information for Urban Studies can be found at: Email Alerts: http://usj.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://usj.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav >> Version of Record - May 3, 2013 OnlineFirst Version of Record - Nov 16, 2012 What is This? Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at UNSW Library on August 5, 2014 Urban Studies at 50 50(8) 1625–1640, June 2013 Article Beyond the ‘Exclusionary City’: North-east Migrants in Neo-liberal Delhi Duncan McDuie-Ra [Paper first received, July 2011; in final form, August 2012] Abstract Scholars have noted the ways in which Delhi’s transformation into a global city has enclosed urban spaces excluding the urban poor, labourers and migrants. One of the neglected aspects of this focus is the way in which Delhi’s transformation has created new opportunities for migrants from north-east India. This article is an ethno- graphic account of migrants from the north-east in Delhi. It is argued that employ- ment opportunities in the neo-liberal spaces of the global city are fuelling a rapid increase in migration from the north-east, the very limit of India’s geographical and cultural imaginary. Outside these spaces of economic inclusion, north-east migrants continue to live as exceptional citizens and experience racism, discrimination and violence. The experiences of north-east migrants in Delhi suggest that the exclusion- ary city narrative is an incomplete view of urban change in India, and reveal how neo-liberal transformation is connecting heartland cities to frontier regions in ways previously unimagined. Introduction India’s embrace of neo-liberalism has had a groups. One such group are migrants from profound impact on urban areas. The drive north-east India—the very limit of India’s to transform Delhi into a global city has been geographical and cultural imaginary. This critiqued for reorganising, sanitising and article is an ethnographic account of migrants enclosing urban spaces, excluding the urban from the north-east in Delhi. Migration from poor, labourers and migrants (see Baviskar, the north-east to Delhi has increased drama- 2003; Chaplin, 2011; Dupont, 2011; Rao, tically in the past half-decade. I argue that the 2010). One of the neglected aspects of this experiences of north-east migrants in Delhi focus on exclusion is the ways in which the suggest that the exclusionary city narrative is new spaces created by Delhi’s transformation an incomplete view of urban change in India. have created new opportunities for different The so-called neo-liberal transformation of Duncan McDuie-Ra is in the School of Social Sciences and International Studies, University of New South Wales, Morven Brown Building, NSW 2052, Australia. E-mail: [email protected]. 0042-0980 Print/1360-063X Online Ó 2012 Urban Studies Journal Limited DOI: 10.1177/0042098012465126 Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at UNSW Library on August 5, 2014 1626 DUNCAN MCDUIE-RA Delhi has created jobs in retail, hospitality Initially, I attempted to conduct formal and call centres—employment coveted by interviews; however, most north-east migrants north-east migrants. Further, employers in were uncomfortable with this method and these sectors desire migrant labour from the many said that they did not have anything north-east in particular, targeting their dis- important to say. Respondents were much tinct appearance and their English language more open to informal conversations. I had skills. These changes link the north-east fron- conversations with north-east migrants every- tier to India’s heartland cities in ways that day for almost three months and during a were unimaginable a generation ago. Despite shorter follow-up visit. Some of these conver- these opportunities, north-east migrants sations were brief. On a university campus, I experience a number of challenges in Delhi, would meet a north-east migrant and ask some of which mirror the experiences of where they are from, what they are doing in other migrants and others that are particular Delhi and how they find it. That could take a to ethnic minorities from the north-east. few minutes and we might never meet again. These challenges are less a product of the Other migrants I saw almost every day. In neo-liberal spaces of the city and more a rem- north-east neighbourhoods, we would talk nant of embedded stereotypes towards ethnic while passing in the street, while cooking, or and tribal communities from the north-east when I went to their flat in the evenings and frontier. thus, after three months,weendeduptalking This article is the result of ethnographic for many hours. There were all manner of fieldwork carried out in Delhi from interactions in between these extremes. All of December 2010 to February 2011 and again the respondents mentioned in this article have