Eagleton, Criticism and Ideology (London, 1976)
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~ the Soviet-East European Concept of People's Democracy
~ The Soviet - East European Concept of People's Democracy The Political Situation At the end of World \Var I I the leaders of the Communist Parties of Poland, Germany, I-lungary, l{ umania, and Bulgaria returned to their countries in the baggagetrain of the l{ ed Army and assumedcontrol of the " commanding heights" of society in dcpcndence on the Soviet occupation forces.) These Communist Parties were burdened with a dual weaknessthat limited their radicalism in the initial postwar period. All faced significant , organized opposition to the consolidation of their rule, resistance being strongest in Poland and weakest in Bulgaria. This internal situation dictated a policy of gradualism, generalized by Hugh Seton-\Vatson2 as encompassing three stages: ( 1) a genuine coalition with the surviving socialist and peasant parties resting on a short-tcrm program of mutually accepted " antifascist " and " democratic " reforms (lasting until early 1945 in Bulgaria and l{ umania and until early 1947 in l Iungary); (2) a bogus coalition with the same parties, thcmselvcs increasingly dominated by Communists, implemcnting more radical social reforms and more openly suppressing the non-Communist opposition (lasting until late 1947 or early 1948); at this stage, socialism was spoken of only as a distant goal; economic planning was introduced but remained limited in scope; collectivization of agriculture was not mentioned ; (3) a monolithic regime that , having liquidated its opposition , set out to emulate the Soviet Union in " building socialism" through forced industrialization and collectivization . Anothcr aspect of the weakness of the East Europcan Communist Partics was their great dependcnce on the Soviet Union and thus thcir subordination to the broader goals of Soviet foreign policy . -
Introduction: Formalisms Julie Rivkin and Michael Ryan
Introduction: Formalisms Julie Rivkin and Michael Ryan It has become a commonplace of literary study that to study literature is to study language, yet prior to the formalist movements of the early twentieth century – Russian Formalism and American New Criticism – the study of literature was con- cerned with everything about literature except language, from the historical context of a literary work to the biography of its author. How literary language worked was of less importance than what a literary work was about. Two movements in early twentieth-century thought helped move literary study away from this orientation. The first movement was the attempt on the part of philosophers of science like Edmund Husserl to isolate objects of knowledge in their unmixed purity. The Rus- sian Formalists, a group of young scholars (Viktor Shklovsky, Roman Jakobson, Boris Tomashevsky, Boris Eichenbaum) who wrote in the teens and twenties, were influ- enced by this approach. For them, literature would be considered not as a window on the world but as something with specifically literary characteristics that make it literature as opposed to philosophy or sociology or biography. Literature is not a window for looking at sociological themes or philosophic ideas or biographical infor- mation; rather, it is a mural or wall painting, something with a palpability of its own which arrests the eye and merits study. The manipulation of representational devices may create a semblance of reality and allow one to have the impression of gazing through glass, but it is the devices alone that produce that impression, and they alone are what makes literature literary. -
The Aesthetic Dimension
THE AESTHETII DlmEDSIOD TOWARD A CRITIQUE OF MARXIST AESTHETICS HERBERT MARC USE Beacon Press Boston In a situation where the miserable reality can be changed only through radical political praxis, the concem with aesthetics demands justification. It would be senseless to deny the element of despair inherent in this concern: the retreat into a world of fictionwhere existing conditions are changed· and overcome only in the realm of the imagination. However, this purely ideological conception of art is being questioned with increasing intensity. It seems that art as art expresses a truth, an ex perience, a necessity which, although not in the domain of radical praxis, are nevertheless essential components of revolution. With this insight, the basic conception of Marxist aesthetics, that is its treatment of art as ideology, and the emphasis on the class character of art, become again the topic of critical reexamination.1 This discussion is directed to the following theses of Marxist aesthetics: 1. There is a definite connection between art and the material base, between art and the totality of the relations of production. With the change in production relations, art itself is trans formed as part of the superstructure, although, like other ideologies, it can lag behind or anticipate social change. 1 2. There is a definite connection between art and social class. The only authentic, true, pro gressive art is the art of an ascending class. It expresses the consciousness of this class. 3. Consequently, the political and the aes thetic, the revolutionary content and the artistic quality tend to coincide. 4. The writer has an obligation to articulate and express the interests and needs of the ascending class. -
