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Citizen Orientations Toward Democracy Across These Same Nations
CSD Center for the Study of Democracy An Organized Research Unit University of California, Irvine www.democ.uci.edu Democratic Aspirations and Democratic Ideals 1 Russell J. Dalton Center for the Study of Democracy University of California, Irvine Doh Chull Shin Department of Political Science University of Missouri February 2004 1 Paper presented for presentation at the conference on "Citizens, Democracy and Markets around the Pacific Rim," East West Center, Honolulu, March 2004. Portions of this chapter are drawn from a paper presented at the Hawaii International Conference on the Social Sciences, Honolulu, Hawaii, June 11-15, 2002. Our thanks to Ronald Inglehart and Hans-Dieter Klingemann for supporting our participation in the 2000-02 World Values Survey; Pham Minh Hac and Pham Thanh Nghi for collaborating on the Vietnamese WVS; and Nhu-Ngoc Ong, Dorothy Solinger, and William Zimmerman for their advice on this research. We also gratefully acknowledge the research support of the POSCO Fellowship Program at the East-West Center in Hawaii, and especially Dr. Choong Nam Kim. Democratic Aspirations and Democratic Ideals Democratization has transformed the world in the last half of the 20th century. Where once democracy seemed like a small island in a sea of authoritarian states, with an uncertain future, it now is proclaimed as the inevitable endpoint of human political evolution (Fukuyama 1992). Data from the Freedom House illustrate this development. In 1950, only 14.3% of the countries (and colonial units) in the world were democracies, which included 31% of the world’s population. In 1990, the Freedom House considered 46.1% of the nations in the world as democracies. -
Law, Liberty and the Rule of Law (In a Constitutional Democracy)
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2013 Law, Liberty and the Rule of Law (in a Constitutional Democracy) Imer Flores Georgetown Law Center, [email protected] Georgetown Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper No. 12-161 This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1115 http://ssrn.com/abstract=2156455 Imer Flores, Law, Liberty and the Rule of Law (in a Constitutional Democracy), in LAW, LIBERTY, AND THE RULE OF LAW 77-101 (Imer B. Flores & Kenneth E. Himma eds., Springer Netherlands 2013) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Jurisprudence Commons, Legislation Commons, and the Rule of Law Commons Chapter6 Law, Liberty and the Rule of Law (in a Constitutional Democracy) lmer B. Flores Tse-Kung asked, saying "Is there one word which may serve as a rule of practice for all one's life?" K'ung1u-tzu said: "Is not reciprocity (i.e. 'shu') such a word? What you do not want done to yourself, do not ckJ to others." Confucius (2002, XV, 23, 225-226). 6.1 Introduction Taking the "rule of law" seriously implies readdressing and reassessing the claims that relate it to law and liberty, in general, and to a constitutional democracy, in particular. My argument is five-fold and has an addendum which intends to bridge the gap between Eastern and Western civilizations, -
Direct and Economic Democracy in Ancient Athens and Its Significance Today
SOCIETY & NATURE, Vol. 1, No. 1 (1992) Direct and Economic Democracy in Ancient Athens and its Significance Today TAKIS FOTOPOULOS Abstract This article examines the intrinsic relationship between direct and economic democracy as it was exemplified in the case of classical Athens. The aim is to show that the final failure of the Athenian democracy was not due, as is usually asserted, to the innate weaknesses of direct democracy but, firstly, due to the fact that it always remained partial, embracing only part of its population, and, second, that it was never completed by a corresponding economic democracy. This fact implies that any attempt today at establishing direct democracy, which is not complemented by economic democracy, is condemned to failure. During the Athenian celebrations for the 2,500th anniversary of Cleisthenes' reforms (where there appeared a ridiculous show of the elite who celebrated, by themselves, the most anti- elitist form of democracy that has ever existed!), as well as in the wider `discussion' that followed on the significance of direct democracy, no reference was made to the relationship between direct and economic democracy. As I will try to show, however, the development of the Athenian democracy amongst its citizens (that is with the slaves and women excluded) kept pace with a determined effort to diminish the socio-economic differences between the citizens. Also, the decline itself of the Athenian democracy was, in my view, directly connected with its failure to become universal, and with the contradiction created by the fact that the political equality which the Athenian democracy had established for its citizens was, in the last instance, founded on economic inequality. -
Rethinking Athenian Democracy.Pdf
