PROCEEDINGS 6 Th UBT ANNUAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE
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Il Dibattito Intellettuale E Politico in Albania Tra Le Due Guerre Mondiali
Università Ca' Foscari Venezia Dottorato di ricerca in Storia sociale europea dal Medioevo all'età contemporanea Ciclo: XXIV Anno di discussione: 2013 Il dibattito intellettuale e politico in Albania tra le due guerre mondiali Mehdi Frashëri tra "i vecchi" e "i giovani" Settore scientifico disciplinare di afferenza: M-STO/04 Tesi di Dottorato di Redi Halimi, matricola 955643 Coordinatore del Dottorato Tutore del Dottorando Prof. Mario Infelise Prof. Alberto Masoero 1 2 Indice Introduzione p. 5 Tavola delle abbreviazioni 21 Capitolo 1 Mehdi Frashëri e l'Albania 1870-1939 23 1.1 La fine dell'impero 23 1.2 Riforme, conflitti, rivoluzioni 30 1.3 Evoluzione economica e trasformazioni sociali 32 1.4 Dall'indipendenza alla fine della Grande Guerra 38 1.5 La lotta per il potere e la dittatura di Zog 44 Capitolo 2 Stampa, società e correnti culturali 51 2.1 La stampa albanese tra le due guerre mondiali 54 2.2 Un quotidiano filo-italiano a Tirana? 60 2.3 La stampa e le appartenenze sociali 71 2.4 Correnti culturali e politiche 75 2.5 Circolazioni di uomini e di idee 85 Capitolo 3 La questione economica: Banca d'Albania e riforma agraria 91 3.1 Il rapporto Calmés 94 3.2 La Banca Nazionale 100 3.2 La riforma agraria 104 3.3 Il ruolo di Mehdi Frashëri 114 3.4 Il dibattito sulla riforma agraria 119 3.5 Il pensiero di Frashëri sulle cause dell'arretratezza 125 3 Capitolo 4 Religione e Istruzione: riforme, resistenze e discussioni 131 4.1 Le comunità religiose tra le due guerre mondiali 134 4.1.1 I musulmani 135 4.1.2 Gli ortodossi 137 4.1.3 I cattolici 140 -
New Media in Kosovo – the Ublimins Al Megaphone of Deliberate Political Messages Gjylije Rexha University for Business and Technology, [email protected]
University of Business and Technology in Kosovo UBT Knowledge Center UBT International Conference 2017 UBT International Conference Oct 28th, 2:00 PM - 3:30 PM New Media in Kosovo – The ubliminS al Megaphone of Deliberate Political Messages Gjylije Rexha University for Business and Technology, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://knowledgecenter.ubt-uni.net/conference Part of the Journalism Studies Commons Recommended Citation Rexha, Gjylije, "New Media in Kosovo – The ubS liminal Megaphone of Deliberate Political Messages" (2017). UBT International Conference. 200. https://knowledgecenter.ubt-uni.net/conference/2017/all-events/200 This Event is brought to you for free and open access by the Publication and Journals at UBT Knowledge Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in UBT International Conference by an authorized administrator of UBT Knowledge Center. For more information, please contact [email protected]. New Media in Kosovo – The Subliminal Megaphone of Deliberate Political Messages Gjylie Rexha UBT – Higher Education Institution, Lagjja Kalabria, 10000 p.n., Pristine, Kosovo [email protected] Abstract. The new media are the newest platform serving the creation of a pseudo-environment that is desirable by the political factors in Kosovo. This paper elaborates the impact on the quality of political news of such reporting model that substitutes the principles of impartiality, objectivity, accuracy etc., with the ready-made news by the political actors. As the content analyses and semi- structured interviews with journalists indicates, the traditional principles of journalism in covering politics have been reduced to transmitting in full the political statements, thus straying from the quest for the truth and from reporting on the political realities. -
Institutional Political Developments from the Assembly of Durres to the Congress of Lushnja
