Thesis Israel and the Rise of the Neoconservatives, 1960
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Load more
Recommended publications
-
Annual Report
COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS ANNUAL REPORT July 1,1996-June 30,1997 Main Office Washington Office The Harold Pratt House 1779 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. 58 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10021 Washington, DC 20036 Tel. (212) 434-9400; Fax (212) 861-1789 Tel. (202) 518-3400; Fax (202) 986-2984 Website www. foreignrela tions. org e-mail publicaffairs@email. cfr. org OFFICERS AND DIRECTORS, 1997-98 Officers Directors Charlayne Hunter-Gault Peter G. Peterson Term Expiring 1998 Frank Savage* Chairman of the Board Peggy Dulany Laura D'Andrea Tyson Maurice R. Greenberg Robert F Erburu Leslie H. Gelb Vice Chairman Karen Elliott House ex officio Leslie H. Gelb Joshua Lederberg President Vincent A. Mai Honorary Officers Michael P Peters Garrick Utley and Directors Emeriti Senior Vice President Term Expiring 1999 Douglas Dillon and Chief Operating Officer Carla A. Hills Caryl R Haskins Alton Frye Robert D. Hormats Grayson Kirk Senior Vice President William J. McDonough Charles McC. Mathias, Jr. Paula J. Dobriansky Theodore C. Sorensen James A. Perkins Vice President, Washington Program George Soros David Rockefeller Gary C. Hufbauer Paul A. Volcker Honorary Chairman Vice President, Director of Studies Robert A. Scalapino Term Expiring 2000 David Kellogg Cyrus R. Vance Jessica R Einhorn Vice President, Communications Glenn E. Watts and Corporate Affairs Louis V Gerstner, Jr. Abraham F. Lowenthal Hanna Holborn Gray Vice President and Maurice R. Greenberg Deputy National Director George J. Mitchell Janice L. Murray Warren B. Rudman Vice President and Treasurer Term Expiring 2001 Karen M. Sughrue Lee Cullum Vice President, Programs Mario L. Baeza and Media Projects Thomas R. -
Religion and Innovation in Human Affairs (RIHA) Religion And
Religion and Innovation in Human Affairs (RIHA) Exploring the Role of Religion in the Origins of Novelty and the Diffusion of Innovation in the Progress of Civilizations Religion and Innovation: Naturalism, Scientific Progress, and Secularization Protestantism? Reflections in Advance of the 500th Anniversary of the Protestant Reformation ($75,000). Gordon College. PIs: Thomas Albert Howard (Gordon College) and Mark A. Noll (University of Notre Dame) With an eye on the approaching quincentennial, of the Protestant Reformation, the project has engaged in a fundamental inquiry into the historical significance of Protestantism, its heterogeneous trajectories of influence, and their relationship to forces of social innovation, political development, and religious change in the modern West and across the globe. The quincentennial of the Protestant Reformation in 2017 will bring into public view longstanding scholarly debates, interpretations and their revisions—along with lingering confessional animosities and more recent ecumenical overtures. For Western Christianity, a moment of historical recollection on this scale has not presented itself in recent memory. Acts of commemoration can be enlisted to reflect, shape, and introduce novel forces into history. They were not simply conduits or transmitters of the old, but definers and harbingers of the new. In this sense, we might view the past commemorations of the Reformation as being not unlike the sixteenth-century Reformation itself: a series of acts motivated by the desire of retrieval and restoration that, in the final analysis, left a legacy of profound change, disruption, and innovation in human history. Major Outputs: Books: • Howard, Thomas Albert. The Pope and the Professor: Pius IX, Ignaz von Döllinger, and the Quandary of the Modern Age (accepted, Oxford University Press) • Howard, Thomas A. -
By Philip Roth
