DOCSLIB.ORG

Evolution, Not Revolution: the Effect of New Deal Legislation On

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

EVOLUTION, NOT REVOLUTION: THE EFFECT OF NEW DEAL LEGISLATION ON INDUSTRIAL GROWTH AND UNION DEVELOPMENT IN DALLAS, TEXAS M. Courtney Welch, B.S.E., M.A., Ed.D. Dissertation Prepared for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS August 2010 APPROVED: Richard McCaslin, Major Professor and Chair of the Department of History Randolph Campbell, Committee Member John Todd, Committee Member Aaron Navarro, Committee Member Elizabeth Turner, Committee Member James D. Meernik, Acting Dean of the Robert B. Toulouse School of Graduate Studies Welch, M. Courtney. Evolution, Not Revolution: The Effect of New Deal Legislation on Industrial Growth and Union Development in Dallas, Texas. Doctor of Philosophy (History), August 2010, 226 pp., 9 tables, 11 illustrations, references, 145 titles. The New Deal legislation of the 1930s would threaten Dallas’ peaceful industrial appearance. In fact, New Deal programs and legislation did have an effect on the city, albeit an unbalanced mixture of positive and negative outcomes characterized by frustrated workers and industrial intimidation. To summarize, the New Deal did not bring a revolution, but it did continue an evolutionary change for reform. This dissertation investigated several issues pertaining to the development of the textile industry, cement industry, and the Ford automobile factory in Dallas and its labor history before, during, and after the New Deal. New Deal legislation not only created an avenue for industrial workers to achieve better representation but also improved their working conditions. Specifically focusing on the textile, cement, and automobile industries illustrates that the development of union representation is a spectrum, with one end being the passive but successful cement industry experience and the other end being the automobile industry union efforts, which were characterized by violence and intimidation. These case studies illustrate the changing relationship between Dallas labor and the federal government as well as their local management. Challenges to the open shop movement in Dallas occurred before the creation of the New Deal, but it was New Deal legislation that encouraged union developers to recruit workers actively in Dallas. Workers’ demands, New Deal industrial regulations, and union activism created a more urban, modern Dallas that would be solidified through the industrial demands for World War II. Copyright 2010 by M. Courtney Welch ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the uncompromising and unconditional support from my family and the faculty and staff of the University of North Texas history department. Thank you Mom and Dad for your encouragement, advice and research and editing skills! Thank you to my husband, Michael and my son, Hayden and so-to-be born daughter Mikayla for keeping me grounded and providing unlimited joy! And lastly, but certainly not least, to my mentor Dr. Rick McCaslin, whose guidance and friendship truly made this dissertation a reality. To all these individuals named and the countless many who have aided in this dissertation’s research and discovery I want to say that I have been truly blessed and lucky to have worked with you along the way. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ............................................................................................................. iii LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................................... vi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ........................................................................................................ vii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...................................................................................................... viii Chapters 1. INTRODUCTION AND HISTORIOGRAPHY......................................................1 2. THE EFFECT OF THE NATIONAL INDUSTRIAL RECOVERY ACT: A LOCAL AND NATIONAL EXAMINATION .....................................................21 3. THE OPEN SHOP MOVEMENT IN DALLAS, TEXAS, 1900-1930 .................43 4. A PROFILE OF THE TEXTILE, CEMENT, AND AUTOMOBILE INDUSTRIES IN DALLAS, TEXAS, 1900-1930 ................................................60 5. “NEVER GIVE IN!” THE EFFECT OF THE NEW DEAL ON TEXTILE WORKERS IN DALLAS, TEXAS .......................................................................94 6. CIVILITY IN A COMPANY TOWN: THE DEVELOPMENT, GROWTH AND UNIONIZATION OF CEMENT CITY, TEXAS ................................................120 7. FORD WORKERS UNITE! (SORT OF): THE PURSUIT OF UNION REPRESENTATION AMONG THE DALLAS AUTOMOBILE WORKERS ..............................................................................................................................142 8. THE EFFECT OF WORLD WAR II ON DALLAS LABOR RELATIONS .....159 Appendices A. SELECTIONS FROM THE NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS ACT ............178 B. DOCUMENTS OF THE OPEN SHOP ASSOCIATION ...................................181 C. EXECUTIVE ORDER 9370: ENFORCEMENT OF NATIONAL WAR LABOR BOARD DIRECTIVES .......................................................................................185 D. PROMOTION MATERIAL ON TEXAS INDUSTRY ......................................188 iv E. DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION ON TEXTILE, CEMENT, AND AUTOMOBILE WORKERS DRAWN FROM THE UNITED STATES CENSUS OF 1930 ...............................................................................................190 F. DALLAS, TEXAS, IN 1936 ................................................................................206 G. INDUSTRIAL MAPS OF DALLAS, TEXAS, 1930 ..........................................208 H. MAP OF CEMENT CITY AND EAGLE FORD ROAD, 1940 .........................210 I. CEMETERY LAYOUT FOR THE TRINITY PORTLAND CEMETERY, CEMENT CITY, TEXAS ....................................................................................212 J. MAPS OF MEXICO ............................................................................................213 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................................216 v LIST OF TABLES Page 1. Statistical Report of Complaints for Dallas County – March 30, 1935 .............................29 2. Population by Sex and Race, Dallas, Texas, 1920-1940 ...................................................65 3. Number of Manufacturers, Number of Production Workers, and Average Number of Production Workers, Texas, 1919-1947 ............................................................................66 4. Number of Workers, Total Wages, and Average Wages for Texas, 1929-1947 ...............67 5. Mexican American Population for Dallas, Texas, 1900-1920 ...........................................80 6. Immigration from Mexico to the United States, 1901-1950 ............................................128 7. Increase in Food Costs in Dallas, Texas – January 1941-January 1944 ..........................165 8. Increase in Rents in Dallas, Texas – January 1941- January 1944 ..................................165 9. Increase in Clothing in Dallas, Texas – January 1941-January 1944 ..............................166 vi LIST OF IILUSTRATIONS Page 1. Housing in Cement City.....................................................................................................82 2. Ford Motor Company plant in Dallas, Texas.....................................................................88 3. ILGWU strikers pose for a group photograph in 1935 ....................................................108 4. ILGWU strikers waiting to be processed into the Dallas city jail ...................................110 5. ILGWU strikers in the Dallas County jail .......................................................................111 6. A cartoon illustration of the August 7, 1935, “strike-stripping” event in Dallas.............113 7. Dallas strikers in jail for stripping the clothes off of the scab replacements ...................114 8. Depiction of “strike stripping” from La Tribuna Illustrata of Rome, Italy ......................115 9. Meyer Perlstein in the Dallas city jail ..............................................................................116 10. Cement production facilities in Cement City, 1931.........................................................138 11. Herbert Harris holds a bundle made from his torn clothes ..............................................150 vii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AFL American Federation of Labor CIO Congress of Industrial Organizations FLSA Fair Labor Standards Act ILGWU International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union NIRA National Industrial Recovery Act NLB National Labor Board NLRA National Labor Relations Act (Wagner Act) NLRB National Labor Relations Board NRA National Recovery Administration NWLB National War Labor Board TLRB Texas Labor Relations Board TWOC Textile Workers Organizing Committee TWUA Textile Workers Union of America UAW United Automobile Workers UTWU United Textile Workers Union viii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION AND HISTORIOGRAPHY By 1900 Texas had gone through a period of economic development that yielded three cities that were among the fastest growing in industry and population in the nation. These cities were Houston, San Antonio, and Dallas. Many studies of the urbanization and industrial development of Houston and San Antonio have been conducted, but only recently has Dallas attracted attention. According to historians Blaine A. Brownell and David R. Goldfield, Dallas ranked eleventh among the
Recommended publications
  • Big Tech Dominance (1): the New Financial Tycoons

