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Home , Coptic cross, Coptic history, Egyptian nationalism

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Introduction In the aftermath of the January 25 Uprising, Coptic Commemorative Protests and the security vacuum that ensued led to Discourses of Egyptian Nationalism: increased vulnerability of minority groups. While communal attacks against the A Visual Analysis1, 2 Coptic Christian community (constituting about 7% of the Egyptian population) can be traced to the 1970s, its increase in the aftermath of the January 25 Uprising led to further strain communal relations (Brownlee 3-5). In the fluid transition period that followed Mubarak’s ouster, these attacks led to the rise of various Coptic Christian social movements that started mobilizing against the demolition of churches and for more inclusion of Yosra A. El Gendi in public life. The current conflict over the identity of This paper discusses the identity con- argues that through these performances is rooted in the history of various structions of the Coptic Christian minority members of the community aimed to occupations that the country underwent. of Egypt during conflict and in particular reconstruct and reassert their identity in Egypt was under Roman rule from 30 BC through the theme of commemoration of public space as well produce opposi- until it was invaded by the Muslims in 641 martyrdom. In the aftermath of the attacks tional nationalist discourses that interplay AD. first reached Egypt in the against them on October 9, 2011, (what is with social conflicts. Through examining first century with the arrival of Apostle known as the “Maspero Massacre”) videos and photos of these performances, Mark to Alexandria, after which several Coptic social movements resorted to per- this paper conducts an intertextual analy- waves of attacks took place against formative protests to celebrate their sis of the visual aspects of the protests in by the Roman authorities “martyrs”. This paper analyses the visual order to reveal their political meaning as (Hasan 25). These attacks continued even representations of two such protests and well as their contradictions. after the became Christian. examines how different themes and sym- The rejection of the Coptic Orthodox bols from different traditions were used: Keywords: Copts, commemoration, iden- Church the doctrines of Council of Coptic Christian, Pharaonic and as well as tity, conflict, nationalism, Egypt in 451 AD on the dual nature of nationalist Egyptian traditions. This paper Christ led to the subsequent schism and

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to further persecutions by the Byzantine bors. 3The attack spurred a series of pro- imately a month after the Maspero mas- “” Church (Hasan 28). With the tests by Coptic movements against the sacre, and aimed to commemorate the Islamic occupation in 641 AD, a relative church’s destruction (Androwus 1). The Arbaʿīn ceremony, a traditional ceremony period of tolerance followed which was Maspero protest was the largest of these forty days after death (Shukry interrupted by waves of attacks under rallies and used the state TV building as its “Celebrating”). A second ceremony was se ­veral Islamic rulers (Hasan 31). A process destination. The protesters employed held in order to commemorate the first of Arabization and Islamization ensued visible­ Christian symbols, such as make- anniversary. While for the first ceremony and Christians became a minority by the shift and pictures of , in order SCAF was in power, by the time the second­ tenth century (Ibrahim et al. 8). to voice their demands in what was seen protest took place, SCAF had rendered At the heart of the conflict between Copts as a bold display of religious identity. power to the Muslim Brotherhood affili- and Muslims today in Egypt are different As soon as the protesters arrived at their ated president, Mohammed Morsi (Ahram social constructions of national territory destination, they were attacked. Videos online 1). Both of these ceremonies used and national identity. On the one hand, captured the military police’s armored car, pharaonic artifacts and national symbols, increased Islamization of the public sphere which were stationed in front of the State a far cry from the Christian symbols used leads to increased public perception of TV building, running over protesters. As in the Maspero protest. the Egyptian national territory as being a the protest devolved to a fight, the This paper questions why Coptic move- Muslim territory. In this perception, Egyptian state TV announced that Copts ments resorted to commemorating their churches are considered anomalies and