The Best of the 60s Articles March 1961 Writing American Fiction Philip Roth December 1961 Eichmann’s Victims and the Unheard Testimony Elie Weisel September 1961 Is New York City Ungovernable? Nathan Glazer May 1962 Yiddish: Past, Present, and Perfect By Lucy S. Dawidowicz August 1962 Edmund Wilson’s Civil War By Robert Penn Warren January 1963 Jewish & Other Nationalisms By H.R. Trevor-Roper February 1963 My Negro Problem—and Ours By Norman Podhoretz August 1964 The Civil Rights Act of 1964 By Alexander M. Bickel October 1964 On Becoming a Writer By Ralph Ellison November 1964 ‘I’m Sorry, Dear’ By Leslie H. Farber August 1965 American Catholicism after the Council By Michael Novak March 1966 Modes and Mutations: Quick Comments on the Modern American Novel By Norman Mailer May 1966 Young in the Thirties By Lionel Trilling November 1966 Koufax the Incomparable By Mordecai Richler June 1967 Jerusalem and Athens: Some Introductory Reflections By Leo Strauss November 1967 The American Left & Israel By Martin Peretz August 1968 Jewish Faith and the Holocaust: A Fragment By Emil L. Fackenheim October 1968 The New York Intellectuals: A Chronicle & a Critique By Irving Howe March 1961 Writing American Fiction By Philip Roth EVERAL winters back, while I was living in Chicago, the city was shocked and mystified by the death of two teenage girls. So far as I know the popu- lace is mystified still; as for the shock, Chicago is Chicago, and one week’s dismemberment fades into the next’s. The victims this particular year were sisters. They went off one December night to see an Elvis Presley movie, for the sixth or seventh time we are told, and never came home. -
Chapter One: Postwar Resentment and the Invention of Middle America 10
MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School Certificate for Approving the Dissertation We hereby approve the Dissertation of Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________________ Timothy Melley, Director ________________________________________ C. Barry Chabot, Reader ________________________________________ Whitney Womack Smith, Reader ________________________________________ Marguerite S. Shaffer, Graduate School Representative ABSTRACT TALES FROM THE SILENT MAJORITY: CONSERVATIVE POPULISM AND THE INVENTION OF MIDDLE AMERICA by Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff In this dissertation I show how the conservative movement lured the white working class out of the Democratic New Deal Coalition and into the Republican Majority. I argue that this political transformation was accomplished in part by what I call the "invention" of Middle America. Using such cultural representations as mainstream print media, literature, and film, conservatives successfully exploited what came to be known as the Social Issue and constructed "Liberalism" as effeminate, impractical, and elitist. Chapter One charts the rise of conservative populism and Middle America against the backdrop of 1960s social upheaval. I stress the importance of backlash and resentment to Richard Nixon's ascendancy to the Presidency, describe strategies employed by the conservative movement to win majority status for the GOP, and explore the conflict between this goal and the will to ideological purity. In Chapter Two I read Rabbit Redux as John Updike's attempt to model the racial education of a conservative Middle American, Harry "Rabbit" Angstrom, in "teach-in" scenes that reflect the conflict between the social conservative and Eastern Liberal within the author's psyche. I conclude that this conflict undermines the project and, despite laudable intentions, Updike perpetuates caricatures of the Left and hastens Middle America's rejection of Liberalism. -
Neoconservatism's Deadly Influence
HISTORYHISTORY— PAST AND PERSPECTIVE U.S.S.R. founder and former commander of the Soviet Army AP Images Leon Trotsky, a Bolshevik revolutionary and Marxist intellectual Neoconservatism’s Deadly Influence A look at the roots of neoconservatism and the reasons why this deadly movement must be rejected in favor of the true conservatism as envisioned by our Founders. by John F. McManus respects from the conservatism of the didly presented the movement’s attitude Republican party. We … accepted the in a 1989 article appearing in Kristol’s A neoconservative is a liberal who New Deal in principle, and had little journal, The National Interest. Boldly has been mugged by reality. affection for the kind of isolation- calling for the integration of the United — Irving Kristol ism that then permeated American States, Europe, and Japan, he yearned for a conservatism. “super-sovereign” state that would be “ec- he above definition has joyfully and onomically, culturally, and politically he- repeatedly been cited by many de- There you have it: neoconservatism’s most gemonic in the world.” Not satisfied with T fenders of neoconservatism. They prominent adherent wants it to be linked such a novel creation, he further urged a consider their branch of political thought to Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal “new universalism [which] would require a benign movement even though its clout socialism and, because of its rejection of the conscious depreciation not only of has been recognized as dominant over the “isolationism,” to be further identified as American sovereignty but of the notion Bush administration. Kristol likely hopes a champion of meddling in the affairs of of sovereignty in general.” And he added: that everyone who learns of his quip will other nations. -