    Big Tech Dominance (1): the New Financial Tycoons

    Paul-Adrien HYPPOLITE Antoine MICHON BIG TECH DOMINANCE (1): THE NEW FINANCIAL TYCOONS December 2018 fondapol.org 2 BIG TECH DOMINANCE (1): THE NEW FINANCIAL TYCOONS Paul-Adrien HYPPOLITE Antoine MICHON 3 The Fondation pour l’innovation politique is a French think tank for European integration and free economy. Chair: Nicolas Bazire Vice-chair: Grégoire Chertok Executive Director: Dominique Reynié Chair of Scientific and Evaluation Board: Christophe de Voogd 4 FONDATION POUR L’INNOVATION POLITIQUE A French think tank for European integration and free economy The Fondation pour l’innovation politique provides an independent forum for expertise, opinion and exchange aimed at producing and disseminating ideas and proposals. It contributes to pluralism of thought and the renewal of public discussion from a free market, forward-thinking and European perspective. Four main priorities guide the Foundation’s work: economic growth, the environment, values and digital technology. The website www.fondapol.org provides public access to all the Foundation’s work. Anyone can access and use all the data gathered for the various surveys via the platform “Data.fondapol” and the data relating to international surveys is available in several languages. In addition, our blog “Trop Libre” (Too Free) casts a critical eye over the news and the world of ideas. “Trop Libre” also provides extensive monitoring of the effects of the digital revolution on political, economic and social practices in its “Renaissance numérique” (Digital Renaissance) section. Additionally, reflecting the Foundation’s editorial policy, our blog “Anthropotechnie” aims to explore new avenues prompted by human enhancement, reproductive cloning, human/machine hybridization, genetic engineering and germline manipulation.
  • Energy Systems Integration: Implications for Public Policy