E-ISSN 2281-4612 Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies Vol 5 No 2 ISSN 2281-3993 MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy July 2016 Institutional Political Developments from the Assembly of Durres to the Congress of Lushnja Eldi Sherifi PhD candidate, Faculty of Law, University of Tirana Doi:10.5901/ajis.2016.v5n2p187 Abstract There are several historical studies on the Congress of Durrës and Congress of Lushnja, but in my opinion further studies should be conducted on the history of political institutions and their political organizing operators as well as their inhibitors. On July 29, 1913 the Great powers declared Albania a Hereditary and Sovereign Autonomous Principality. At the Peace Conference in 1919, Clemenceau and Lloyd defended the thesis of "inability of Albanians to Self Government" and offered the solution of sharing the governance responsibility between Yugoslavia and Italy to implement the Secret Treaty of London on 26 April 1915. The Congress of Durres was held after the conclusion of the First World War. It was led by Mehmet Konica and Myfit Libohova. Delegates elected the interim government and the delegation for representing Albania at the Peace Conference in Paris. The Congress of Lushnja came as an illuminating meteor in the dark and hopeless institutional environment. Its development destroyed the anti-Albanian political intrigues. After they toppled the government of Durres by voting against it, the congress delegates established all the powers of the state, according to the principles of Montesquieu. Through several transparent procedures they established "National Council", "Supreme Council" and the Cabinet. The evidence and acts sources of law served as the legal basis. -
International Journal of Arts and Humanities
International Journal of Arts and Humanities ISSN: 2581-3102 Volume:05,Issue:01 “February2021” ALBANIAN OFFICIAL REPRESENTATION AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE 1919 (POLITICAL AND MEDIA REACTION) Rudina MITA Prof. Assoc. Dr. at the Faculty of Humanities, "Aleksander Xhuvani" University, Elbasan, Republic of Albania https://doi.org/10.46609/IJAH.2021.v05i01.002 ABSTRACT Some events in Albanian historiography have been interpreted in different ways in different periods. Before the 90s of the XX century, in Albania there was the same political force, which had won World War II. This governing force had as a vital principle the expression "We won the war, we write history". History was not compromised in scientific chronological accuracy but in its interpretive mode. Events that contradicted communist ideology were either left in oblivion or distorted in interpretation. One of these events was the participation of the official Albanian Representation in the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. The purpose of this paper is to shed some light on this important historical event for Albania and Albanians. The paper itself aims to present the circumstances in which the official Albanian representation was elected, the participation in this conference, its position, the lobbying carried out in the interest of Albania and the Albanians, and the influence of the pro - Italian wing in it. The article is based on historiographical, memorial and media sources. The methodology used is that based on scientific research and research, as well as comparative methods in the interpretive confrontation of this event within the boundaries of the two Albanian historiographical periods before the "90 and after" 90 of the XX century. -
Ligjvënësit Shqipëtarë Në Vite
LIGJVËNËSIT SHQIPTARË NË VITE Viti 1920 Këshilli Kombëtar i Lushnjës (Senati) Një dhomë, 37 deputetë 27 mars 1920–20 dhjetor 1920 Zgjedhjet u mbajtën më 31 janar 1920. Xhemal NAIPI Kryetar i Këshillit Kombëtar (1920) Dhimitër KACIMBRA Kryetar i Këshillit Kombëtar (1920) Lista emërore e senatorëve 1. Abdurrahman Mati 22. Myqerem HAMZARAJ 2. Adem GJINISHI 23. Mytesim KËLLIÇI 3. Adem PEQINI 24. Neki RULI 4. Ahmet RESULI 25. Osman LITA 5. Bajram bej CURRI 26. Qani DISHNICA 6. Bektash CAKRANI 27. Qazim DURMISHI 7. Beqir bej RUSI 28. Qazim KOCULI 8. Dine bej DIBRA 29. Ramiz DACI 9. Dine DEMA 30. Rexhep MITROVICA 10. Dino bej MASHLARA 31. Sabri bej HAFIZ 11. Dhimitër KACIMBRA 32. Sadullah bej TEPELENA 12. Fazlli FRASHËRI 33. Sejfi VLLAMASI 13. Gjergj KOLECI 34. Spiro Jorgo KOLEKA 14. Halim bej ÇELA 35. Spiro PAPA 15. Hilë MOSI 36. Shefqet VËRLACI 16. Hysein VRIONI 37. Thanas ÇIKOZI 17. Irfan bej OHRI 38. Veli bej KRUJA 18. Kiço KOÇI 39. Visarion XHUVANI 19. Kolë THAÇI 40. Xhemal NAIPI 20. Kostaq (Koço) KOTA 41. Xhemal SHKODRA 21. Llambi GOXHAMANI 42. Ymer bej SHIJAKU Viti 1921 Këshilli Kombëtar/Parlamenti Një dhomë, 78 deputetë 21 prill 1921–30 shtator 1923 Zgjedhjet u mbajtën më 5 prill 1921. Pandeli EVANGJELI Kryetar i Këshillit Kombëtar (1921) Eshref FRASHËRI Kryetar i Këshillit Kombëtar (1922–1923) 1 Lista emërore e deputetëve të Këshillit Kombëtar (Lista pasqyron edhe ndryshimet e bëra gjatë legjislaturës.) 1. Abdyl SULA 49. Mehdi FRASHËRI 2. Agathokli GJITONI 50. Mehmet PENGILI 3. Ahmet HASTOPALLI 51. Mehmet PILKU 4. Ahmet RESULI 52. Mithat FRASHËRI 5. -