were attacking the national army thus fuel- martyrs by using ancient Egyptian themes. potential elements of tension (Purcell ing a communal strife (Ibrahim). Twenty-six In the words of one interviewed activist, “it 433). On the other hand, Copts have per- Copts reportedly lost their lives as a result was (…) a message to the audience that ceived this territory as their home for the of the consequent violence (NCHR 1).4 the solution lay in fostering an Egyptian past 2000 years (Purcell 466). In this sense, These attacks were not only a blow to the identity”6. But how can an Egyptian iden- different understandings of Egypt’s victims’ families, but the Coptic commu- tity be defined? By consulting the visual national identity underlie all debates on nity at large who needed consolation. It material of the protests produced by news the right of non-Muslims to build houses was a particular challenge to the Coptic agencies as well as the movements them- of worship and further underlie intercom- movements, which were accused by the selves on their social media channels, munal conflict. pro- state media of attempting to violently various depictions of national identity in The starting point for this paper is October rupture national unity (Osman 1). As a the Coptic commemorative protests will 9, 2011, when a mass rally was organized result, the Coptic movements struggled to be analyzed.7 by several Coptic Christian movements in prove their patriotism. They responded I argue that through the commemoration downtown Cairo to protest the demolition with protests to commemorate those who processes, group identity is continuously of a church in a village near the Upper had immediately been labelled as mar- reconstructed and negotiated as well as Egyptian city of Aswan by Muslim neigh- tyrs.5 The first ceremony was held approx- used tactically by social movements in

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order to present oppositional discourses tional discourses and new political visions portraying the image within a particular that interplay with social conflicts. Coptic (Butler 25-9). cultural convention and the interlocking social movements attempted to push Performative protests make use of both textual traditions, which in combination forth an identity construct – namely a the narratives that structure the protests as are used in an image (Rose 145). Thus, the Coptic-Pharaonic identity – which does well as performative artifacts, which are most important part of iconological analy- not relegate Copts to a lower position, the objects that become the raw material sis is deciphering how different textual but rather balances other variants of of performances. These are constitutive of traditions have been used to produce the national identity in the public space. In new and different meanings when com- discourse (Rose 145). In that sense, the this way, commemorations are opportune bined (Johnston 6-7). In Coptic comme­ complexities and contradictions that are moments for performative protests. morative protests, the artifacts combined internal to discourse become important. elements of pharaonic, Coptic Christian Iconologists such as Panofsky are essen- Theory and modern nationalist artifacts. Examples tialist in their method, claiming that the Protests are performative if they produce, include the national flag, the solar-boat, image’s “intrinsic meaning” can be under- construct, negotiate or establish new or T-shirts with the sign, a hieroglyphic stood through analysis (Richard and alternative ideas, identities, ideologies or symbol meaning life that has been appro- Negreiros 25; Rose 147). However, as the meanings (Juris 227-8). Against threats on priated by Copts and used as their performative protest establishes new their lives or livelihoods or “precarity” in (Hanna 34). Thus, a visual iconological meanings and identities, it is primarily Judith Butler’s words due to the uneven analysis is needed in order to interpret the constructive. Thus, it underscores the ways distribution of power, protesters resist messages that the protest performance is in which discourses are enacted by mem- through appearing in public space. Public trying to make. bers of the audience and how they them- space is a field that is regulated by exclu- Iconological analysis combines scrutiny of selves take part in the reproduction of sionary and hierarchal norms and consti- compositional elements of visual images meanings. In other words, our iconologi- tuted by differential forms of power and understanding those elements within cal analysis will turn away from inherent (Butler 38). Performances are a way the cultural conventions of symbolic claims and provide an