Peace and Security in 2021
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Big Tech Dominance (1): the New Financial Tycoons
Paul-Adrien HYPPOLITE Antoine MICHON BIG TECH DOMINANCE (1): THE NEW FINANCIAL TYCOONS December 2018 fondapol.org 2 BIG TECH DOMINANCE (1): THE NEW FINANCIAL TYCOONS Paul-Adrien HYPPOLITE Antoine MICHON 3 The Fondation pour l’innovation politique is a French think tank for European integration and free economy. Chair: Nicolas Bazire Vice-chair: Grégoire Chertok Executive Director: Dominique Reynié Chair of Scientific and Evaluation Board: Christophe de Voogd 4 FONDATION POUR L’INNOVATION POLITIQUE A French think tank for European integration and free economy The Fondation pour l’innovation politique provides an independent forum for expertise, opinion and exchange aimed at producing and disseminating ideas and proposals. It contributes to pluralism of thought and the renewal of public discussion from a free market, forward-thinking and European perspective. Four main priorities guide the Foundation’s work: economic growth, the environment, values and digital technology. The website www.fondapol.org provides public access to all the Foundation’s work. Anyone can access and use all the data gathered for the various surveys via the platform “Data.fondapol” and the data relating to international surveys is available in several languages. In addition, our blog “Trop Libre” (Too Free) casts a critical eye over the news and the world of ideas. “Trop Libre” also provides extensive monitoring of the effects of the digital revolution on political, economic and social practices in its “Renaissance numérique” (Digital Renaissance) section. Additionally, reflecting the Foundation’s editorial policy, our blog “Anthropotechnie” aims to explore new avenues prompted by human enhancement, reproductive cloning, human/machine hybridization, genetic engineering and germline manipulation. -
Evolution, Not Revolution: the Effect of New Deal Legislation On
EVOLUTION, NOT REVOLUTION: THE EFFECT OF NEW DEAL LEGISLATION ON INDUSTRIAL GROWTH AND UNION DEVELOPMENT IN DALLAS, TEXAS M. Courtney Welch, B.S.E., M.A., Ed.D. Dissertation Prepared for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS August 2010 APPROVED: Richard McCaslin, Major Professor and Chair of the Department of History Randolph Campbell, Committee Member John Todd, Committee Member Aaron Navarro, Committee Member Elizabeth Turner, Committee Member James D. Meernik, Acting Dean of the Robert B. Toulouse School of Graduate Studies Welch, M. Courtney. Evolution, Not Revolution: The Effect of New Deal Legislation on Industrial Growth and Union Development in Dallas, Texas. Doctor of Philosophy (History), August 2010, 226 pp., 9 tables, 11 illustrations, references, 145 titles. The New Deal legislation of the 1930s would threaten Dallas’ peaceful industrial appearance. In fact, New Deal programs and legislation did have an effect on the city, albeit an unbalanced mixture of positive and negative outcomes characterized by frustrated workers and industrial intimidation. To summarize, the New Deal did not bring a revolution, but it did continue an evolutionary change for reform. This dissertation investigated several issues pertaining to the development of the textile industry, cement industry, and the Ford automobile factory in Dallas and its labor history before, during, and after the New Deal. New Deal legislation not only created an avenue for industrial workers to achieve better representation but also improved their working conditions. Specifically focusing on the textile, cement, and automobile industries illustrates that the development of union representation is a spectrum, with one end being the passive but successful cement industry experience and the other end being the automobile industry union efforts, which were characterized by violence and intimidation. -
Energy Systems Integration: Implications for Public Policy
Energy Policy 143 (2020) 111609 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Energy Policy journal homepage: http://www.elsevier.com/locate/enpol ☆ Energy Systems Integration: Implications for public policy Carlo Cambini a,*, Raffaele Congiu a, Tooraj Jamasb b, Manuel Llorca b, Golnoush Soroush c a Department of Management, Politecnico di Torino, Italy b Copenhagen School of Energy Infrastructure (CSEI), Department of Economics, Copenhagen Business School, Denmark c Florence School of Regulation – European University Institute, Florence, Italy ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT JEL classification: Energy Systems Integration (ESI) is an emerging paradigm and at the centre of the EU energy debate. ESI takes a L51 holistic view of the electricity, gas, and heat sectors to deliver a clean, reliable, and affordable energy system. By L94 using the synergies within and between sectors, ESI aims to increase flexibility in the energy system, maximise Q4 the integration of renewable energy and distributed generation, and reduce environmental impact. While ESI- Keywords: enabling technologies have been studied from a technical perspective, the economic, regulatory, and policy Energy systems integration dimensions of ESI are yet to be analysed in depth. This paper discusses ESI in a multi-step approach. We first Sector coupling Regulation focus on the economics of ESI-enabling technologies. Then we briefly discuss how the EU national regulators Innovation incentivise their adoption. Major economic and policy barriers to ESI are identified and policy solutions to Research and development overcome these barriers are proposed. We conclude that current regulatory frameworks in the EU do not suf Economic and policy barriers ficiently stimulate ESI investments and only through proper design of incentives ESI can be adopted. -
