The Evolution of Rule of Law in Hayek's Thought, 1935–1955
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Michael Polanyi and Early Neoliberalism
MICHAEL POLANYI AND EARLY NEOLIBERALISM Martin Beddeleem Keywords: Friedrich Hayek, Louis Rougier, Michael Polanyi, Mont-Pèlerin Society, neoliberalism, planning, Walter Lippmann ABSTRACT1 Between the late 1930s and the 1950s, Michael Polanyi came in close contact with a diverse cast of intellectuals seeking a renewal of the liberal doctrine. The elaboration of this “neoliberalism” happened through a transnational collaboration between economists, philosophers, and social theorists, united in their rejection of central planning. Defining a common agenda for this “early neoliberalism” offered an opportunity to discard the old laissez-faire doctrine and restore a supervisory role of the state. Ultimately, post-war dissensions regarding the direction of these efforts led Polanyi away from the neoliberal core. Between the publication of his pamphlet on the failures of economic planning in the Soviet Union in 1936 (CF, 61-95) and that of The Logic of Liberty in 1951, Michael Polanyi progressively lost interest in chemistry and started to investigate the political and sociological conditions necessary to scientific freedom and the pursuit of truth. During that time, he became involved with a group of scholars who, equally, perceived the democratic collapse of Europe as a wake-up call for a restatement of its liberal tradition. Whereas the values of individual dignity and social progress that liber- alism carried were needed then more than ever, they agreed that the method to achieve these ideals had become obsolete. Therefore, they focused their efforts on revamping a science of liberalism, which could answer the scientific claims of plannism and totalitar- ian ideologies. Tradition & Discovery: The Journal of the Polanyi Society 45:3 © 2019 by the Polanyi Society 31 For two decades, Michael Polanyi took part in the inception and the consolida- tion of “early neoliberalism” (Schulz-Forberg 2018; Beddeleem 2019), a period that predates the later development of neoliberalism from the 1960s onwards. -
Hayek's the Constitution of Liberty
Hayek’s The Constitution of Liberty Hayek’s The Constitution of Liberty An Account of Its Argument EUGENE F. MILLER The Institute of Economic Affairs contenTs The author 11 First published in Great Britain in 2010 by Foreword by Steven D. Ealy 12 The Institute of Economic Affairs 2 Lord North Street Summary 17 Westminster Editorial note 22 London sw1p 3lb Author’s preface 23 in association with Profile Books Ltd The mission of the Institute of Economic Affairs is to improve public 1 Hayek’s Introduction 29 understanding of the fundamental institutions of a free society, by analysing Civilisation 31 and expounding the role of markets in solving economic and social problems. Political philosophy 32 Copyright © The Institute of Economic Affairs 2010 The ideal 34 The moral right of the author has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a PART I: THE VALUE OF FREEDOM 37 retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. 2 Individual freedom, coercion and progress A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. (Chapters 1–5 and 9) 39 isbn 978 0 255 36637 3 Individual freedom and responsibility 39 The individual and society 42 Many IEA publications are translated into languages other than English or are reprinted. Permission to translate or to reprint should be sought from the Limiting state coercion 44 Director General at the address above. -
Law, Liberty and the Rule of Law (In a Constitutional Democracy)
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2013 Law, Liberty and the Rule of Law (in a Constitutional Democracy) Imer Flores Georgetown Law Center, [email protected] Georgetown Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper No. 12-161 This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1115 http://ssrn.com/abstract=2156455 Imer Flores, Law, Liberty and the Rule of Law (in a Constitutional Democracy), in LAW, LIBERTY, AND THE RULE OF LAW 77-101 (Imer B. Flores & Kenneth E. Himma eds., Springer Netherlands 2013) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Jurisprudence Commons, Legislation Commons, and the Rule of Law Commons Chapter6 Law, Liberty and the Rule of Law (in a Constitutional Democracy) lmer B. Flores Tse-Kung asked, saying "Is there one word which may serve as a rule of practice for all one's life?" K'ung1u-tzu said: "Is not reciprocity (i.e. 'shu') such a word? What you do not want done to yourself, do not ckJ to others." Confucius (2002, XV, 23, 225-226). 6.1 Introduction Taking the "rule of law" seriously implies readdressing and reassessing the claims that relate it to law and liberty, in general, and to a constitutional democracy, in particular. My argument is five-fold and has an addendum which intends to bridge the gap between Eastern and Western civilizations, -
United Nations Convention Documents in Light of Feminist Theory