interpretation of through which subjects push through this re­presentations (Richard and Negreiros meanings in the performance. power field in order to become eligible 16-7; Rose 144-5). The analysis eventually for recognition. It is “a way of laying claim allows one to understand the symbols Analysis to the public sphere” (Butler 41). Through within the context of the performance or In a way, these protests presented an changing the modes of embodiment and image. It examines how different traditions increased strength and Coptic visibility, reenactment of our social existence the contribute to the images’ meanings yet this was done through themes of death underlying norms can be contested. The (Richard and Negreiros 18-19). Therefore, and negation (Ramzy 665). The main bodies of activists become the site of it is vital to differentiate between the theme of the performative protest was political agency as they embody opposi- re ­presentational methods that are used in martyrdom, which begs the ambiguous

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question: Is one dying for one’s nation or 6ISUALIZING.ATIONAL)DENTITIESAND#OPTIC for one’s faith. The centrality of the WAɀAN 6ISIBILITY SAMǞWÆ (heavenly homeland) for faith, 4HEMOSTVISIBLEASPECTOFTHElRSTCOM- lends martyrdom a way of depicting both memorative protest is its focus on Egyptian patriotism and faithfulness (Ramzy 650). nationalist imagery through the use of However, the representations of national- various symbolic artifacts, such as the isms and religious identity constructs CROSSANDTHEmAGCARRIEDSIDEBYSIDESEE made using these artistic traditions hold lG 7HILETHISIMAGERYREMINDSOFTHE particular contradictions that are encapsu- iconography of the 1919 revolution par- lated in the performance themselves. TICULARLYTHEmAGWITHTHECROSSANDCRES- In their attempt to commemorate the mar- cent depicting national unity8, it fails to tyrs of the Maspero attacks, the move- present harmony. First, rather than depict- &IGURE&UNERAL0ROCESSIONOF-ASPERO-ARTYRS ments used two nationalist discourses: the ING A UNIlED %GYPT  THIS REPRESENTATION !L 9AUMAL 3ABI #AIRO  ‘national-unity’ discourse and the Coptic depicted the social fabric of the nation as Church’s ‘patriotic’ discourse. The former being made up of both Muslims and FOLLOWEDASMALLERmAGCARRIEDNEXTTOA focuses on the unity of Copts and Muslims Christians communities, and in doing so, single cross at the beginning of the march. but fails to present both groups as equals. HIGHLIGHTEDRELIGIOUSDIFFERENCESASDEl 4HEPROMINENCEOFTHELARGEmAGATTHE Rather, it succumbs the Coptic narrative to nitive. This is very different from a nation- BEGINNINGOFTHElRSTCEREMONYISTELLING a Muslim one. Thus, according to this dis- alistic representation, which would per- During the second ceremony in the time course, the Muslim conquest (641 AD) is ceive such differences as secondary and of Morsi’s rule, the policy of not carrying perceived as liberating the Copts from the ultimately non-important. Second, the personal crosses was relaxed. Furthermore, oppression and the persecution of the CROSSISDEPICTEDSEPARATELYFROMTHEmAG  THEOVERSIZED%GYPTIANmAGWASRELEGATED Roman occupation. The latter discourse which aims to increase the Coptic identi- to the end of the ceremony. agrees with the former in the depiction of ty’s visibility in public space; thereby, This tension can be traced to the struggle suffering of Copts under the Roman rule showing both patriotism a parallelism in imagining national identity, which lead and highlights the positive relations from the mainstream national narrative. separate groups to have different concep- between the Muslims and Christians Clearly, there is an inherent tension tions of nationalism. The symbolism of the based on harmony and justice since the BETWEENTHESEARTIFACTS)NTHElRSTCOM- %GYPTIANmAGANDITS!RAB)SLAMICAFlLIA- Islamic rule. However, this discourse memorative protest, pharaonic signs were tions explains the continuous tension of resorts to a nativist pharaonic discourse to prominent while crosses that participants THE CROSS AND THE mAG THROUGHOUT THE argue the Copts’ authenticity in the face of attempted to raise personally were commemorative protests. As Podeh Muslims as well as the Melkite Christians banned by the organizers. An oversized ARGUES ITFOLLOWSTHEPATTERNOFMOSTmAGS (ElSasser 102-133). %GYPTIANmAGCARRIEDBYEIGHTYOUNGMEN OFTHE!RABSTATESWHICHhDOESNOTREmECT