Conversations with Stalin on Questions of Political Economy”
WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS Lee H. Hamilton, Conversations with Stalin on Christian Ostermann, Director Director Questions of Political Economy BOARD OF TRUSTEES: ADVISORY COMMITTEE: Joseph A. Cari, Jr., by Chairman William Taubman Steven Alan Bennett, Ethan Pollock (Amherst College) Vice Chairman Chairman Working Paper No. 33 PUBLIC MEMBERS Michael Beschloss The Secretary of State (Historian, Author) Colin Powell; The Librarian of Congress James H. Billington James H. Billington; (Librarian of Congress) The Archivist of the United States John W. Carlin; Warren I. Cohen The Chairman of the (University of Maryland- National Endowment Baltimore) for the Humanities Bruce Cole; The Secretary of the John Lewis Gaddis Smithsonian Institution (Yale University) Lawrence M. Small; The Secretary of Education James Hershberg Roderick R. Paige; (The George Washington The Secretary of Health University) & Human Services Tommy G. Thompson; Washington, D.C. Samuel F. Wells, Jr. PRIVATE MEMBERS (Woodrow Wilson Center) Carol Cartwright, July 2001 John H. Foster, Jean L. Hennessey, Sharon Wolchik Daniel L. Lamaute, (The George Washington Doris O. Mausui, University) Thomas R. Reedy, Nancy M. Zirkin COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES CHRISTIAN F. OSTERMANN, Series Editor This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) disseminates new information and perspectives on the history of the Cold War as it emerges from previously inaccessible sources on “the other side” of the post-World War II superpower rivalry. -
Base, Superstructure, and Dialectical Totality 43 Seán Mitchell
Base, superstructure, and dialectical totality 43 Seán Mitchell n recent years it became something of a custom to a prognosis that capitalism no longer faced a viable sys- begin any contemporary discussion of historical temic alternative. materialism with a nod to the briefly dominant ax- Much of this pessimism was in fact shared by Fuku- iom that humanity had reached its veritable termi- yama himself, who was ambivalent if not altogether Inus. Capitalism had triumphed over socialism, Francis gloomy about the new world order he heralded, warn- Fukuyama insisted, and the ‘end of history’ was upon ing that ‘the end of history will be a very sad time’ when us. Fukuyama’s bold declaration of historical finality ‘worldwide ideological struggle…will be replaced by could be read in hindsight as little more than neoliberal economic calculation, the endless solving of technical triumphalism, proffered in 1989 as philosophical sus- problems, environmental concerns, and the satisfac- tenance to a U.S. elite then looking forward to carving tion of sophisticated consumer demands.’4 Few on the out a ‘new American century’ in the years ahead. The left were moved by this morose vision of the future, but political trajectory of the author of The End of History too many adopted a kind of inverted pessimism from and the Last Man would arguably confirm that apprais- Fukuyama: if the ‘history of all hitherto existing society al, with Fukuyama collaborating for much of the 1990s is the history of class struggle’, and the working class with an assortment of neo-cons who rose to prominence had been definitively defeated in that epic battle, then around the presidency of George W. -
Chapter Five
CHAPTER FIVE PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY The post-war people’s democracies that developed in Eastern Europe and China embodied the main features of the Popular Front government advocated at the Seventh Congress of the Communist International. Politically, they were based on a multi-party, parliamentary system that included all the anti-fascist elements of the wartime Fatherland Front movements. Economically, they nationalized the most vital monopolized industries and allowed smaller capitalist industries and agriculture to continue business as usual. The theoretical status of the people’s democracies, however, was obscured by uncertainty over the future relations between the USSR and the West. If the wartime alliance was to be preserved, the communists had no wish to offend anyone with loose talk of ‘dictatorship’, whether revolutionary democratic or proletarian. Consequently, until 1948 theoretical discussions of the people’s democracies were by and large phrased in ‘apolitical’ terms, and were not associated with earlier communist theses on the state. The communist theoretician Eugen Varga, for example, wrote in 1947 that the people’s democracies were “...something entirely new in the history of mankind...” (Cited in Kase, People’s Democracies, Sijthoff, Leyden, Netherlands, 1968, p.18). They allowed capitalism, and yet protected the interests of the people. In a few years, however, the theoreticians would discover that despite multi-party composition, parliamentarism and capitalism, the people’s democracies were indeed forms of “the dictatorship of the proletariat” after all. A. Eastern Europe As consideration for his outstanding theoretical contributions to the communist movement, Dimitrov was allowed to further develop the principles of the People’s Front from the vantage point of leader of the new Bulgarian state. -