Destruction and Preservation of Cultural Heritage in Former Yugoslavia, Part II
Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe Volume 29 Issue 1 Article 1 2-2009 Erasing the Past: Destruction and Preservation of Cultural Heritage in Former Yugoslavia, Part II Igor Ordev Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree Part of the Christianity Commons, and the Slavic Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation Ordev, Igor (2009) "Erasing the Past: Destruction and Preservation of Cultural Heritage in Former Yugoslavia, Part II," Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe: Vol. 29 : Iss. 1 , Article 1. Available at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree/vol29/iss1/1 This Article, Exploration, or Report is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ George Fox University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ George Fox University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ERASING THE PAST: DESTRUCTION AND PRESERVATION OF CULTURAL HERITAGE IN FORMER YUGOSLAVIA Part II (Continuation from the Previous Issue) By Igor Ordev Igor Ordev received the MA in Southeast European Studies from the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece. Previously he worked on projects like the World Conference on Dialogue Among Religions and Civilizations held in Ohrid in 2007. He lives in Skopje, Republic of Macedonia. III. THE CASE OF KOSOVO AND METOHIA Just as everyone could sense that the end of the horrifying conflict of the early 1990s was coming to an end, another one was heating up in the Yugoslav kitchen. Kosovo is located in the southern part of former Yugoslavia, in an area that had been characterized by hostility and hatred practically ‘since the beginning of time.’ The reason for such mixed negative feelings came due to the confusion about who should have the final say in the governing of the Kosovo principality. -
The Kosovo Report
THE KOSOVO REPORT CONFLICT v INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE v LESSONS LEARNED v THE INDEPENDENT INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION ON KOSOVO 1 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford ox2 6dp Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford Executive Summary • 1 It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, Address by former President Nelson Mandela • 14 and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Map of Kosovo • 18 Athens Auckland Bangkok Bogotá Buenos Aires Calcutta Introduction • 19 Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Florence Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi Paris São Paulo Singapore Taipei Tokyo Toronto Warsaw PART I: WHAT HAPPENED? with associated companies in Berlin Ibadan Preface • 29 Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the uk and in certain other countries 1. The Origins of the Kosovo Crisis • 33 Published in the United States 2. Internal Armed Conflict: February 1998–March 1999 •67 by Oxford University Press Inc., New York 3. International War Supervenes: March 1999–June 1999 • 85 © Oxford University Press 2000 4. Kosovo under United Nations Rule • 99 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) PART II: ANALYSIS First published 2000 5. The Diplomatic Dimension • 131 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, 6. International Law and Humanitarian Intervention • 163 without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, 7. Humanitarian Organizations and the Role of Media • 201 or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organisation. -
1 LIGJVËNËSIT SHQIPTARË NË VITE Viti 1920 Këshilli Kombëtar I