    Energy Systems Integration: Implications for Public Policy

    Energy Policy 143 (2020) 111609 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Energy Policy journal homepage: http://www.elsevier.com/locate/enpol ☆ Energy Systems Integration: Implications for public policy Carlo Cambini a,*, Raffaele Congiu a, Tooraj Jamasb b, Manuel Llorca b, Golnoush Soroush c a Department of Management, Politecnico di Torino, Italy b Copenhagen School of Energy Infrastructure (CSEI), Department of Economics, Copenhagen Business School, Denmark c Florence School of Regulation – European University Institute, Florence, Italy ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT JEL classification: Energy Systems Integration (ESI) is an emerging paradigm and at the centre of the EU energy debate. ESI takes a L51 holistic view of the electricity, gas, and heat sectors to deliver a clean, reliable, and affordable energy system. By L94 using the synergies within and between sectors, ESI aims to increase flexibility in the energy system, maximise Q4 the integration of renewable energy and distributed generation, and reduce environmental impact. While ESI- Keywords: enabling technologies have been studied from a technical perspective, the economic, regulatory, and policy Energy systems integration dimensions of ESI are yet to be analysed in depth. This paper discusses ESI in a multi-step approach. We first Sector coupling Regulation focus on the economics of ESI-enabling technologies. Then we briefly discuss how the EU national regulators Innovation incentivise their adoption. Major economic and policy barriers to ESI are identified and policy solutions to Research and development overcome these barriers are proposed. We conclude that current regulatory frameworks in the EU do not suf­ Economic and policy barriers ficiently stimulate ESI investments and only through proper design of incentives ESI can be adopted.
  • Democracy on the Precipice Council of Europe Democracy 2011-12 Council of Europe Publishing Debates

    Democracy on the Precipice Council of Europe Democracy 2011-12 Council of Europe Publishing Debates

    Democracy on the Precipice Democracy Democracy is well-established and soundly practiced in most European countries. But despite unprecedented progress, there is growing dissatisfaction with the state of democracy and deepening mistrust of democratic institutions; a situation exacer- Democracy on the Precipice bated by the economic crisis. Are Europe’s democracies really under threat? Has the traditional model of European democracy exhausted its potential? A broad consensus is forming as to the urgent need to examine the origins of the crisis and to explore Council of Europe visions and strategies which could contribute to rebuilding confidence in democracy. Democracy Debates 2011-12 As Europe’s guardian of democracy, human rights and the rule of law, the Council of Europe is committed to exploring the state and practice of European democracy, as Debates of Europe Publishing 2011-12 Council Council of Europe Democracy well as identifying new challenges and anticipating future trends. In order to facilitate Preface by Thorbjørn Jagland this reflection, the Council of Europe held a series of Democracy Debates with the participation of renowned specialists working in a variety of backgrounds and disciplines. This publication presents the eight Democracy Debate lectures. Each presentation Zygmunt Bauman analyses a specific aspect of democracy today, placing the issues not only in their political context but also addressing the historical, technological and communication Ulrich Beck dimensions. The authors make proposals on ways to improve democratic governance Ayşe Kadıoğlu and offer their predictions on how democracy in Europe may evolve. Together, the presentations contribute to improving our understanding of democracy today and to John Keane recognising the ways it could be protected and strengthened.
  • The London School of Economics and Political Science the New

    The London School of Economics and Political Science the New

    The London School of Economics and Political Science The New Industrial Order: Vichy, Steel, and the Origins of the Monnet Plan, 1940-1946 Luc-André Brunet A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, July 2014 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 87,402 words. 2 Abstract Following the Fall of France in 1940, the nation’s industry was fundamentally reorganised under the Vichy regime. This thesis traces the history of the keystones of this New Industrial Order, the Organisation Committees, by focusing on the organisation of the French steel industry between the end of the Third Republic in 1940 and the establishment of the Fourth Republic in 1946. It challenges traditional views by showing that the Committees were created largely to facilitate economic collaboration with Nazi Germany.
  • Members-Only Collective Bargaining: a Back-To-Basics Approach to Union Organizing

