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Popular Front Politics and the Minneapolis Theatre Union, 1935-39

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Popular Front Politics and the Minneapolis Theatre Union, 1935-39 Culture as Strategy Popular Front Politics and the Minneapolis Theatre Union^ 1935-39 ne August evening in 1935, a group of young people—some active in left-wing politics, some in theater—gathered at the OProgressive Bookshop in Minneapolis to hear reports on the recent American Writers' Congress in New York City. Among the featured speakers was the youthful playwright and drama theoretician Michael Blankfort, who discussed the meaning of political theater as wed as his own work with the fledgling leftist Theatre Un­ ion in New York. Blankfort apparently spoke to an au­ dience primed for action: within a few weeks, a new Scene from Minneapolis Theatre Union's 1937 prodiw- group, the Minneapolis Theatre Union, emerged. In tion of Albert Bein's Let Freedom Ring the three and a half years that followed, this spirited organization of some three dozen members would pro­ duce and perform 11 full-length plays in addition to many shorter, informal skits for labor and political or­ ganizations in the Twin Cities.' Political theater was not a new phenomenon. In­ spired by activity in Germany and the Soviet Union in the 1920s and fueled by the experiments of a new gener­ ation of American playwrights, the theater movement of the 1930s brought together activists, writers, actors, and labor organizers who shared the belief that theater 'Tom Jarvis and Tom Hove, "Theatre Chronicles," in Mid­ west—A Review (Minneapolis), Dec. 1936, p. 15; Ruth Shaw to Minneapolis Theatre Union, Sept. 5, 1938, in Theatre Un­ ion tiles, Billy Rose Theater Collection, New York Public Library, at Center of the Performing Arts, Lincoln Center. Colette A. Hyman John Campbell and Elizabeth Faue provided helpful com­ ments on drafts of this article, which relied on the generous Colette A. Hyman is an assistant projessor oj history at assistance of Lionel Davis, Bernice Fossum, Ole Fagerhaugh, Winona State University. Her 1990 Ph.D. dissertation and other members of the Minneapolis Theatre Union. The explored the relationship between workers' theater and the author is especially grateful to Dorothy Broms and the late labor movement in the 1930s. Wdbur Broms for their contributions. could contribute to union campaigns and political wing of the Farmer-Labor movement through its well movements. In unions, members produced shows to en­ attended plays and skits. tertain and educate themselves. At workers' schools for From the beginning, the theater union and the Pop­ rank-and-file activists, students performed short plays ular Front were firmly intertwined. Players and audi­ dramatizing oppressive working conditions and suc­ ences frequently came from the informal but vocal Pop­ cessful labor-organizing drives. Even the federal gov­ ular Front coalition; in addition, the theater union, as ernment's Works Progress Administration sponsored an organization, belonged to the Farmer-Labor Associ­ state theater projects for unemployed actors and writ­ ation. It was through this association that Communists ers beginning in 1935. Finally, independent groups and Popular Front allies exercised their greatest influ­ such as the theater unions in New York and Minneapo­ ence in the Farmer-Labor movement.' lis sought to educate broader audiences about the need A membership organization, the Farmer-Labor As­ to redress social injustice.- sociation controlled the Farmer-Labor party, produc­ Whde the Minneapolis Theatre Union belongs to ing its platforms, endorsing its candidates, and con­ this nationwide workers' theater movement, its story ducting its election campaigns. As one historian also belongs to a distinct, brief era in Minnesota history observed, "The public saw the Association as the from 1935 to 1939, when a volatile coalition of liberals Farmer-Labor Party organization, and Association and Communists within the powerful Farmer-Labor candidates usually won the Farmer-Labor Party's pri­ party dominated state politics. This "Popular Front" mary elections."^ alliance grew out of the international Communist par­ Organized on a countywide basis, the association ty's explicit decision in 1935 to broaden its appeal and bad dues-paying individual members, but it allowed fight fascism by working for shared objectives with union locals, farmer and consumer cooperatives, and sympathetic non-Communists. Popular Front adiances other groups such as the theater union to be directly varied widely, depending on the local or state political represented at conventions. In addition to sending dele­ scene in which they developed.