Introduction
OUP UNCORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOF – FIRSTPROOFS, Sat Sep 19 2020, NEWGEN C& Introduction Christopher McKnight Nichols and Andrew Preston C&.P' What is grand strategy? What does it aim to achieve? Does it have relevance— and, if so, applicability—beyond questions of war and peace? And what di!erentiates it from normal strategic thought— what, in other words, makes it “grand”? C&.P( In recent years, historians and other scholars have o!ered useful de"nitions, most of which coalesce around the notion that grand strategy is an ampli"cation of the “normal” strategic practice of deploying various means to attain speci"c ends.1 “#e crux of grand strategy,” writes Paul Kennedy, co- founder of the in$uential Grand Strategy program at Yale University, “lies . in policy, that is, in the capacity of the nation’s leaders to bring together all the elements, both military and nonmilitary, for the preservation and enhancement of the nation’s long-term (that is, in war- time and peacetime) best interests.”2 John Lewis Gaddis, the program’s co- founder with Kennedy, de"nes grand strategy succinctly as “the align- ment of potentially unlimited aspirations with necessarily limited capabil- ities.”3 Hal Brands, an alumnus of Yale’s program and a contributor to this volume, observes that grand strategy is best understood as an “intellectual architecture that lends structure to foreign policy; it is the logic that helps states navigate a complex and dangerous world.”4 Peter Feaver, who followed Yale’s model when establishing a grand strategy program at Duke University, is somewhat more speci"c: “Grand strategy refers to the collection of plans and policies that comprise the state’s deliberate e!ort to harness political, military, diplomatic, and economic tools together to advance that state’s na- tional interest.”5 International Relations theorist Stephen Walt is even more precise: “A state’s grand strategy is its plan for making itself secure. -
Does China Pose an Immediate Threat to U.S. Strategic Interests And, If So, Will the Envisioned Asian Pivot Address Such Concerns?
February 2014 | Issue 11 1 Does China pose an immediate threat to U.S. strategic interests and, if so, will the envisioned Asian pivot address such concerns? Strategika CONFLICTS OF THE PAST AS LESSONS FOR THE PRESENT Issue From 11 the Working Group on the Role of Military History in Contemporary Conflict at the HooverFebruary Institution 2014 Image: Poster Collection, CC 75, Hoover Institution Archives Military History in Contemporary Conflict As the very name of Hoover Institution attests, military history lies at the very core of our dedi- cation to the study of “War, Revolution, and Peace.” Indeed, the precise mission statement of the Hoover Institution includes the following promise: “The overall mission of this Institution is, from its records, to recall the voice of experience against the making of war, and by the study of these records and their publication, to recall man’s endeavors to make and preserve peace, and to sustain for America the safeguards of the American way of life.” From its origins as a library and archive, the Hoover Institution has evolved into one of the foremost research centers in the world for policy formation and pragmatic analysis. It is with this tradition in mind, that the “Working Group on the Role of Military History in Contemporary Conflict” has set its agenda— reaffirming the Hoover Institution’s dedication to historical research in light of contemporary challenges, and in particular, reinvigorating the national study of military history as an asset to foster and enhance our national security. By bringing together a diverse group of distinguished military historians, security analysts, and military veterans and practitioners, the working group seeks to examine the conflicts of the past as critical lessons for the present. -
Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1980
Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1980 Robert L. Richardson, Jr. A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2009 Approved by, Michael H. Hunt, Chair Richard Kohn Timothy McKeown Nancy Mitchell Roger Lotchin Abstract Robert L. Richardson, Jr. Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1985 (Under the direction of Michael H. Hunt) This dissertation examines the origins and evolution of neoconservatism as a philosophical and political movement in America from 1945 to 1980. I maintain that as the exigencies and anxieties of the Cold War fostered new intellectual and professional connections between academia, government and business, three disparate intellectual currents were brought into contact: the German philosophical tradition of anti-modernism, the strategic-analytical tradition associated with the RAND Corporation, and the early Cold War anti-Communist tradition identified with figures such as Reinhold Niebuhr. Driven by similar aims and concerns, these three intellectual currents eventually coalesced into neoconservatism. As a political movement, neoconservatism sought, from the 1950s on, to re-orient American policy away from containment and coexistence and toward confrontation and rollback through activism in academia, bureaucratic and electoral politics. Although the neoconservatives were only partially successful in promoting their transformative project, their accomplishments are historically significant. More specifically, they managed to interject their views and ideas into American political and strategic thought, discredit détente and arms control, and shift U.S. foreign policy toward a more confrontational stance vis-à-vis the Soviet Union. -
Constructing Neo-Conservatism
Stephen Eric Bronner Constructing Neo-Conservatism by Stephen Eric Bronner eo-conservatism has become both a code word for reactionary thinking Nin our time and a badge of unity for those in the Bush administration advocating a new imperialist foreign policy, an assault on the welfare state, and a return to “family values.” Its members are directly culpable for the disintegration of American prestige abroad, the erosion of a huge budget surplus, and the debasement of democracy at home. Enough inquiries have highlighted the support given to neo-conservative causes by various businesses and wealthy foundations like Heritage and the American Enterprise Institute. In general, however, the mainstream media has taken the intellectual pretensions of this mafia far too seriously and treated its members far too courteously. Its truly bizarre character deserves particular consideration. Thus, the need for what might be termed a montage of its principal intellectuals and activists. Montage NEO-CONSERVATIVES WIELD EXTRAORDINARY INFLUENCE in all the branches and bureaucracies of the government. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz really require no introduction. These architects of the Iraqi war purposely misled the American public about the existence of weapons of mass destruction, a horrible pattern of torturing prisoners of war, the connection between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda, the celebrations that would greet the invading troops, and the ease of setting up a democracy in Iraq. But they were not alone. Whispering words of encouragement was the notorious Richard Perle: a former director of the Defense Policy Board, until his resignation amid accusations of conflict of interest, his nickname—“the Prince of Darkness”—reflects his advanced views on nuclear weapons. -
Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 104 Rev1 Page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 105 Rev1 Page 105
Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_103 rev1 page 103 part iii Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_104 rev1 page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_105 rev1 page 105 chapter five The Neoconservative Journey Jacob Heilbrunn The Neoconservative Conspiracy The longer the United States struggles to impose order in postwar Iraq, the harsher indictments of the George W. Bush administration’s foreign policy are becoming. “Acquiring additional burdens by engag- ing in new wars of liberation is the last thing the United States needs,” declared one Bush critic in Foreign Affairs. “The principal problem is the mistaken belief that democracy is a talisman for all the world’s ills, and that the United States has a responsibility to promote dem- ocratic government wherever in the world it is lacking.”1 Does this sound like a Democratic pundit bashing Bush for par- tisan gain? Quite the contrary. The swipe came from Dimitri Simes, president of the Nixon Center and copublisher of National Interest. Simes is not alone in calling on the administration to reclaim the party’s pre-Reagan heritage—to abandon the moralistic, Wilsonian, neoconservative dream of exporting democracy and return to a more limited and realistic foreign policy that avoids the pitfalls of Iraq. 1. Dimitri K. Simes, “America’s Imperial Dilemma,” Foreign Affairs (Novem- ber/December 2003): 97, 100. Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_106 rev1 page 106 106 jacob heilbrunn In fact, critics on the Left and Right are remarkably united in their assessment of the administration. Both believe a neoconservative cabal has hijacked the administration’s foreign policy and has now overplayed its hand. -
Lessons from the Can-Do Conservative Reformer JOHN J
2011_02_21 postal_cover61404-postal.qxd 2/1/2011 7:22 PM Page 1 February 21, 2011 49145 $3.95 REVOLT IN EGYPT: Daniels, Pryce-Jones, The Editors PALIN ROMNEY?VS. THEJebJeb Model Model Lessons from the can-do conservative reformer JOHN J. MILLER $3.95 08 0 74851 08155 6 www.nationalreview.com base_milliken-mar 22.qxd 2/1/2011 12:50 PM Page 1 ÊÊ ÊÊ 1 of Every 5 Homes and Businesses is Powered ÊÊ ÊÊ Ê by Reliable, Aordable Nuclear Energy. /VDMFBSFOFSHZTVQQMJFTPG"NFSJDBTFMFDUSJDJUZXJUIPVU U.S. Electricity Generation FNJUUJOHBOZHSFFOIPVTFHBTFT-BTUZFBS SFBDUPSTJO Fuel Shares Natural Gas TUBUFTQSPEVDFENPSFUIBOCJMMJPOLJMPXBUUIPVSTPG 23.3% FMFDUSJDJUZ KVTUTIZPGBSFDPSEZFBSGPSFMFDUSJDJUZHFOFSBUJPO GSPNOVDMFBSQPXFSQMBOUT/FXOVDMFBSFOFSHZGBDJMJUJFTBSF CFJOHCVJMUUPEBZUIBUXJMMCFBNPOHUIFNPTUDPTUFGGFDUJWF Nuclear 20.2% GPSDPOTVNFSTXIFOUIFZDPNFPOMJOF Coal Hydroelectric 44.6% Ê Ê Ê Ê Ê Ê Ê Ê ÊÊ ÊÊ Ê 5PNFFUPVSJODSFBTJOHEFNBOEGPSFMFDUSJDJUZ XFOFFEB 6.8% Renewables DPNNPOTFOTF CBMBODFEBQQSPBDIUPFOFSHZQPMJDZUIBUJODMVEFT Oil 1 and Other % 4.1% MPXDBSCPOTPVSDFTTVDIBTOVDMFBS XJOEBOETPMBSQPXFS Source: 2009, U.S. Energy Information Administration 7JTJUOFJPSHUPMFBSONPSF toc_QXP-1127940144.qxp 2/2/2011 1:23 PM Page 1 Ramesh Ponnuru on Palin vs. Romney Contents p. 24 FEBRUARY 21, 2011 | VOLUME LXIII, NO. 3 | www.nationalreview.com ON THE COVER Page 32 The Education Ex-Governor Jeb Bush is quietly building a legacy as something other than the Bush who didn’t reach the Oval Office. Governors BOOKS, ARTS everywhere boast of a desire to & MANNERS become ‘the education governor.’ 47 THE GILDED GUILD As Florida’s chief executive, Bush Robert VerBruggen reviews Schools really was one. John J. Miller for Misrule: Legal Academia and an Overlawyered America, by Walter Olson. COVER: CHARLES W. LUZIER/REUTERS/CORBIS 48 AUSTRALIAN MODEL ARTICLES Arthur W. -
Edward Luttwak Distinguished Adjunct Fellow
Edward Luttwak Distinguished Adjunct Fellow Dr. Edward N. Luttwak is a Distinguished Adjunct Fellow at The Marathon Initiative, a policy initiative focused on developing strategies to prepare the United States for an era of sustained great power competition. Previously, Luttwak has served on U.S. presidential transition teams, testified before committees of the U.S. House of Representatives and the Senate, and has advised the U.S. Department of Defense, the U.S. Department of State, the U.S. National Security Council, the White House Chief of Staff, and several allied governments, including Japan. Luttwak is the author of several books, including Coup d’état: A Practical Handbook (Penguin, 1968), which derived from his work as a London-based oil consultant; The Israeli Army, with Dan Horowitz (Allen Lane, 1975); The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976), which derived from his Ph. D. dissertation; The Pentagon and The Art Of War: The Question Of Military Reform (Simon & Schuster, 1985), which was a cited source of the 1986 Defense Reorganization Act; Strategy: The Logic of War and Peace (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1987), which is widely assigned in professional military education programs; Turbo-Capitalism: Winners and Losers in the Global Economy (HarperCollins, 1999), which introduced the concept of geo-economics, the logic of war in the grammar of commerce; The Grand Strategy of the Byzantine Empire (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2009); and, most recently, The Rise of China vs. The Logic of Strategy (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2012), which derived from a study for the U.S.