Sartre-Search.Pdf
SEARCH FOR A METHOD by J ean-Paul Sartre I •( Translated f rom the French and with an Introduction by H AZE L E. BARNES New York · Alfred ·A · Knopf 1963 0 CONTENTS Marxism and Existentialism 3 II The Problem of Mediations and Auxiliary Disciplines 35 Ill The Progressive-Regressive Method as Conclusion 167 INTRODU C TI O N xlll Sartre goes on to say that the possibility that we may someday discover the existence of a "concrete dialectic of Nature" must be kept open. As for man, he is one ma terial being among others and enjoys no privileged sta tus. Yet Sartre rejects the view that human events are determined by any sort of external law imposed upon them. Today's Marxists, he says, have indeed tried to maintain a "dialectic without men," and this is precisely what has caused Marxism to stagnate and turned it into "a paranoiac dream." Even granting that a dialectic of nature just might exist, there are two reasons why we cannot make it a support for dialectical materialism as it is usually con ceived. In the first place, it could at present be only "a metaphysical hypothesis." To treat it as an uncondi tioned law driving men to make History by blind neces sity, is to substitute "obscurity for clarity, conjecture for evidence, science fiction for Truth." There is another, stronger reason. Even though neither God nor Nature has allotted to man a privileged position, there still re mains in his consciousness that power of effecting a nothingness, or putting a psychic distance between it self and its objects. -
Orality in Writing: Its Cultural and Political Function in Anglophone African, African-Caribbean, and African-Canadian Poetry
ORALITY IN WRITING: ITS CULTURAL AND POLITICAL FUNCTION IN ANGLOPHONE AFRICAN, AFRICAN-CARIBBEAN, AND AFRICAN-CANADIAN POETRY A Thesis submitted to the College of Graduate Studies and Research in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of English University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon By Yaw Adu-Gyamfi Spring 1999 © Copyright Yaw Adu-Gyamfi, 1999. All rights reserved. National Ubrary Bib!iotheque nationale 1+1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographic Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1 A ON4 Canada Canada Your file Vol", ,eferet1C8 Our file Not,e ,life,encs The author has granted a non L' auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant a la National Library of Canada to Bibliotheque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, preter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette these sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format electronique. The author retains ownership of the L' auteur conserve la propriete du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protege cette these. thesis nor substantial extracts from it Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permISSlOn. autorisation. 0-612-37868-3 Canada UNIVERSITY OF SASKATCHEWAN College of Graduate Studies and Research SUMMARY OF DISSERTATION Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Yaw Adu-Gyamfi Department of English Spring 1999 -EXAMINING COMMITTEE: Dr. -
Foreword Chapter 1 the Commitments of Ecocriticism
Notes Foreword 1. “Destroying the world in order to save it,” CNN, May 31, 2004, Ͻhttp://www.cnn.com/2004/SHOWBIZ/Movies/05/31/film.day.after. tomorrow.ap/Ͼ (Accessed June 25, 2004). Sources for the epigraphs are as follows: William Rueckert, “Literature and Ecology: An Experiment in Ecocriticism,” Iowa Review, 9 no. 1 (Winter 1978): 121; and Raymond Williams, What I Came to Say (London: Radius, 1989), 76, 81. 2. “Global warming is real and underway,” Union of Concerned Scientists, n. d., Ͻhttp://www.ucsusa.org/global_environment/global_warming/index.cfmϾ (Accessed June 25, 2004). “Larsen B Ice Shelf Collapses in Antarctica,” National Snow and Ice Data Center, n. d., Ͻhttp://nsidc.org/iceshelves/ larsenb2002/Ͼ (Accessed June 25, 2004). Vandana Shiva, Water Wars (Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 2002), 98–99. 3. UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, “Projections of Future Climate Change,” in Climate Change 2001: The Scientific Basis, Ͻhttp://www.grida.no/climate/ipcc_tar/wg1/339.htmϾ (Accessed June 25, 2004). Shiva, Water Wars, 1. 4. Greg Palast, “Bush Energy Plan: Policy or Payback?” BBC News, May 18, 2001, Ͻhttp://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/1336960.stmϾ (Accessed June 25, 2004). Mark Townsend and Paul Harris, “Now the Pentagon tells Bush: Climate Change will Destroy Us,” The Observer, February 22, 2004, Ͻhttp://observer.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,6903,1153513,00. htmlϾ (Accessed June 25, 2004). 5. Paul Brown, “Uranium Hazard Prompts Cancer Check on Troops,” The Guardian, April 25, 2003, Ͻhttp://www.guardian.co.uk/uranium/story/ 0,7369,943340,00.htmlϾ (Accessed June 25, 2004). -
Anti-Duhring