Democracy on the Precipice Council of Europe Democracy 2011-12 Council of Europe Publishing Debates
Democracy on the Precipice Democracy Democracy is well-established and soundly practiced in most European countries. But despite unprecedented progress, there is growing dissatisfaction with the state of democracy and deepening mistrust of democratic institutions; a situation exacer- Democracy on the Precipice bated by the economic crisis. Are Europe’s democracies really under threat? Has the traditional model of European democracy exhausted its potential? A broad consensus is forming as to the urgent need to examine the origins of the crisis and to explore Council of Europe visions and strategies which could contribute to rebuilding confidence in democracy. Democracy Debates 2011-12 As Europe’s guardian of democracy, human rights and the rule of law, the Council of Europe is committed to exploring the state and practice of European democracy, as Debates of Europe Publishing 2011-12 Council Council of Europe Democracy well as identifying new challenges and anticipating future trends. In order to facilitate Preface by Thorbjørn Jagland this reflection, the Council of Europe held a series of Democracy Debates with the participation of renowned specialists working in a variety of backgrounds and disciplines. This publication presents the eight Democracy Debate lectures. Each presentation Zygmunt Bauman analyses a specific aspect of democracy today, placing the issues not only in their political context but also addressing the historical, technological and communication Ulrich Beck dimensions. The authors make proposals on ways to improve democratic governance Ayşe Kadıoğlu and offer their predictions on how democracy in Europe may evolve. Together, the presentations contribute to improving our understanding of democracy today and to John Keane recognising the ways it could be protected and strengthened. -
Fragile States Index 2015
FRAGILE STATES INDEX 2015 THE FUND FOR PEACE The Fund for Peace is an independent, nonpartisan, 501(c)(3) non-profit research and educational organization that works to prevent violent conflict and promote sustainable security. We promote sustainable security through research, training and education, engagement of civil society, building bridges across diverse sectors, and developing innovative technologies and tools for policy makers. A leader in the conflict assessment and early warning field, The Fund for Peace focuses on the problems of weak and failing states. Our objective is to create practical tools and approaches for conflict mitigation that are useful to decision-makers. Copyright © 2015 The Fund for Peace. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Fund for Peace. Report Edited by Assessment Directed by J. J. Messner Nate Haken Report Written by J. J. Messner, Nate Haken, Patricia Taft, Hannah Blyth, Kendall Lawrence, Sebastian Pavlou Graham, Felipe Umaña Assessment Supported by Alex Young, Ania Skinner, Katie Cornelius Circulation: PUBLIC The Fund for Peace T: +1 202 223 7940 1101 14th Street NW, Suite 1020 F: +1 202 223 7947 Washington, D.C. 20005 www.fundforpeace.org The Fund for Peace is grateful for the support of: Foreign Policy magazine is the media partner of the Fragile States Index www.foreignpolicy.com www.fundforpeace.org Fragile States Index 2015: Overview The Fragile States Index is an annual The Index in Figures ranking of 178 nations based on their levels of Index of Country Analysis 2015 Map 4 stability and the pressures they face. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science the New
The London School of Economics and Political Science The New Industrial Order: Vichy, Steel, and the Origins of the Monnet Plan, 1940-1946 Luc-André Brunet A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, July 2014 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 87,402 words. 2 Abstract Following the Fall of France in 1940, the nation’s industry was fundamentally reorganised under the Vichy regime. This thesis traces the history of the keystones of this New Industrial Order, the Organisation Committees, by focusing on the organisation of the French steel industry between the end of the Third Republic in 1940 and the establishment of the Fourth Republic in 1946. It challenges traditional views by showing that the Committees were created largely to facilitate economic collaboration with Nazi Germany. -
Camille Robcis the Biopolitics of Dignity