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connection to a specific territory but rather the discourse of martyrdom and persecu- became rooted in the Church’s religious an attachment to the larger Arab and tion a central founding theme in the first tradition and history and pharaonism Islamic communities” (421). Thus, in this two centuries after the Islamic Invasion became an important element in the sense, the Egyptian flag is a depiction of thus naming itself the Church of the Coptic Church’s iconography.11 the Islamist dominated narratives of Martyrs. This was important as the church national history in which the Islamic con- was struggling to maintain the cohesion of As Van der Vliet explains, in the modern quest is perceived as a civilizing mission its community differentiating itself from period, orientalism and the once ‘imperial’ that liberated the Copts from their perse- Melkite Christians and thus presented science of Egyptology have played an cution and occupation. The Egyptian flag itself as the national Church important role in how Copts have begun is no exception with its black, white and (Papaconstantinou 71-72). In this sense, the to perceive themselves as “sons of the red, three of the four colors that make up nationalism that is enacted in Coptic com- pharaohs”. It was the French Egyptologist, the “Arab flag” (the missing color being memorative protests is rooted in a reli- Champollion, who deciphered the hiero- green)9. These colors are also used by four gious historical discourse rather than a glyphics with the assistance of the Coptic Islamic dynasties – the Umayyads, secular one. script. (Van der Vliet 294). Thus, connect- Abbasids, Fatimids and Ottomans (421- ing the Coptic identity to the Pharaonic 422). The colors are thus rooted in an Arab Revival of an Authentic Identity? legacy is also a modern construct that was and Islamic historical imagination, but the As previously noted, pharaonism was utilized in the Coptic community’s search Egyptian flag was constructed to symbol- incorporated as an element of Coptic to position itself in the modern world. ize territorial meaning by the newfound identity as a way of expressing nativism. Republican order in 1953. While the red While this does not deny that there was The commemorative protests made use of color came to symbolize the revolution, indeed some proximity between some ancient Egyptian symbolism in order to the white color symbolized its peaceful doctrines in both religious creeds, there refer to Christian beliefs, thereby enacting nature and black the corruption of the pre- were times in which the Church saw it per- an important element of Coptic-Pharaonic 1952 regime (435-6).The symbolism of the tinent to separate itself from the ancient identity and calling for internal cohesion current Egyptian flag is thus rooted in the Egyptian traditions, and thus, led the ico­ of the community by maintaining their Islamic narrative. noclasm of the fourth century (Kamil 135).10 identity. However, in that manner, the In this manner, the cross carried with the Thus, pharaonism was constructed as an incompatibilities between both traditions flag, carries with it meanings of coexis- element of Coptic Church’s identity to are consciously ignored.12 In order to tence beyond the apparent tensions. The establish its legitimacy as a national church understand the way the protests were presented aside the flag particularly against the , who designed, the differences and similarities re ­presents a parallel narrative of national- came to be associated with the Romans between the ancient Egyptian myths and ism rooted in a discourse of martyrdom. (Papaconstantinou 72). In this way, the Christian beliefs on death and resurrec- The Coptic Church has resorted to making Coptic- Pharaonic national identity tion are explained.

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Christianity holds that Jesus, who is con- resurrection as a central tenant, yet it is not sidered the sole son of God, has come to the same. In Christianity, resurrection is THEWORLDTOSAVEIT*ESUSCRUCIlCATIONIS collective rather than individual, as it is THUSSEENASASACRIlCEFORTHESALVATIONOF understood in (Madigan THEWORLDFROMITSSINS4HECRUCIlCATION 35). Furthermore, eternal life is considered was followed by Jesus’ resurrection and a gift from God for those who believe in ascension to heaven, thus conquering him and walk his path, yet in ancient Egypt, death. According to Christian beliefs, it could be expected naturally if the body eternal life is a gift to the martyrs and WASPRESERVEDANDIFOTHERSPECIlCCONDI- saints as they have followed the path of tions were met (Jeremiah 24). Furthermore, God (Diel and El Bardohani 13). THEDOCTRINEOFSACRIlCEANDSALVATIONCEN- These beliefs were performed using the tral to Christianity are unparalleled in &IGUREh,ADIESINWHITECARRYINGPICTURESOF artifacts and symbols from ancient ancient Egyptian mythology. MARTYRSWITHHALOSv#OURTESYOF-INA4HABET %GYPT  2011. Egyptian art and mythology. Ancient The commemorative protests analyzed Egyptian mythology is centered on the here depict an ancient Egyptian funeral However, the two repertoires are not her- deity Osiris, son of Geb and Nut (god of procession. In the ancient Egyptian tradi- metic. Far from wailing, the ladies in the earth and goddess of sky), who was killed tion, this was the last step to be taken protest were solemnly carrying face-pic- by his brother Seth. His body was found before the dead person could be resur- tures of the martyrs that were decorated and reconstructed by Isis, his sister and rected in the manner of Osiris. In ancient WITHGOLDENHALOSSEElG /NTHEONE wife, after which the corpse was mummi- Egypt the funeral procession was a grand hand, halos have been traced by scholars lEDANDRESURRECTED4HUS /SIRISBECAME and dramatic event. It also was a site of to the ancient Egyptian solar disk on the the God of the realm of the dead. Horus, mourning and sadness13, and professional head of important deities resulting from the son of Isis and Osiris then defeated mourning women would take part in wail- devout worship of the sun-God (Kamil Seth after which they underwent judg- ing over the dead (Ikram 184).14 The 2011 160-163). On the other hand, halos of light ment by the Gods. (Taylor 25). According commemorative protests presented ladies that are depicted on martyrs and saints to the myth of Osiris, death is followed dressed in white dresses that were similar symbolize that they are partaking in God’s by judgment and resurrection of the to those worn by the wailing ladies in glory (Shenouda 62, 71). In this way, the righteous. The dead should thus follow ancient Egyptian funerals. The collar and funeral depicts a pagan ceremony but the path of Osiris in order to become res- the belt of their white dresses were adapts it for Christian purposes. urrected. adorned in blue, which is the color of sad- However, myths of death and rebirth in ness that was also used to mourn the dead This section of the protest was then fol- ancient Egypt are quite different from in ancient Egypt (Lurker 114). lowed by a ritual artifact that could be Christian teachings. Both traditions have understood as the main thematic object

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FORTHEPROTEST)NTHElRSTPROTESTHELDIN tected from straying into sin and resurrec-  ITWASAWHITECOFlNBOX DECORATED tion made possible (Wiscopts 5). on its side with face-pictures of the mar- tyrs with halos and on its top with the col- Throughout both marches, the main-core ORSOFTHE%GYPTIANmAG#OFlNSWERECON- group was dressed in a distinctive manner sidered to be the master of life in ancient and carried the artifacts described above. Egypt, coming from the term NEBANKH After the display, groups of organized (Ikram 108-109). It protected the deceased activists walked in lines. They were dressed corpse, and thus was considered by with red, white and black t-shirts, the ancient to be vitally important COLORSOFTHE%GYPTIANmAG!LLT SHIRTSCAR- for the afterlife (108).15 This is not the case ried the ankh sign. Priests that took part in in Christianity, which highlights the death &IGURE3UN"ARQUEOFTHE-ARTYRS#OURTESYOF the marches also had a red bleeding ankh of the body yet the survival of the soul. Yet, -OSIREEN#OLLECTIVE#REATIVE#OMMONS %GYPT  sign that was worn around their necks. 2012. THEPICTURESOFTHEMARTYRSONTHECOFlN are reminiscent of portraits, the the Sun God Ra traveling in the darkness The prominence of the ankh sign, in the &AYçM portraits16 which were painted on to reach Osiris. The sun God, the creator place of the cross, is telling. It has usually wooden panels and placed inside the cof- of the universe and the origin of all life, been seen in pictures of temples of Gods lNPORTRAYINGTHEDECEASEDINTHEIRIDEAL popularly known as Ra, would travel every giving the ANKHOFLIFE to kings, thus giving form. 17 As Skalova argues, these portraits night through the underworld where he them power and eternity (Lurker 155), but are a product of Pharaonic, Roman and unites with Osiris, defeats the forces of Coptic Christians have adopted the ankh Greek traditions, and are not purely darkness and allows the sun to rise again as their cross also known as CRUXANSATA 0HARAONIC; yet, they emerged with the thereby bringing a new day to light. Ra is (Atiya 2164). For Christians, it is through banning of the Pharaonic tradition of depicted as traveling in a barque or a boat THECRUCIlCATIONOF#HRISTANDTHEDOCTRINE mummification under Emperor (Taylor 28-9).18 OFSACRIlCETHATSALVATIONANDETERNALLIFE Theodosius (347-395 AD) (48). are attained (Hanna 34). The ankh was The barque or boat, as an ancient Egyptian