^ gates and voting for candidates and resolutions, the Integral to Popular Front politics were cultural ac­ theater union performed at conventions and other tivities—art, music, and theater—aimed at educating gatherings, thereby furthering the Popular Front fac­ audiences and mobdizing their support for a prolabor, tion's message of economic reform and antifascism." antiracist, antifascist political agenda. As war clouds The Popular Front was an unstable alliance, how­ formed in Europe and economic depression lingered in ever. The Farmer-Labor movement's inclusion of the United States, organizations such as the Minneapo­ avowed Communists left the coalition and its members lis Theatre Union played a central, highly visible role in open to charges of being controlled by Moscow. For Minnesota in promoting the views of the Popular Front example, Elmer Benson, the Farmer-Labor governor in 1937-38 who worked closely with Communists and -On workers' theater in the 1930s, see Malcolm Goldstein, Popular Front figures, came under heavy attack for his The Political Stage: American Drama and Theater oj the political leanings. Even within the Popular Front coali­ Great Depression (New York; Oxford University Press, 1974) tion, non-Communists apprehensively associated with and Ira A. Levine, Lejt-Wing Dramatic Theory in the Ameri­ Communists, who needed broad popular support to can Theatre (Ann Arbor; UMI Research Press, 1985). For a achieve their new political and social agenda. Min­ discussion of the relationship between workers' theater and the labor movement, see Colette A. Hyman, "Culture as neapolis's Communists therefore looked eagerly to the Strategy; Workers' Theatre and the American Labor Move­ theater union to help strengthen their base.' ment in the 1930s" (Ph.D. diss.. University of Minnesota, The rise and fall of the Minneapolis Theatre Union 1990). in the city's turbulent political environment of the ^Harvey Klehr, The Heyday oj American Communism: 1930s demonstrates how Popular Front politics success­ The Depression Decade (New York; Basic Books, 1984), 167-85. fully pushed beyond conventions and polling booths 'On the Popular Front in the Farmer-Labor movement, into cultural activities and at the same time exacer­ see John E. Haynes, Dubious Alliance: The Making oj Min­ bated tensions within the Farmer-Labor coalition. It nesota's Democratic Farmer-Labor Party (Minneapolis; Uni­ also demonstrates some of the strengths and weaknesses versity of Minnesota Press, 1984), 9-46. of the strategy of using cultural activities to organize 'Haynes, Dubious Alliance, 11. "Minneapolis Labor Review, June 3, p. 4, Dec. 16, p. 8— political movements. both 1938; "Women's Clubs of the Farmer-Labor Associa­ tion, Statewide Conference to Build a Better Tomorrow, Oc­ THROUGHOUT ITS BRIEF EXISTENCE, the Min­ tober 8, 1938," program, Oscar Hawkins Papers, Minnesota Historical Society (MHS). neapolis Theatre Union experienced a ddemma com­ 'Steven J. Keillor, Hjalmar Peterson oj Minnesota: The mon to other Popular Front organizations: how to Politics oj Provincial Independence (St. Paul; Minnesota His­ maintain its close ties with the Communist left wing of torical Society Press, 1987), 147-53. the city's labor movement whde budding relations with WINTER 1991 295 Minneapolis's First Unitarian Society (right) at Sixteenth Street and Harmon Place in 1936 and (below) its auditorium seating about 400 people liberals and centrist Farmer-Laborites. This delicate . , : . ...i:^^!^^^ ^ M ^mm equilibrium was apparent from the very beginning. Two distinct groups came together to form the new -—s%-^^^^s«BHSB!^^H i^HM^^ftf^w^^^ organization: Communists associated with the Farmer- m—I'-'-^HHIH^H Labor Association's Popular Front coalition and mem­ bers of the Assembly Players, a theater group associated •,1 .^lWWKJJfpfc«^*«^ifci^^*^ with Minneapolis's liberal Unitarian Society. Left-wing activists in Minneapolis had been discus­ sing the possibility of forming a political theater group since the Minneapolis truckers' strike of 1934 had rein- vigorated the city's labor and leftist groups. Among those gathered to hear New Yorker Blankfort speak were Janet Ross and Ruth Shaw. Ross, a young Com­ munist and the wife of influential Communist Nat Ross, worked at the Progressive Bookshop on Third Av­ enue South. Shaw actively participated in the influen­ tial Hennepin County Farmer-Labor Women's Club and the Stenographers, Bookkeepers and Typographers Association, Local 17661. The wife of a Communist 296 MINNESOTA HISTORY party activist, Shaw helped organize a Popular Front members were "public spirited women" who had "done faction among the Farmer-Labor women's groups. Im­ valiant duty in battle for the great reforms of the pressed by New York Theatre Union productions they day"—many of which could be found on the Farmer- had seen, Ross and Shaw corresponded frequently with Labor agenda. Similarly, the society's Promethean that organization and, in the first few months of the Club provided a forum for liberal
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