LIGJVËNËSIT SHQIPTARË NË VITE Viti 1920 Këshilli Kombëtar i Lushnjës (Senati) Një dhomë, 37 deputetë 27 mars 1920–20 dhjetor 1920 Zgjedhjet u mbajtën më 31 janar 1920. Xhemal NAIPI Kryetar i Këshillit Kombëtar (1920) Dhimitër KACIMBRA Kryetar i Këshillit Kombëtar (1920) Lista emërore e senatorëve 1. Abdurrahman Mati 22. Myqerem HAMZARAJ 2. Adem GJINISHI 23. Mytesim KËLLIÇI 3. Adem PEQINI 24. Neki RULI 4. Ahmet RESULI 25. Osman LITA 5. Bajram bej CURRI 26. Qani DISHNICA 6. Bektash CAKRANI 27. Qazim DURMISHI 7. Beqir bej RUSI 28. Qazim KOCULI 8. Dine bej DIBRA 29. Ramiz DACI 9. Dine DEMA 30. Rexhep MITROVICA 10. Dino bej MASHLARA 31. Sabri bej HAFIZ 11. Dhimitër KACIMBRA 32. Sadullah bej TEPELENA 12. Fazlli FRASHËRI 33. Sejfi VLLAMASI 13. Gjergj KOLECI 34. Spiro Jorgo KOLEKA 14. Halim bej ÇELA 35. Spiro PAPA 15. Hilë MOSI 36. Shefqet VËRLACI 16. Hysein VRIONI 37. Thanas ÇIKOZI 17. Irfan bej OHRI 38. Veli bej KRUJA 18. Kiço KOÇI 39. Visarion XHUVANI 19. Kolë THAÇI 40. Xhemal NAIPI 20. Kostaq (Koço) KOTA 41. Xhemal SHKODRA 21. Llambi GOXHAMANI 42. Ymer bej SHIJAKU Viti 1921 Këshilli Kombëtar/Parlamenti Një dhomë, 78 deputetë 21 prill 1921–30 shtator 1923 Zgjedhjet u mbajtën më 5 prill 1921. Pandeli EVANGJELI Kryetar i Këshillit Kombëtar (1921) Eshref FRASHËRI Kryetar i Këshillit Kombëtar (1922–1923) 1 Lista emërore e deputetëve të Këshillit Kombëtar (Lista pasqyron edhe ndryshimet e bëra gjatë legjislaturës.) 1. Abdyl SULA 49. Mehdi FRASHËRI 2. Agathokli GJITONI 50. Mehmet PENGILI 3. Ahmet HASTOPALLI 51. Mehmet PILKU 4. Ahmet RESULI 52. Mithat FRASHËRI 5. -
The Kosovo* Conflict
UNEP The UNCHS UNEP UNCHS The Joint UNEP/UNCHS (Habitat) Balkans Task Force was OCTOBER 1999 established in early May 1999 when the Kosovo conflict was Kosovo still ongoing. In addition to the unfolding humanitarian crisis there was growing concern about the environmental and human settlement consequences of the conflict. Conflict The Kosovo Conflict Ð Consequences for the Environment & Human Settlements Force UNEP/UNCHS (Habitat) Balkans Task To address these issues, the Balkans Task Force mobilised an international and independent scientific team to work within Kosovo and at targeted industrial sites in Serbia. Similar teams visited pollution sources along the Danube River, as well as Consequences targets within National Parks and other protected areas. This report presents the findings of the Balkans Task Force. Immediate action is recommended at the Ôhot spotsÕ of environmental concern found in four cities. Conscious of the need for urgent action, the United Nations Environment Programme and the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements have acted to make the facts available as rapidly as possible. The result is a major contribution to for the Environment environmental assessment of modern warfare. UNEP/UNCHS (Habitat) Balkans Task Force UNEP UNCHS & Human Settlements First published in Switzerland in 1999 by the United Nations Environment Programme and the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (Habitat) Copyright © 1999,United Nations Environment Programme and United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (Habitat) ISBN 92-807-1801-1 This publication may be reproduced in whole or in part and in any form for educational or non-profit purposes without special permission from the copyright holder, provided acknowledgement of the source is made.UNEP and UNCHS (Habitat) would appreciate receiving a copy of any publication that uses this publication as a source. -
Polemika Shqip
POLEMIKA SHQIP Flori Bruqi POLEMIKA SHQIP RA1 Flori Bruqi Biblioteka FENIKSI Redaktor NEHAT S.HOXHA Recensent NAIM KELMENDI Ballina dhe thyrja teknike ÇAJUP KAJTAZI RA RUGOVA ART Prishtinë 2009 2 POLEMIKA SHQIP Flori Bruqi POLEMIKA SHQIP 3 Flori Bruqi 4 POLEMIKA SHQIP Fjala e recensentit Reagime dhe polemika që sfidojnë të pavërtetat serbe të kohës?!... Naim Kelmendi,shkrimtar-Prishtinë Në librin “Polemika shqip”, shkrimtari Flori Bruqi, spikat me sensin për të polemizuar,në të shumtën për të reaguar në shumë çështje, që për temë kishin atë,çështjen e të vërtetës historike shqiptare,por të shkruara dhe të thëna në kohë dhe hapësirë të caktuar nga emra akademikësh serbë dhe shkruesish serbë. Polemisti Flori Bruqi, në blogun e tij virtual:”Foart Press”, “Politika” etj. Polemizon dhe reagon