South Atlantic Quarterly Camille Robcis The Biopolitics of Dignity “Let us not allow, within a free nation, monuments of slavery, even voluntary.” —Pierre Anastase Torné, French deputy, April 6, 1792 A few days after the shocking attacks on the ofces of Charlie Hebdo in January 2015, several French political leaders called for the revival of the “crime of national indignity” as a possible sanction against terrorists of French citizenship. As the prime minister Manuel Valls put it, such a measure—backed up, according to surveys, by 76 percent of the French population—would “mark with symbolic force the consequences of the absolute transgression that a terrorist act con- stitutes” (Clavel 2015). Under French law, national indignity did indeed have a particular history and signifcation, one that was not simply “symbolic” but in fact quite concrete. As the historian Anne Simonin (2008) shows, “national indignity” was invented in 1944 by the legal experts of the Resis- tance as an exceptional measure to punish, retro- actively, the supporters of the Vichy regime who had collaborated with the Nazi occupiers and pro- moted anti-Semitic legislation. Between 1945 and 1951, around one hundred thousand citizens were The South Atlantic Quarterly 115:2, April 2016 doi 10.1215/00382876-3488431 © 2016 Duke University Press Published by Duke University Press South Atlantic Quarterly 314 The South Atlantic Quarterly • April 2016 accused of indignity and punished by “national degradation.” In practical terms, this meant that they were stripped of their civic rights and their pos- sessions, banned from exercising certain public positions and professions (lawyers, bankers, teachers), and forbidden to live in particular regions of France. -
Eu-Colombia Relations
EU-COLOMBIA RELATIONS Colombia is a key partner for the European Union in Latin America. The EU’s relations with Colombia are based on political dialogue, trade cooperation and joint efforts to achievesustainable development and support to peace-building. POLITICAL RELATIONS The European Union and Colombia hold consultations on political issues focussing on bilateral, regional and global issues and meet annually for high-level political and sectorial dialogues. A fruitful bilateral human rights dialogue and a security and defence dialogue complement relations between the European Union and Colombia. Priority areas and common challenges: Stable & Fighting Security Human Climate lasting illicit drugs & & Rights change & peace organised crime defence biodiversity PEACE PROCESS The EU has been supporting the peace process in Colombia since the very beginning. It does so in an integrated approach, using all its tools: diplomacy, international cooperation and development, humanitarian aid and civilian protection and investment and trade. Overall, the EU has invested over €645 million. This includes as its key instrument the EU Trust Fund, pledged loans by the European Investment Bank, short-term actions and ongoing programmes. Some examples: In strong political PEACE LABORATORIES & NEW PEACE TERRITORIES PROJECT €160 support of the These EU projects contributed to boosting economic development, million peace process, High human rights and democracy in Colombia from 2002 to 2017. Representative Federica Mogherini EU TRUST FUND FOR PEACE €125 appointed Eamon The Trust Fund supports the implementation of the Peace Agreement. million Gilmore as the EU’s Special Envoy for INSTRUMENT FOR STABILITY AND PEACE (IsCP) the peace process over €40 Actions under the IsCP focus on support for humanitarian demining, million in Colombia in 2015 - access to justice, the transitional justice system and reintegrating minors 2019. -
The Highest Attainable Standard: the World Health Organization, Global Health
The Highest Attainable Standard: The World Health Organization, Global Health Governance, and the Contentious Politics of Human Rights Benjamin Mason Meier Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy under the Executive Committee of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2009 © 2009 Benjamin Mason Meier All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT The Highest Attainable Standard: The World Health Organization, Global Health Governance, and the Contentious Politics of Human Rights Benjamin Mason Meier The human right to health—proclaimed seminally in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and codified in the 1966 International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) as “the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health”—has become a cornerstone of global health governance. Heralded as a normative framework for international public health, the right to health is seen as foundational to the contemporary policies and programs of the World Health Organization (WHO). It was not always so. This dissertation traces the political history leading up to WHO’s invocation of human rights for the public’s health. With both the UDHR and WHO coming into existence in 1948, there was great initial promise that these two institutions would complement each other, with WHO upholding human rights in all its activities. In spite of this promise and early WHO efforts to advance a human rights basis for its work, WHO intentionally neglected the right to health during crucial years of its evolution, with the WHO Secretariat renouncing its authoritative role in human rights policy to pursue medical care programming. -
Stagflation in the 1930S: Why Did the French New Deal Fail?