Rethinking Athenian Democracy A dissertation presented by Daniela Louise Cammack to The Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Political Science Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts January 2013 © 2013 Daniela Cammack All rights reserved. Professor Richard Tuck Daniela Cammack Abstract Conventional accounts of classical Athenian democracy represent the assembly as the primary democratic institution in the Athenian political system. This looks reasonable in the light of modern democracy, which has typically developed through the democratization of legislative assemblies. Yet it conflicts with the evidence at our disposal. Our ancient sources suggest that the most significant and distinctively democratic institution in Athens was the courts, where decisions were made by large panels of randomly selected ordinary citizens with no possibility of appeal. This dissertation reinterprets Athenian democracy as “dikastic democracy” (from the Greek dikastēs, “judge”), defined as a mode of government in which ordinary citizens rule principally through their control of the administration of justice. It begins by casting doubt on two major planks in the modern interpretation of Athenian democracy: first, that it rested on a conception of the “wisdom of the multitude” akin to that advanced by epistemic democrats today, and second that it was “deliberative,” meaning that mass discussion of political matters played a defining role. The first plank rests largely on an argument made by Aristotle in support of mass political participation, which I show has been comprehensively misunderstood. The second rests on the interpretation of the verb “bouleuomai” as indicating speech, but I suggest that it meant internal reflection in both the courts and the assembly. -
Weak Rule of Law As the Primary Cause of Lower-Quality Latin American Democracies
ABSTRACT Weak Rule of Law as the Primary Cause of Lower-Quality Latin American Democracies Dacie A. Bradley Director: Victor Hinojosa, Ph.D. Drawing on a deep tradition of rule of law literature, spanning from Aristotle to O’Donnell, this thesis argues that the main problem in modern Latin America is a weak rule of law evidenced by ineffective judicial systems unable to sustain vertical and horizontal accountability. A broad analysis of the necessary characteristics and conditions for democratic rule of law leads to mid-range theory on the application of these characteristics in combination with the unique challenges facing modern day Latin America. A case study of Peru examining crime rates and court systems supports gives evidence to the paramount importance of rule of law and its lack thereof within the state and the region as a whole. This lack of strong rule of law gives rise to a host of other current issues and undermines democratic institutions lowering the quality of democracy. APPROVED BY DIRECTOR OF HONORS THESIS: ______________________________________________________ Dr. Victor Hinojosa, Thesis Director, Department of Political Science APPROVED BY THE HONORS PROGRAM: __________________________________________________________________ Dr. Elizabeth Corey, Director DATE: _____________ WEAK RULE OF LAW AS THE PRIMARY CAUSE OF LOWER-QUALITY, LATIN AMERICAN DEMOCRACIES A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Baylor University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Honors Program By Dacie A. Bradley Waco, Texas August 2020 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter One: Rule of Law Tradition……………………………………………………...1 Chapter Two: Democratic Rule of Law in Modern Latin America……………………...23 Chapter Three: Crime and the Court Systems of Peru: A Case Study…………………..46 Chapter Four: Concluding Remarks on the Strength of Peruvian Rule of Law…………68 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………..76 ii CHAPTER ONE: Rule of Law Tradition Latin America has been undergoing a process of democratization for the past thirty years resulting in a plethora of very different outcomes. -
Philosophy & Social Criticism
Philosophy & Social Criticism http://psc.sagepub.com/ Apathy: the democratic disease Jeffrey E. Green Philosophy Social Criticism 2004 30: 745 DOI: 10.1177/0191453704045763 The online version of this article can be found at: http://psc.sagepub.com/content/30/5-6/745 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com Additional services and information for Philosophy & Social Criticism can be found at: Email Alerts: http://psc.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://psc.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav >> Version of Record - Dec 6, 2004 What is This? Downloaded from psc.sagepub.com at UNIV OF PENNSYLVANIA on May 6, 2013 12 045763 (to/d) 2/9/04 11:38 am Page 745 Jeffrey E. Green Apathy: the democratic disease Abstract This essay turns to ancient sources in order to rethink the relation- ship between political apathy and democracy. If modern democratic theorists place political apathy entirely outside of democracy – either as a destructive limit upon the full realization of a democratic polity, or, more sanguinely, as a pragmatic necessity which tempers democracy so that it may function in a workable yet watered-down form – the ancients conceived of political apathy as a peculiarly democratic phenomenon that was likely to flourish in tandem with the expansion of egalitarian institutional structures and moral ideas. Evidence for the ancient recognition of political apathy as a uniquely demo- cratic kind of affliction centers on, but is not limited to, three main sources. In literature, the Homeric epic, and specifically the story of Achilles, present apathy for politics and commitment to human equality as synonymous forces. -