shpejtë kundrejtë të pavërtetave të thëna nga akëcilët akademikë serbë, që me “të vërtetën” e tyre publike, ushqenin opinionin ven- dor e ndërkombëtar për akëcilën çështje a problematikë kundër çështjes shqiptare, qoftë politike,historike, etnike etj.Flori Bruqi polemizon intelek- tualisht dhe me kundërargumente kundrejtë shpifjes publike serbe,më mirë të thuhet, kundër rrenës serbe,që sipas thënies së njohur të Dobrica Qosiçit etj, është moral serb,për ta mendësuar opinionin me pseudoinformim, me pseudoshkencë,me pseoudoplitikë etj,por që këtyre, polemisti Flori ua heq maskën me kundërargumente.Pra, në këtë libër, që përmbledhë,në të shumtën polemikat e kohës së pasluftës për shumë çështje,sa të ndieshme, siç është e vërteta mbi masakrën e Reçakut, aty -
Dissertation-Full Final Rackham Edit
STATE, LAW, AND REVOLUTION: AGRARIAN POWER AND THE NATIONAL STATE IN ALBANIA, 1850-1945 by Besnik Pula A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology) in the University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor George P. Steinmetz, Chair Professor Howard A. Kimeldorf Professor Margaret R. Somers Professor Ronald Grigor Suny Professor Michael D. Kennedy, Brown University © Besnik Pula 2011 DEDICATION To my wife, Shpresa. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS As I ponder all the individuals that have had a role in making this dissertation see the light of day, I realize how difficult it is to properly recount the numerous ways and uncountable acts, large and small, with which others have shaped, supported, and directly or indirectly helped me arrive at this finished product. I was extremely fortunate to have had a group of exceptional historical social scientists as members of my committee, whose support carried me from my early days as a graduate student at Michigan through the years of research and writing of this dissertation. All these individuals have made tremendous efforts in giving me the best training a rookie graduate student in sociology can get. I can only hope to live up to the high standards they have set. My principal advisor, George Steinmetz, has played an enormous intellectual and mentoring role not only during the research and writing of this dissertation, but during my entire graduate career. George was patient enough to stick with me as I scrapped my original dissertation topic to end up working on the one here. -
Judicial System and Independence of the Judiciary
Macedonia1 IHF FOCUS: freedom of expression and the media; judicial system and independence of the judiciary; fair trial and detainees’ rights; torture ill-treatment and police misconduct; freedom of religion; national and ethnic minorities; returnees and displaced persons. The political and human rights climate in the Republic of Macedonia was determined in 2003 by the implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement2 and by the changes stemming from that agreement. Pursuant to it, the constitution and a series of laws and bylaws were amended, institutional and structural changes were also made. The process of personnel changes in the state, police and army administrations also began in accordance with the changes made to the Constitution and to legislation calling for equitable representation of non-majority communities. Unfortunately, the personnel changes were made in a non-transparent manner, under time pressure, often without previous analysis or appropriate strategy, and without active participation of citizens. And, in light of the fact that these changes were made predominantly based on political party affiliation at all levels, the citizens did not view the changes as related to the implementation of the Ohrid Agreement, but instead as a direct intervention by the ruling political parties in all segments of society. Hence, the changes were seen by the majority Macedonian community as excessive, inappropriate and unlawful, and by the Albanian community as insufficient in terms of utilization of all available human resources. The authorities in power used the Ohrid Agreement as an excuse not to apply and indeed to violate laws regarding criteria for employment in the administration, changes to the State Judicial Council and appointment of Constitutional Court judges.