in December 2011. It also builds upon been given pseudonyms. eight years of ethnographic research in the This article has four sections. The first north-east itself. Delhi was chosen because section reviews the ‘exclusionary city’ nar- it has the largest community of north-east rative present in critical accounts of Delhi’s migrants and the migrant community is neo-liberal transformation. The second sec- more diverse in terms of its ethnic and tion discusses push and pull factors leading socioeconomic origins. Ethnographic field- north-east migrants to Delhi. The third sec- work was conducted with migrants from all tion analyses the challenges faced by north- parts of the north-east, but was more con- east migrants in Delhi. The concluding sec- centrated among migrants from the states tion discusses the ways in which north-east of Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Mizoram migration complicates the ‘exclusionary and Nagaland. This is partially explained by city’ narrative and suggests new ways of higher numbers of migrants from these thinking about the links between frontier states and because I began with contacts and heartland. from these states and through snowball sampling I met other members of their net- The Exclusionary City works predicated on family, clan and ethnic ties. During fieldwork, I lived in a north- The liberalisation of India’s economy from east migrant neighbourhood, Humayanpur, the late 1980s (officially since 1991) has trans- in south Delhi. I conducted interviews and formed urban areas through the privatisation conversations with north-east migrants and enclosure of urban spaces, the creation of throughout the city in places where they investment-friendly infrastructure and the live, work and study. partial privatisation of governance and welfare Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at UNSW Library on August 5, 2014 NORTH-EAST MIGRANTS IN DELHI 1627 (Bavsikar, 2003; Chaplin, 2011; Lama-Rewal, Plan for Delhi 2021, released in 2007 2011). David Harvey defines neo-liberalism as (Dupont, 2011, p. 533). The global city aspiration has necessi- a theory of political-economic practices that tated a shift in urban logic. Construction proposes that human well-being can be best that is ‘planned’ is afforded legitimacy, advanced by liberating individual entrepre- whereas construction that is ‘unplanned’ neurial freedoms and skills within an institu- can be deemed illegitimate and subject to tional framework characterized by strong demolition (Ghertner, 2011). Bhan (2009, private property rights, free markets, and p. 128) estimates that 45 000 homes in free trade (Harvey, 2005, p. 2). Delhi were demolished between 2004 and 2007, reflecting a shift in ‘‘how the urban Neo-liberalism is regularly identified at the poor in India are represented, governed and heart of India’s urban transformation, judged’’ (p. 131). Bhan argues that the rights although in the literature neo-liberalism is of Delhi’s poor are eroded by the targeting often used interchangeably with liberalisa- of ‘encroachers’, seen as improper citizens tion to describe the same phenomena. of the city (p.139). The poor, including the Neo-liberalism takes on a variety of working poor, are seen as threats to the sani- national and sub-national forms. In the case tised spaces of the global city. Key to this of India this has necessitated a shift from the rationale is the creation of exclusionary role of the state as provider under Nehruvian spaces: gated neighbourhoods, restricted- socialism, to the role of the state as a cham- entry shopping malls and restricted-entry pion for private investment and market parks and green spaces. Waldrop argues that penetration. The role of the state in this pro- such spaces reflect anxiety derived from the cess is varied at the federal and local levels, perceived crumbling of old caste and class and in different sectors of the economy and boundaries and the need to ‘‘re-establish a society (Gupta and Sivaramakrishnan, 2011). sense of order’’ (Waldrop, 2004, p. 99). Transformation is constant in urban India Fernandes calls this ‘‘the spatial reconfigura- and, as Gooptu (2011) warns, many of the tion of class inequalities’’ part of a larger processes attributed to neo-liberalism are phenomenon of the ‘‘politics of forgetting’’ not necessarily unique to the past two wherein ‘‘marginalized social groups are decades but take on a distinctive character rendered invisible and forgotten within the under neo-liberalism. For Gooptu (2011, p. dominant national political culture’’ 38) distinctiveness can be seen in the cre- (Fernandes, 2004, p. 2416). ation of ‘entrepreneurial cities’ to trigger Citizen participation in the city’s gov- economic growth, with dramatic conse- ernance is altering the locus of political quences for the reorganisation of urban power.