Hegel's Philosopy of Right
Democracy Out of Joint? The Financial Crisis in Light of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right Karin de Boer I. Introduction The financial crisis that currently besets Europe not only disturbs the life of many citizens, but also affects our economic, political and philosophical theories. Clearly, many of the contributing causes, such as the wide availability of cheap credit after the introduction of the euro, are contingent. Analyses that aim to move beyond such contingent factors tend to highlight the disruptive effects of the neoliberal conception of the market that has become increasingly dominant over the last few decades. Yet while the financial sector has received most of the blame, and rightly so, few commentators seem willing to take into account the role played by representative democracy in its current form.1 Even if it is granted that actual democratic policies fall short of what they ought to achieve, contemporary representative democracy itself is seldom regarded as part of the tangle it was supposed to resolve. David Merill touches upon this issue when he notes, in the preceding issue of this Bulletin, that ‘the economic dilemmas faced today may be ultimately the consequences of state failure’.2 The state that has failed to regulate the markets is described as ‘weak’ and ‘subject to external blows, blind to its ends, merely one actor among many in the events of the day’ (Merill 2012: 28). Yet Merill does not seem to consider this weakness to be an inherent feature of the constellation of which contemporary democracy is a part. There are, of course, excellent reasons not to take this path. -
How Ancient Greece and Rome Provide Insight for Citizenship and Immigration in the 21St Century
Xavier University Exhibit Honors Bachelor of Arts Undergraduate 2019-4 Comparing Ancient to Modern: How Ancient Greece and Rome Provide Insight for Citizenship and Immigration in the 21st Century Viktoria Schumacher Follow this and additional works at: https://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/hab Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Ancient Philosophy Commons, Classical Archaeology and Art History Commons, Classical Literature and Philology Commons, and the Other Classics Commons Comparing Ancient to Modern: How Ancient Greece and Rome Provide Insight for Citizenship and Immigration in the 21st Century Viktoria Schumacher CPHAB Senior Thesis Xavier University 2019 Director: Thomas Strunk Readers: Jay Arns and Tim Severyn 1 Introduction Migration plays an extremely vital role in the advancement of human societies. Despite our world’s staggering history with immigration, the conversation about how to manage current issues has fallen flat. Patterns of immigration have demonstrated that the number of migrants, especially refugees, has peaked in the 21st century, and numbers are still raising steadily.1 The increase is caused by an abundance of factors, including major events such as the Syrian refugee crisis, harmful or unfavorable political climates, and ongoing gang violence in Mexico and Central America. These issues have gone largely unsolved, causing immense suffering resulting in millions of people to migrate out of their home countries. Movement away from home due to tumultuous times is not a new concept. In fact, migration history demonstrates that major movement of people is a characteristic of our world. I posit that looking at migration in our past as well as examining its effects on different societies will offer a perspective that has otherwise been ignored. -
IS Democracy Possible?
IS democracy poSSIble? Bruce Gilley Bruce Gilley is assistant professor of political science at Portland State University in Oregon and a member of the Journal of Democracy editorial board. His latest book is The Right to Rule: How States Win and Lose Legitimacy (2009). The global spread of democracy over the last generation or so has been accompanied by the global spread of criticisms of democracy. In a sense, this is unsurprising: Popular ideas tend to generate their own opposition. Democracy’s current popularity—almost universally valued, institution- alized in more than three-fifths of the world’s states, and demanded by large movements in many among the remaining two-fifths—makes it an ideal target for critique. As a result, in recent years, a slowly accelerating wave of skeptical and at times even hostile thought has arisen to chal- lenge democracy’s claim to be the best form of government. This wave is distinct from the inchoate illiberal ideologies that autocrats in China, Russia, Iran, or Cuba like to promote. Unlike those ideologies, it is a care- fully argued, social-scientific, and respectable critique of democracy that has been developed largely by Western scholars. Almost unbeknownst to the legions of democracy-builders or to the nearly four billion democratic citizens worldwide, the belief in democracy has begun to crumble inside some of the world’s finest minds and institutions. Some of this dissent is healthy. Assuming a feasible democratic ideal, criticism of democracy as practiced in the world’s 121 electoral democra- cies (the vast majority of which do not belong to the traditional “West”) directs attention to shortcomings and can spur corrective action. -