Michigan Journal of Gender & Law Volume 8 Issue 1 2001 United Nations Convention Documents in Light of Feminist Theory R. Christopher Preston Brigham Young University Ronald Z. Ahrens Brigham Young University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjgl Part of the International Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, and the Public Law and Legal Theory Commons Recommended Citation R. C. Preston & Ronald Z. Ahrens, United Nations Convention Documents in Light of Feminist Theory, 8 MICH. J. GENDER & L. 1 (2001). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjgl/vol8/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of Gender & Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNITED NATIONS CONVENTION DOCUMENTS IN LIGHT OF FEMINIST THEORY P, Christopher Preston* RenaldZ . hrens-* INTRODUCTION • 2 I. PROMINENT FEMINIST THEORIES AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR INTERNATIONAL LAW • 7 A Liberal/EqualityFeminism 7 B. CulturalFeminism . 8 C. DominanceFeminism • 9 1. Reproductive Capacity • 11 2. Violence . 12 3. Traditional Male Domination of Society • 12 II. WOMEN'S RIGHTS IN INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS • 13 A. United Nations Charter • 14 B. UniversalDeclaration of Human Rights • 15 C. The Two InternationalCovenants • 15 1. International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights • 16 2. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights • 16 D. Convention on the Elimination ofAll Forms of DiscriminationAgainst Women • 17 E. The NairobiForward Looking Strategies • 18 F. -
Direct and Economic Democracy in Ancient Athens and Its Significance Today
SOCIETY & NATURE, Vol. 1, No. 1 (1992) Direct and Economic Democracy in Ancient Athens and its Significance Today TAKIS FOTOPOULOS Abstract This article examines the intrinsic relationship between direct and economic democracy as it was exemplified in the case of classical Athens. The aim is to show that the final failure of the Athenian democracy was not due, as is usually asserted, to the innate weaknesses of direct democracy but, firstly, due to the fact that it always remained partial, embracing only part of its population, and, second, that it was never completed by a corresponding economic democracy. This fact implies that any attempt today at establishing direct democracy, which is not complemented by economic democracy, is condemned to failure. During the Athenian celebrations for the 2,500th anniversary of Cleisthenes' reforms (where there appeared a ridiculous show of the elite who celebrated, by themselves, the most anti- elitist form of democracy that has ever existed!), as well as in the wider `discussion' that followed on the significance of direct democracy, no reference was made to the relationship between direct and economic democracy. As I will try to show, however, the development of the Athenian democracy amongst its citizens (that is with the slaves and women excluded) kept pace with a determined effort to diminish the socio-economic differences between the citizens. Also, the decline itself of the Athenian democracy was, in my view, directly connected with its failure to become universal, and with the contradiction created by the fact that the political equality which the Athenian democracy had established for its citizens was, in the last instance, founded on economic inequality. -
Birth & Reconstruction of Equality in the United States Nascimento E
BIRTH & RECONSTRUCTION OF EQUALITY IN THE UNITED STATES NASCIMENTO E RECONSTRUÇÃO DA IGUALDADE NOS ESTADOS UNIDOS Alexander Tsesis Loyola University School of Law (Chicago, IL, USA) Recebimento: 13 jan. 2020 Aceitação: 26 jan. 2020 Como citar este artigo / How to cite this article (informe a data atual de acesso / inform the current date of access): TSESIS, Alexander. Birth & reconstruction of equality in the United States. Revista da Faculdade de Direito UFPR, Curitiba, PR, Brasil, v. 64, n. 3, p. 75-106 set./dez. 2019. ISSN 2236-7284. Disponível em: <https://revistas.ufpr.br/direito/article/view/72128>. Acesso em: 11 mar. 2020. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rfdufpr.v64i3.72128. ABSTRACT The United States was born of a normative and political aspiration asserted in its declaration of independence. The document did not simply contain a list of reasons for ending colonialization, but established equality as key ideal which remained imbedded in the nation’s ethos and is central for the U.S. representative democracy. Despite the normative statements of human rights, the status of the United States was deeply tainted because the framers of the Constitution retained protections for the institution of slavery. But many other legal and cultural anomalies also existed from the inception of nationhood, including the subjugation of women and the retention of propertied privileges as qualifications for voting and obtaining political offices. Amendments that were made to the Constitution after the Civil War (1861-1865) significantly advanced the rule of law but simultaneously required greater sincerity in abiding to the founding testament. Reconstruction in the United States was achieved through amendment of the original Constitution rather than the enactment of a new document. -