used, albeit in a covert manner, in the pro- In the second protest held in 2012, a sun- symbol, was adopted by the Copts in their test as a cross. However, as previously boat that held the names of all the protest. In Coptic symbolism, the boat rep- STATED THEDOCTRINEOFSACRIlCEANDSALVA- Maspero martyrs was the central artifact resents the church as the vessel that saves tion has no place in the ancient Egyptian SEElG 4HESOLARBOAT INDISTINCTIVE the soul from drowning and doom. It is mythology. golden color, resembled the myth of the thus through the church, through its teach- resurrection of the sun on a daily basis, ings and guidance, that believers are pro- )N ADDITION  WREATHS AND mOWERS WERE which is embodied through the image of used in both the 2011 and 2012 protests. In

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ancient Egypt, wreaths of flowers were a thetical to the themes of nativism and Pharaonic symbolism was used to portray symbol for denoting the innocence of the Egyptian authenticity, which the performa- a Coptic nativism and highlight the supe- dead after judgment had taken place and tive protests seek to display. riority of the Coptic identity. By attempting thus the vindication in the afterlife (Lurker When arriving at , which was to merge Christian beliefs with ancient 146). This is believed to originate from the the destination of the first protest, the Egyptian mythology, the Coptic commu- amulet granted to Osiris from God Atum, music of the The Conquest of Paradise nity might have been seeking to oversee which was believed to assist him against stopped, possibly referring to Tahrir (lib- the contradictions and the incompatibili- his enemies (Lurker 54-5). Flowers are also eration) as the yearned for paradise. In ties between these two traditions. related to the beginning of life in ancient Tahrir, the protest music took on a differ- Another issue is the centrality of persecu- Egyptian mythology, they thus played an ent tone starting with the current Egyptian tion and martyrdom within Coptic identity, important role in death ceremonies and national anthem, first in then in and invisibility becomes a normalized rituals and denoted continued life (Lurker Coptic language. As the anthem was both method of ensuring coexistence and for 146). Furthermore, wreaths of flowers were sung in Arabic and Coptic, it was made to maintaining community cohesion. This is believed to have divine powers and its represent the equality of both identities in obvious in the way the Christian symbols scent was sacred (Lurker 146). While flow- the public space, but it also reveals their were consciously suppressed and its ers are not believed to have particular difference by highlighting their distancing beliefs were enacted through Pharaonic powers in Christianity, wreaths were car- from the Arab identity. In this sense, the symbols. Paradoxically, while the protest ried by activists and placed around the protest ends by claiming Coptic citizen- was a means of rejecting forms of discrim- pictures of the martyrs and on the coffin. It ship and equality is paradise. ination and inequality through performing was possibly an attempt to declare the a Coptic identity in public, it also normal- innocence of the protesters and their con- Continued Persecution or Equal ized martyrdom as an identity construct. tinued life as martyrs. Citizenship? As Ramzy notes, the visibility of the Copts The Coptic commemorative protests in was made though the theme of death, or The prominence of the music 1492: The 2011 and 2012 attempted to perform a the state of ultimate negation (Ramzy 664). Conquest of Paradise by the Greek com- Pharaonic identity, the larger aim of which While Butler holds that the performative poser Evangelos Odysseas Papathanassiou was to occupy the public space with a appearance in the public space is a way of known as Vangelis throughout both cere- national identity discourse, one that was resisting precarity, she asserts that this monies was also significant (DNE 1). different from the widespread Islamic precarity is not a separate isolated identity, However, it is important to note that this dominated discourse. Even the Egyptian and she rejects identity politics as a basis piece of music referred to the 1492 epic national- unity discourse, rooted in Islamic for political coexisting (Butler 27, 58). This that portrayed Columbus’ discovery of the and Arab imagery was thus paralleled with brings a new meaning to performativity new world (Ramzy 663). The colonialist a Coptic-nationalist discourse. This paper beyond that developed by Butler, and it underpinning of the music is indeed anti- has presented the manner in which allows us to speak of the reinforcement of