Herodotus and the Origins of Political Philosophy the Beginnings of Western Thought from the Viewpoint of Its Impending End
Herodotus and the Origins of Political Philosophy The Beginnings of Western Thought from the Viewpoint of its Impending End A doctoral thesis by O. H. Linderborg Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Engelska Parken, 7-0042, Thunbergsvägen 3H, Uppsala, Monday, 3 September 2018 at 14:00 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Faculty examiner: Docent Elton Barker (Open University). Abstract Linderborg, O. H. 2018. Herodotus and the Origins of Political Philosophy. The Beginnings of Western Thought from the Viewpoint of its Impending End. 224 pp. Uppsala: Department of Linguistics and Philology, Uppsala University. ISBN 978-91-506-2703-9. This investigation proposes a historical theory of the origins of political philosophy. It is assumed that political philosophy was made possible by a new form of political thinking commencing with the inauguration of the first direct democracies in Ancient Greece. The pristine turn from elite rule to rule of the people – or to δημοκρατία, a term coined after the event – brought with it the first ever political theory, wherein fundamentally different societal orders, or different principles of societal rule, could be argumentatively compared. The inauguration of this alternative-envisioning “secular” political theory is equaled with the beginnings of classical political theory and explained as the outcome of the conjoining of a new form of constitutionalized political thought (cratistic thinking) and a new emphasis brought to the inner consistency of normative reasoning (‘internal critique’). The original form of political philosophy, Classical Political Philosophy, originated when a political thought launched, wherein non-divinely sanctioned visions of transcendence of the prevailing rule, as well as of the full range of alternatives disclosed by Classical Political Theory, first began to be envisioned. -
Crisis & Critique Democracy and Revolution Volume I
C R I S I S & C R CRISISI & T I Q U E # CRISIS & CRITIQUE1 CRITIQUE CRISIS & CRITIQUE DEMOCRACY AND REVOLUTION VOLUME I / ISSUE I, 2014 Dialectical Materialism Collective 1 The Impasses of Today’s Radical Politics C R I S I S & C R CRISISI & T I Q U E # CRISIS & CRITIQUE1 CRITIQUECRISIS & CRITIQUE Editorial Board: DEMOCRACY AND REVOLUTION Henrik Jøker Bjerre VOLUME I / ISSUE I, 2014 Aaron Schuster Adrian Johnston Joan Copjec Editor-in-Chief Robert Pfaller Agon Hamza Frank Ruda Gabriel Tupinambá Sead Zimeri Fabio Vighi 2 Slavoj Žižek Benjamin Noys Roland Boer Editorial note, 238 C H.J.Bjerre & A.Hamza Communism is Wrong, R by Jana Tsoneva I 8 S The Impasses of Today’s Radical 264 I Politics, by Slavoj Žižek The Jews and the Zionists; The Story ofS a Reversal, by Sina Badiei 46 & Socialist Democracy with Chinese 280 Characteristics, by Roland Boer Review articles: C R CRISIS &66 H.J.Bjerre: Prolegomena to Any FutureI The Indignant of the Earth, Materialism, by Adrian Johnston T by Frank Ruda I C.Crockett: From Myth to Symptom: theQ 90 case of Kosovo, by S. Žižek & A.HamzaU Democracy and revolution on the Inter- E net, by Katarina Peović Vuković D.Tutt: Enjoying What We Don’t Have: The Political Project of Psychoanalysis,# 116 by Todd McGowan 1 Alain Badiou and the aporia of democracy within generic communism, A.Ryder: Badiou and the Philosophers, by Panagiotis Sotiris ed.T.Tho & G.Bianco CRITIQUE136 308 Climate Crisis, Ideology, and Collective Notes on Contributers Action, by Ted Stolze 154 Lacan and Rational Choice, by Yuan Yao 166 Redemptive -
Herodotus' Constitutional Debate and the Spread of Isonomia
Herodotus’ Constitutional Debate and the Spread of Isonomia Herodotus’ depiction of the Constitutional Debate in Persia prior to the ascension of Darius in Book 3 (3.80-83) has been questioned by scholars both for its location of apparent fifth-century Greek political language in sixth-century Persia and for its seeming lack of connection to the surrounding narrative, as radical political concepts such as isonomia are strikingly introduced only to be immediately obscured by the resumption of the Persian monarchy (e.g. Connor 1971; Pelling 2002). By examining subsequent passages in which Herodotus discusses isonomia, my paper shows that the introduction of this concept in the Constitutional Debate forms an integral part of Herodotus’ narrative, as isonomia spreads from the Persian court to Greek Ionia. The term isonomia occurs four times in the text of Herodotus. While the first two (3.80.2 and 3.83.1) occur during the Constitutional Debate, Herodotus next uses the term during the insurrection on Samos when Maeandrius proposes to relinquish his power, absolve the tyranny, and establish isonomia (3.142.2-3). As previous scholars have noted (Immerwahr 1957; Raaflaub 2004), the language attributed to Maeandrius during this episode recalls the speech of Otanes in the Constitutional Debate. But the significance of this apparent allusion to Otanes’ speech and the role of isonomia here has not been fully explored. Herodotus’ inclusion of Darius’ decision to send the same Otanes to Samos to deal with the insurrection further emphasizes the connection between the two passages. The surprising appearance of Otanes creates the impression that isonomia has spread from Persia to Samos along with him.