Friedrich Engels Herr Eugen Dühring’s Revolution in Science Written: September 1876 - June 1878; Published: in Vorwärts, Jan 3 1877-July 7 1878; Published: as a book, Leipzig 1878; Translated: by Emile Burns from 1894 edition; Source: Frederick Engels, Anti-Dühring. Herr Eugen Dühring’s Revolution in Science, Progress Publishers, 1947; Transcribed: [email protected], August 1996; Proofed and corrected: Mark Harris 2010. Formerly known as Herr Eugen Dühring's Revolution in Science, Engels’ Anti-Dühring is a popular and enduring work which, as Engels wrote to Marx, was an attempt “to produce an encyclopaedic survey of our conception of the philosophical, natural-science and historical problems.” Marx and Engels first became aware of Professor Dühring with his December 1867 review of Capital, published in Ergänzungsblätter. They exchanged a series of letters about him from January-March 1868. He was largely forgotten until the mid-1870s, at which time Dühring entered Germany's political foreground. German Social-Democrats were influenced by both his Kritische Geschichte der Nationalökonomie und des Sozialismus and Cursus der Philosophie als streng wissenschaftlicher Weltanschauung und Lebensgestaltung. Among his readers were included Johann Most, Friedrich Wilhelm Fritzsche, Eduard Bernstein – and even August Bebel for a brief period. In March 1874, the Social-Democratic Workers’ Party paper Volksstaat ran an anonymous article (actually penned by Bebel) favorably reviewing one of Dühring's books. On both February 1 and April 21, 1875, Liebknecht encouraged Engels to take Dühring head-on in the pages of the Volksstaat. In February 1876, Engels fired an opening salvo with his Volksstaat article “Prussian Vodka in the German Reichstag”. -
How Does Context Shape Comedy As a Successful Social Criticism As Demonstrated by Eddie Murphy’S SNL Sketch “White Like Me?”
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College 5-2012 How Does Context Shape Comedy as a Successful Social Criticism as Demonstrated by Eddie Murphy’s SNL Sketch “White Like Me?” Abigail Jones Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the Gender, Race, Sexuality, and Ethnicity in Communication Commons Recommended Citation Jones, Abigail, "How Does Context Shape Comedy as a Successful Social Criticism as Demonstrated by Eddie Murphy’s SNL Sketch “White Like Me?”" (2012). Honors College. 58. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/58 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. HOW DOES CONTEXT SHAPE COMEDY AS A SUCCESSFUL SOCIAL CRITICISM AS DEMONSTRATED BY EDDIE MURPHY’S SNL SKETCH “WHITE LIKE ME?” by Abigail Jones A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for a Degree with Honors (Communications) The Honors College University of Maine May 2012 Advisory Committee: Nathan E. Stormer, Professor of Communication, Advisor Kristin M. Langellier, Professor of Communication Sandra Hardy, Associate Professor of Theater Mimi Killinger, Honors College Rezendes Preceptor for the Arts Adam Kuykendall, Marketing Manager for the School of Performing Arts Abstract This thesis explores the theory of comedy as social criticism through an interpretive investigation. For comedy to be a potent criticism it is important for the audience to understand the context surrounding the sketch. Without understanding the context the sketch still has the ability to be humorous, but the critique is harder to acknowledge. -
The Polarisation Between Individual and Social Entrironment, from the Viowpoint of an Assertivo Individualism, Is One of the Commonplaces of Orwell Criticism
-62- THE INDIVIDUALISM OF ORWELL'S THINKING Cleusa Vieira de Aguiar - UFMG - The polarisation between individual and social entrironment, from the viowpoint of an assertivo individualism, is one of the commonplaces of Orwell criticism. In its own terms it appears as a valuable and 'rugged individualism' , but more criticaily it can be seen as a limiting 'bourgeois indivi duali sm . Caudwell describes the essentially illusory nature of this mode of thought and the associated conception of freedom: "The bourgeois believes that liberty consists in absence of social organiaation; that liberty is a negative quality, a deprivation of existing obstacles to it; and not a positive quality, the reward of endeavour and wisdom. This belief is itself the result of bourgeois social .-o lations. As a result of it, the bourgeois intellectual is unconscious of the causaiity that makes his consciousness what it is... He refuses to see that his own limited liberty; the captivity of the worker, and ali the contradictions of developing bourgeois relations — pacifism, fascism, war, hate, cruclty, ... are bound in one net of causality, that each is influenced by each, and that thereForo it is fallacious to suppose a simple effort of the will of the free man, without knowledge of the -63- causes, will banish fascism, war and slumps ... we have shown that the individual is never free. He can only attain frcedom by social cooperation ... If, therefore, he wi alies to stop poverty, war, and misery, he must do it, not by passive resistance, but by using social relations. But in ordcr to use social relations he must understand them." This account both reminds us of Orwell's anarchist sympathies 4 and explains how in a particular historical situation an assertive individualism turns into a deterministic view of social forces and a pessimistic attitude to the possibility of social change.