    Members-Only Collective Bargaining: a Back-To-Basics Approach to Union Organizing

    Upjohn Institute Press Members-Only Collective Bargaining: A Back-to-Basics Approach to Union Organizing Charles J. Morris Southern Methodist University Chapter 12 (pp. 251-274) in: Justice on the Job: Perspectives on the Erosion of Collective Bargaining in the United States Richard N. Block, Sheldon Friedman, Michelle Kaminski, Andy Levin, eds. Kalamazoo, MI: W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, 2006 DOI: 10.17848/9781429454827.ch12 Copyright ©2006. W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research. All rights reserved. 12 Members-Only Collective Bargaining A Back-to-Basics Approach to Union Organizing Charles J. Morris Southern Methodist University My purpose and concern in this chapter is to call attention to a criti- cal missing link in the U.S. system of industrial relations. That link is members-only minority-union collective bargaining, which is a natural preliminary stage in the development of mature, majority-based exclu- sivity bargaining. What follows is an abbreviated version of some of the key elements of that thesis, which is more fully developed in my recent book, The Blue Eagle at Work: Reclaiming Democratic Rights in the American Workplace.1 Minority-union bargaining was commonly prac- ticed immediately before and after enactment of the Wagner Act2 (the National Labor Relations Act) in 1935, and as I demonstrate in that book, it was not Congress’ intent to deny protection to such bargaining under that act. During the early years following its passage, such bargaining prevailed widely. The decisive provisions of the act, which were not af- fected by either the Taft-Hartley3 or Landrum-Griffin4 amendments, are still fully in effect today.
  • Camille Robcis the Biopolitics of Dignity

    Camille Robcis the Biopolitics of Dignity

    South Atlantic Quarterly Camille Robcis The Biopolitics of Dignity “Let us not allow, within a free nation, monuments of slavery, even voluntary.” —Pierre Anastase Torné, French deputy, April 6, 1792 A few days after the shocking attacks on the ofces of Charlie Hebdo in January 2015, several French political leaders called for the revival of the “crime of national indignity” as a possible sanction against terrorists of French citizenship. As the prime minister Manuel Valls put it, such a measure—backed up, according to surveys, by 76 percent of the French population—would “mark with symbolic force the consequences of the absolute transgression that a terrorist act con- stitutes” (Clavel 2015). Under French law, national indignity did indeed have a particular history and signifcation, one that was not simply “symbolic” but in fact quite concrete. As the historian Anne Simonin (2008) shows, “national indignity” was invented in 1944 by the legal experts of the Resis- tance as an exceptional measure to punish, retro- actively, the supporters of the Vichy regime who had collaborated with the Nazi occupiers and pro- moted anti-Semitic legislation. Between 1945 and 1951, around one hundred thousand citizens were The South Atlantic Quarterly 115:2, April 2016 doi 10.1215/00382876-3488431 © 2016 Duke University Press Published by Duke University Press South Atlantic Quarterly 314 The South Atlantic Quarterly • April 2016 accused of indignity and punished by “national degradation.” In practical terms, this meant that they were stripped of their civic rights and their pos- sessions, banned from exercising certain public positions and professions (lawyers, bankers, teachers), and forbidden to live in particular regions of France.
  • Restoring Equity in Right-To-Work Law

    Restoring Equity in Right-To-Work Law

    Restoring Equity in Right-to-Work Law Catherine L. Fisk & Benjamin I. Sachs* Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 857 I. Reading Section 14(b) ................................................................................................. 860 II. A Genuine Right to Be Nonunion .......................................................................... 866 III. Removing the Obligation to Represent Nonmembers for Free ...................... 874 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 879 INTRODUCTION Under United States labor law, when a majority of employees in a bargaining unit choose union representation, all employees in the unit are then represented by the union and the union must represent all of the employees equally.1 Twenty-four states, however, have enacted laws granting such union-represented employees the right to refuse to pay the union for the services the union is legally obligated to provide.2 Although the name prompts strong objection from union supporters, these laws are known as “right-to-work” laws. Right-to-work laws have been around for decades,3 but they have come to national prominence again as another round of states has enacted the legislation. Michigan—a state with relatively high levels of union density4—enacted a right-to- work statute in 2012, and Indiana became a right-to-work state in 2010.5 As a * The authors are, respectively, Chancellor’s Professor of Law, University of California, Irvine School of Law, and Kestnbaum Professor of Labor and Industry, Harvard Law School. Professor Fisk thanks Daniel Schieffer, and Professor Sachs thanks Ani Gevorkian for excellent research assistance. 1. National Labor Relations Act § 9, 29 U.S.C. § 159(a) (2012). 2. Right to Work Resources, NAT’L CONF. ST. LEGISLATURES, http://www.ncsl.org/issues -research/labor/right-to-work-laws-and-bills.aspx (last visited Sept.
  • The Highest Attainable Standard: the World Health Organization, Global Health