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ARISTOTLE AND DEMOCRACY A PhD Thesis submitted by Charalambos Ioannou Papageorgiou k k k k University College University of London LONDON 1991 ** ProQuest Number: 10609803 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10609803 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 2 ABSTRACT The thesis undertakes a reconstruction and critical assessment of Aristotle's theory of democracy. The process of reconstruction requires at first the collection and organisation of the relevant material, since Aristotle's references to democracy, although numerous, are scattered throughout his political and ethical writings. A chapter is devoted to this task. This chapter also seeks to describe the historical and intellectual context in which Aristotle developed his ideas on democracy. The thesis then attempts to identify the fundamental principles which underlie Aristotle's conception of democracy. These are examined both in their relation to one another and also in their relation to the fundamental principles of Aristotle's political philosophy in general. Aristotle's teleological conception of the state and his theory of distributive justice based on proportionate equality are singled out as the salient principles which shape his conception, classification and criticism of democracy. -
Equal Right of Men and Women to the Enjoyment of the Rights Set Forth in the Covenant
CCPR General Comment No. 18: Non-discrimination Adopted at the Thirty-seventh Session of the Human Rights Committee, on 10 November 1989 1. Non-discrimination, together with equality before the law and equal protection of the law without any discrimination, constitute a basic and general principle relating to the protection of human rights. Thus, article 2, paragraph 1, of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights obligates each State party to respect and ensure to all persons within its territory and subject to its jurisdiction the rights recognized in the Covenant without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Article 26 not only entitles all persons to equality before the law as well as equal protection of the law but also prohibits any discrimination under the law and guarantees to all persons equal and effective protection against discrimination on any ground such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. 2. Indeed, the principle of non-discrimination is so basic that article 3 obligates each State party to ensure the equal right of men and women to the enjoyment of the rights set forth in the Covenant. While article 4, paragraph 1, allows States parties to take measures derogating from certain obligations under the Covenant in time of public emergency, the same article requires, inter alia, that those measures should not involve discrimination solely on the ground of race, colour, sex, language, religion or social origin. -
Rethinking Athenian Democracy.Pdf
Rethinking Athenian Democracy A dissertation presented by Daniela Louise Cammack to The Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Political Science Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts January 2013 © 2013 Daniela Cammack All rights reserved. Professor Richard Tuck Daniela Cammack Abstract Conventional accounts of classical Athenian democracy represent the assembly as the primary democratic institution in the Athenian political system. This looks reasonable in the light of modern democracy, which has typically developed through the democratization of legislative assemblies. Yet it conflicts with the evidence at our disposal. Our ancient sources suggest that the most significant and distinctively democratic institution in Athens was the courts, where decisions were made by large panels of randomly selected ordinary citizens with no possibility of appeal. This dissertation reinterprets Athenian democracy as “dikastic democracy” (from the Greek dikastēs, “judge”), defined as a mode of government in which ordinary citizens rule principally through their control of the administration of justice. It begins by casting doubt on two major planks in the modern interpretation of Athenian democracy: first, that it rested on a conception of the “wisdom of the multitude” akin to that advanced by epistemic democrats today, and second that it was “deliberative,” meaning that mass discussion of political matters played a defining role. The first plank rests largely on an argument made by Aristotle in support of mass political participation, which I show has been comprehensively misunderstood. The second rests on the interpretation of the verb “bouleuomai” as indicating speech, but I suggest that it meant internal reflection in both the courts and the assembly. -
Weak Rule of Law As the Primary Cause of Lower-Quality Latin American Democracies