Stagflation in the 1930s: Why did the French New Deal Fail? Jeremie Cohen-Setton, Joshua K. Hausman, and Johannes F. Wieland∗ August 15, 2014 VERSION 1.0. VERY PRELIMINARY. DO NOT CITE WITHOUT PERMISSION. The latest version is available here. Abstract Most countries started to recover from the Great Depression when they left the Gold Stan- dard. France did not. In 1936, France both left the Gold Standard and enacted New- Deal-style policies, in particular wage increases and a 40-hour week law. The result was stagflation; prices rose rapidly from 1936 to 1938 while output stagnated. Using panel data on sectoral output, we show that the 40-hour week restriction had strong negative effects on production. Absent this law, France would likely have followed the usual pattern of rapid recovery after leaving the Gold Standard. We construct a model to show how supply-side policies could have prevented output growth despite excess capacity and a large real interest rate decline. ∗Cohen-Setton: University of California, Berkeley. 530 Evans Hall #3880, Berkeley, CA 94720. Email: [email protected]. Phone: (510) 277-6413. Hausman: Ford School of Public Policy, Uni- versity of Michigan. 735 S. State St. #3309, Ann Arbor, MI 48109. Email: [email protected]. Phone: (734) 763-3479. Wieland: Department of Economics, University of California, San Diego. 9500 Gilman Dr. #0508, La Jolla, CA 92093-0508. Email: [email protected]. Phone: (510) 388-2785. We thank Walid Badawi and Matthew Haarer for superb research assistance. “CABINETS, in France, may come and Cabinets may go, but the economic crisis seems to go on for ever.” - The Economist, 2/5/1938, p. -
New Deal for Consumers
New Deal For Consumers Legal Affairs Committee Rom, 4 October 2018 New Deal For Consumers Proposals for two directives of the European Parliament and of the Council: 1. Directive on representative actions for the protection of the collective interests of consumers and amending Directive 2009/22/EC (Speaker: Ms. Freise, VdpB) 2. Directive introducing targeted amendments to EU consumer law Directives (Speaker: Ms. Holler, EFBS) 2 © European Federation of Building Societies Directive on Representative Actions Reasons for the proposal ▪ Resolution of the European Parliament “Towards a Coherent European Approach to Collective Redress” (2012) ▪ Recommendation 2013/396/EU of the European Commission on common principles for injunctive and compensatory collective redress mechanisms in the Member States (2013) ▪ REFIT Fitness Check of EU consumer and marketing law (2017) ▪ Report of the European Commission on the implementation of concerning violations of rights granted under Union Law (2018) Need for collective compensatory redress mechanisms Replacement of the Directive 2009/22/EC 3 © European Federation of Building Societies Directive on Representative Actions Subject matter of the proposal “This Directive sets out rules enabling qualified entities to seek representative actions aimed at the protection of the collective interests of consumers, while ensuring appropriate safeguards to avoid abusive litigation.” 4 © European Federation of Building Societies Directive on Representative Actions Subject matter of the proposal 1. Qualified entities 2. Possible representative actions 3. Safeguards to avoid abusive litigation 5 © European Federation of Building Societies Directive on Representative Actions 1. Qualified Entities Proposal: - legitimate interest in ensuring that provisions of Union law are complied with - non-profit making character - sufficient financial resources in particular: consumer organisations and independent public bodies Any qualified entity may apply to the courts or administrative authorities of another Member State. -
If Not Us, Who?
Dario Azzellini (Editor) If Not Us, Who? Workers worldwide against authoritarianism, fascism and dictatorship VSA: Dario Azzellini (ed.) If Not Us, Who? Global workers against authoritarianism, fascism, and dictatorships The Editor Dario Azzellini is Professor of Development Studies at the Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas in Mexico, and visiting scholar at Cornell University in the USA. He has conducted research into social transformation processes for more than 25 years. His primary research interests are industrial sociol- ogy and the sociology of labour, local and workers’ self-management, and so- cial movements and protest, with a focus on South America and Europe. He has published more than 20 books, 11 films, and a multitude of academic ar- ticles, many of which have been translated into a variety of languages. Among them are Vom Protest zum sozialen Prozess: Betriebsbesetzungen und Arbei ten in Selbstverwaltung (VSA 2018) and The Class Strikes Back: SelfOrganised Workers’ Struggles in the TwentyFirst Century (Haymarket 2019). Further in- formation can be found at www.azzellini.net. Dario Azzellini (ed.) If Not Us, Who? Global workers against authoritarianism, fascism, and dictatorships A publication by the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung VSA: Verlag Hamburg www.vsa-verlag.de www.rosalux.de This publication was financially supported by the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung with funds from the Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) of the Federal Republic of Germany. The publishers are solely respon- sible for the content of this publication; the opinions presented here do not reflect the position of the funders. Translations into English: Adrian Wilding (chapter 2) Translations by Gegensatz Translation Collective: Markus Fiebig (chapter 30), Louise Pain (chapter 1/4/21/28/29, CVs, cover text) Translation copy editing: Marty Hiatt English copy editing: Marty Hiatt Proofreading and editing: Dario Azzellini This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution–Non- Commercial–NoDerivs 3.0 Germany License.