    The Highest Attainable Standard: the World Health Organization, Global Health

    The Highest Attainable Standard: The World Health Organization, Global Health Governance, and the Contentious Politics of Human Rights Benjamin Mason Meier Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy under the Executive Committee of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2009 © 2009 Benjamin Mason Meier All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT The Highest Attainable Standard: The World Health Organization, Global Health Governance, and the Contentious Politics of Human Rights Benjamin Mason Meier The human right to health—proclaimed seminally in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and codified in the 1966 International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) as “the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health”—has become a cornerstone of global health governance. Heralded as a normative framework for international public health, the right to health is seen as foundational to the contemporary policies and programs of the World Health Organization (WHO). It was not always so. This dissertation traces the political history leading up to WHO’s invocation of human rights for the public’s health. With both the UDHR and WHO coming into existence in 1948, there was great initial promise that these two institutions would complement each other, with WHO upholding human rights in all its activities. In spite of this promise and early WHO efforts to advance a human rights basis for its work, WHO intentionally neglected the right to health during crucial years of its evolution, with the WHO Secretariat renouncing its authoritative role in human rights policy to pursue medical care programming.
  • Stagflation in the 1930S: Why Did the French New Deal Fail?

    Stagflation in the 1930S: Why Did the French New Deal Fail?

    Stagflation in the 1930s: Why did the French New Deal Fail? Jeremie Cohen-Setton, Joshua K. Hausman, and Johannes F. Wieland∗ August 15, 2014 VERSION 1.0. VERY PRELIMINARY. DO NOT CITE WITHOUT PERMISSION. The latest version is available here. Abstract Most countries started to recover from the Great Depression when they left the Gold Stan- dard. France did not. In 1936, France both left the Gold Standard and enacted New- Deal-style policies, in particular wage increases and a 40-hour week law. The result was stagflation; prices rose rapidly from 1936 to 1938 while output stagnated. Using panel data on sectoral output, we show that the 40-hour week restriction had strong negative effects on production. Absent this law, France would likely have followed the usual pattern of rapid recovery after leaving the Gold Standard. We construct a model to show how supply-side policies could have prevented output growth despite excess capacity and a large real interest rate decline. ∗Cohen-Setton: University of California, Berkeley. 530 Evans Hall #3880, Berkeley, CA 94720. Email: [email protected]. Phone: (510) 277-6413. Hausman: Ford School of Public Policy, Uni- versity of Michigan. 735 S. State St. #3309, Ann Arbor, MI 48109. Email: [email protected]. Phone: (734) 763-3479. Wieland: Department of Economics, University of California, San Diego. 9500 Gilman Dr. #0508, La Jolla, CA 92093-0508. Email: [email protected]. Phone: (510) 388-2785. We thank Walid Badawi and Matthew Haarer for superb research assistance. “CABINETS, in France, may come and Cabinets may go, but the economic crisis seems to go on for ever.” - The Economist, 2/5/1938, p.
  • New Deal for Consumers