ABSTRACT Weak Rule of Law as the Primary Cause of Lower-Quality Latin American Democracies Dacie A. Bradley Director: Victor Hinojosa, Ph.D. Drawing on a deep tradition of rule of law literature, spanning from Aristotle to O’Donnell, this thesis argues that the main problem in modern Latin America is a weak rule of law evidenced by ineffective judicial systems unable to sustain vertical and horizontal accountability. A broad analysis of the necessary characteristics and conditions for democratic rule of law leads to mid-range theory on the application of these characteristics in combination with the unique challenges facing modern day Latin America. A case study of Peru examining crime rates and court systems supports gives evidence to the paramount importance of rule of law and its lack thereof within the state and the region as a whole. This lack of strong rule of law gives rise to a host of other current issues and undermines democratic institutions lowering the quality of democracy. APPROVED BY DIRECTOR OF HONORS THESIS: ______________________________________________________ Dr. Victor Hinojosa, Thesis Director, Department of Political Science APPROVED BY THE HONORS PROGRAM: __________________________________________________________________ Dr. Elizabeth Corey, Director DATE: _____________ WEAK RULE OF LAW AS THE PRIMARY CAUSE OF LOWER-QUALITY, LATIN AMERICAN DEMOCRACIES A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Baylor University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Honors Program By Dacie A. Bradley Waco, Texas August 2020 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter One: Rule of Law Tradition……………………………………………………...1 Chapter Two: Democratic Rule of Law in Modern Latin America……………………...23 Chapter Three: Crime and the Court Systems of Peru: A Case Study…………………..46 Chapter Four: Concluding Remarks on the Strength of Peruvian Rule of Law…………68 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………..76 ii CHAPTER ONE: Rule of Law Tradition Latin America has been undergoing a process of democratization for the past thirty years resulting in a plethora of very different outcomes. -
Philosophy & Social Criticism
Philosophy & Social Criticism http://psc.sagepub.com/ Apathy: the democratic disease Jeffrey E. Green Philosophy Social Criticism 2004 30: 745 DOI: 10.1177/0191453704045763 The online version of this article can be found at: http://psc.sagepub.com/content/30/5-6/745 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com Additional services and information for Philosophy & Social Criticism can be found at: Email Alerts: http://psc.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://psc.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav >> Version of Record - Dec 6, 2004 What is This? Downloaded from psc.sagepub.com at UNIV OF PENNSYLVANIA on May 6, 2013 12 045763 (to/d) 2/9/04 11:38 am Page 745 Jeffrey E. Green Apathy: the democratic disease Abstract This essay turns to ancient sources in order to rethink the relation- ship between political apathy and democracy. If modern democratic theorists place political apathy entirely outside of democracy – either as a destructive limit upon the full realization of a democratic polity, or, more sanguinely, as a pragmatic necessity which tempers democracy so that it may function in a workable yet watered-down form – the ancients conceived of political apathy as a peculiarly democratic phenomenon that was likely to flourish in tandem with the expansion of egalitarian institutional structures and moral ideas. Evidence for the ancient recognition of political apathy as a uniquely demo- cratic kind of affliction centers on, but is not limited to, three main sources. In literature, the Homeric epic, and specifically the story of Achilles, present apathy for politics and commitment to human equality as synonymous forces. -
A Theory of Equality Before the Law∗
A Theory of Equality Before the Law Daron Acemoglu Alexander Wolitzky MIT MIT September 11, 2020 Abstract We propose a simple model of the emergence of equality before the law. A society can support effort (“cooperation”, “pro-social behavior”) using the carrot of future cooperation or the stick of coercive punish- ment. Community enforcement relies only on the carrot and involves low coercion, low inequality, and low effort. A society in which elites control the means of violence supplements the carrot with the stick, and involves high coercion, high inequality, and high effort. In this regime, elites are privileged by both laws and norms: because they are not subject to the same punishments as non-elites, norms are also more favorable for them. Nevertheless, it may be optimal– even from the elites’perspective– to establish equality before the law, where all agents are subject to the same coercive punishments and norms are more equal. The key mechanism is that equality before the law increases elites’effort, which improves the carrot of future cooperation and thus encourages even higher effort from non-elites. Equality before the law combines high coercion and low inequality. Factors that make equality before the law more likely to emerge include limits on the extent of coercion, greater marginal returns to effort, increases in the size of the elite group, greater political power for non-elites, and under some additional conditions, lower economic inequality. Keywords: rule of law, social norms, repeated games, community enforcement, coercion, inequality. JEL Classification: D70, P16, P51, K10, C73. We thank Bob Gibbons, Gillian Hadfield, Rachel Kranton, Suresh Naidu, Jean Tirole, John Wallis, the anonymous referees, and seminar participants at Georgetown, MIT, Northwestern, the 2018 NBER Organizational Economics meetings, and the 2019 CIFAR Institutions, Organizations, and Growth meetings for useful discussions and comments.