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Yosra A. El Gendi collective sub-national identities through performative protests, thereby, asserting Yosra A. El Gendi is a researcher on those identities, in a contentious manner, minority issues. She used to work as into the public space. a research officer in the American University in Cairo in the Media, Conflict and Democratization Project Notes 3 Muslim neighbors had 6 Maspero Youth Union 2012, https://www.youtube. 11 As Kamil argues, the native working on researching the impact of attacked the Church, stating activist interviewed by author, com/watch?v=upSBsfT5oLc. churches could be easily democratization on inter-ethnic and 1 The research on which this that they did not want it 19 August 2015 Access on 29 September differentiated from the inter-religious conflicts. She was also paper is based is funded by in their village. The local 2016. Melkite churches due to the governor’s response was far 7 Al-Katība al-Tībīya. “Masirat a researcher in Arab- West Report of the project “Media, Conflict For additional material on former’s style that is rooted in and Democratisation” from pacifying, denying the the construction of identities al-Zikra al-Ula lshuhada the pharaonic tradition (Kamil the Centre of Intercultural Dialogue (Principal Investigator: Prof. existence of the Church in see: Maspiro”.YouTube, 11 Oct. 201). and Translation. She earned an MA in Katrin Voltmer, University of the first place (EIPR 1). Al-Katība al-Tībīya. “Ihtifaliyit 2012, https://www.youtube. Comparative Politics from the American Leeds, UK). The project has Ta’bin Shuhada Maspiro com/watch?v=cE1NNjpaWEc. 12 Perhaps this is why some received funding from the 4 Yet, SCAF (the Supreme Kamila”. YouTube, 13 Nov. Access on 29 September Coptic writers on ancient University in Cairo (2013), an MSc European Union’s Seventh Council of the Armed 2011, https://www.youtube. 2016. Egypt prefer to consider in Development Studies from Lund Framework Programme Forces), which led Egypt in com/watch?v=Fou6tRN6ZfA. them monotheistic (cf. University (2011). Her research interests for research, technological the aftermath of Mubarak’s Access on 29 September 8 For visual representation Seleem 11) include Christian-Muslim relations in development and deposal, denied that 2016. of the revolution in 1919 demonstration under grant the military police had Bora S. Kamel (2011). “al- see “1919 Revolution.” 13 For an iconological the Arab World, interfaith dialogue and agreement no. 613370. committed any of these march al-gana’izi: Masirat Civic Egypt, http://www. comparison of funeral conflict resolution. attacks. ta’bin shuhada maspiro” civicegypt.org/wp-content/ processions see “Great jpg. funeral procession of a.19-ةروث/email: [email protected] 2 The author would like to YouTube, 11 Nov. 2011, uploads/2017/03 thank Dr. Gamal Soltan and 5 These protests were https://www.youtube.com/ Access on 25 April 2017. royal scribe at Thebes”. Dr. Marco Pinfari for their primarily organized by watch?v=Bhdwiz3hNB0. New York Public Library comments and discussions the Maspero Youth Union, Access on 29 September 9 The “,” Digital Collection, https:// that contributed to this paper. the largest of the Coptic 2016. Wikimedia Commons, digitalcollections.nypl.org/ The author would also like movements at the time as Bora S. Kamel (2011). https://upload.wikimedia. items/510d47e2-6fd3-a3d9- to thank the two anonymous well as the activists affiliated “bid’ al-taharuk: Masirat org/wikipedia/commons/ e040-e00a18064a99. Access reviewers for their comments. with the Theban Legion ta’bin shuhada maspiro.” thumb/f/fe/Flag_of_Egypt. on 25. April 2017. Magazine (al-Katība al-Tībīya) YouTube, 11 Nov. 2011, svg/255px-Flag_of_Egypt. which was a newsletter https://www.youtube.com/ svg.png. Access on 25 April ––› published by the Church watch?v=e9F4JdEi2vY. 2017. of St. Mary in Ezbet al-Nakl, Access on 29 September Cairo. Its writers and activists 2016. 10 The author is thankful were involved in the planning The Mosireen Collective. for Dr. Marco Pinfari for of the protest. “Anniversary of the Maspero explaining this part. Massacre.” YouTube, 11 Oct.

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The research on which this paper is based is funded by the PROJECTh-EDIA #ONmICTAND$EMOCRATISATIONv0RINCIPAL Investigator: Katrin Voltmer, University of Leeds, UK). The project has received funding from the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme for research, technological development and demonstration under grant agreement no. 613370.

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Middle East – Topics & Arguments #08–2017