    New Deal for Consumers

    New Deal For Consumers Legal Affairs Committee Rom, 4 October 2018 New Deal For Consumers Proposals for two directives of the European Parliament and of the Council: 1. Directive on representative actions for the protection of the collective interests of consumers and amending Directive 2009/22/EC (Speaker: Ms. Freise, VdpB) 2. Directive introducing targeted amendments to EU consumer law Directives (Speaker: Ms. Holler, EFBS) 2 © European Federation of Building Societies Directive on Representative Actions Reasons for the proposal ▪ Resolution of the European Parliament “Towards a Coherent European Approach to Collective Redress” (2012) ▪ Recommendation 2013/396/EU of the European Commission on common principles for injunctive and compensatory collective redress mechanisms in the Member States (2013) ▪ REFIT Fitness Check of EU consumer and marketing law (2017) ▪ Report of the European Commission on the implementation of concerning violations of rights granted under Union Law (2018) Need for collective compensatory redress mechanisms Replacement of the Directive 2009/22/EC 3 © European Federation of Building Societies Directive on Representative Actions Subject matter of the proposal “This Directive sets out rules enabling qualified entities to seek representative actions aimed at the protection of the collective interests of consumers, while ensuring appropriate safeguards to avoid abusive litigation.” 4 © European Federation of Building Societies Directive on Representative Actions Subject matter of the proposal 1. Qualified entities 2. Possible representative actions 3. Safeguards to avoid abusive litigation 5 © European Federation of Building Societies Directive on Representative Actions 1. Qualified Entities Proposal: - legitimate interest in ensuring that provisions of Union law are complied with - non-profit making character - sufficient financial resources in particular: consumer organisations and independent public bodies Any qualified entity may apply to the courts or administrative authorities of another Member State.
  • If Not Us, Who?

    If Not Us, Who?

    Dario Azzellini (Editor) If Not Us, Who? Workers worldwide against authoritarianism, fascism and dictatorship VSA: Dario Azzellini (ed.) If Not Us, Who? Global workers against authoritarianism, fascism, and dictatorships The Editor Dario Azzellini is Professor of Development Studies at the Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas in Mexico, and visiting scholar at Cornell University in the USA. He has conducted research into social transformation processes for more than 25 years. His primary research interests are industrial sociol- ogy and the sociology of labour, local and workers’ self-management, and so- cial movements and protest, with a focus on South America and Europe. He has published more than 20 books, 11 films, and a multitude of academic ar- ticles, many of which have been translated into a variety of languages. Among them are Vom Protest zum sozialen Prozess: Betriebsbesetzungen und Arbei­ ten in Selbstverwaltung (VSA 2018) and The Class Strikes Back: Self­Organised Workers’ Struggles in the Twenty­First Century (Haymarket 2019). Further in- formation can be found at www.azzellini.net. Dario Azzellini (ed.) If Not Us, Who? Global workers against authoritarianism, fascism, and dictatorships A publication by the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung VSA: Verlag Hamburg www.vsa-verlag.de www.rosalux.de This publication was financially supported by the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung with funds from the Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) of the Federal Republic of Germany. The publishers are solely respon- sible for the content of this publication; the opinions presented here do not reflect the position of the funders. Translations into English: Adrian Wilding (chapter 2) Translations by Gegensatz Translation Collective: Markus Fiebig (chapter 30), Louise Pain (chapter 1/4/21/28/29, CVs, cover text) Translation copy editing: Marty Hiatt English copy editing: Marty Hiatt Proofreading and editing: Dario Azzellini This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution–Non- Commercial–NoDerivs 3.0 Germany License.
  • Spice Brexit Update

    Spice Brexit Update

    SPICe: Brexit update paper Issue 87 30 May BREXI T UPDATE 2019 Scottish Parliament Information Centre Written by Iain McIver SPICe Research, The Scottish Parliament 1 SPICe: Brexit update paper Contents INTRODUCTION 2 CONTEXT 2 EUROPEAN UNION (WITHDRAWAL AGREEMENT) BILL 2 THE PRIME MINISTER’S NEW OFFER 3 EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ELECTIONS 5 COMMON FRAMEWORKS: 3RD REPORT ON “FREEZING POWERS” 6 Photo copyright © The Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body INTRODUCTION This SPICe Brexit Update #87 provides a review of the last two weeks during which the Prime Minister indicated she planned to bring forward the Withdrawal Agreement Bill in the UK Parliament before then announcing she was stepping down as leader of the Conservative Party. The update also includes a summary of the European Parliament elections which took place in the UK on 23 May. CONTEXT At the European Council meeting on 10 April, the UK requested a second extension to the Article 50 period, this resulted in a flexible extension to 31 October 2019. The extension was designed to allow the UK Government to find a way to ensure the UK can leave the EU with a ratified Withdrawal Agreement. If the Withdrawal Agreement is ratified before October, the UK will leave the EU at the end of the month in which the Agreement is ratified. As a result of the extension to the Article 50 period, the UK was required to participate in the European Parliament elections on 23 May. EUROPEAN UNION (WITHDRAWAL AGREEMENT) BILL With the UK Government failing to secure the consent of the House of Commons through the meaningful vote process, the UK Government planned to change tack by introducing the legislation necessary to implement the contents of the Withdrawal Agreement into UK law.