New Liberalism and the Edwardian Public Sphere Norman Angell and Angellism Reconsidered

‘New Liberalism and the Edwardian Public Sphere: Norman Angell and Angellism Reconsidered’ represents an attempt to reassess the publicity efforts of the Edwardian foreign policy dissenter, Norman Angell. Contrary to traditional interpretations, Ryan Vieira argues that Angell should be interpreted, not as a failed peace activist, but rather as an intellectual and, ultimately, as one aspect of the period’s ‘new liberalism’ and liberal revival.

22 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 New Liberalism and the Edwardian Public Sphere Norman Angell and Angellism Reconsidered

n 1909, a journalist for the To his contemporaries, Angell new liberal and ‘public intellectual’, Daily Mail named Ralph Lane was judged in terms of his abil- it suggests that the line between published, under the penname ity to stimulate public discussion. publicity and politics is not as sharp Norman Angell, a pamphlet He was judged, in other words, as as Angell and his chroniclers would entitled Europe’s Optical Illusion a ‘public intellectual,’ and, given have us believe. Iwhich, a year later, was expanded the immense public currency that Angell’s political identity was into a book entitled The Great Illu- his work achieved, he was viewed largely based on the ideals set out sion: A Study of the Relation of Military overwhelmingly as a success. by John Stuart Mill in On Liberty. Power in Nations to their Economic and Despite this, however, most histori- ‘If there is any one book which Social Advantage. In these writings, ans have represented him as a failed explains a man’s intellectual life’, Angell argued that a war between peace activist. This historiography Angell noted, ‘the fact that at Germany and Britain would be has, for the most part, distinguished twelve I read and was entranced and irrational because the rapid means between the public currency of entered a new world as a result of of communication and the exten- Angell’s ideas (the extent and con- reading Mill’s On Liberty explains sion of credit had made these coun- sistency of their presence in pub- most of my subsequent intellec- tries economically interdependent.1 lic political discussion) and their tual life.’7 As is well known, Mill Between 1910 and 1913 Angell’s political effect (the extent to which upheld openness of debate and book sold more than two million they had an impact on political individual judgment as the founda- copies and was eventually trans- practice) and, on this basis, has tion of rationality in politics, and lated into twenty-five languages.2 concluded that Angell was politi- thus it should not be surprising that Moreover, the book inspired the cally ineffective.5 In part this stems Angell believed that the basis of lib- formation of clubs and societies on from Angell’s own autobiography, eral democracy was robust debate an international scale dedicated to where he noted that ‘in drawing in an open public sphere: ‘[t]here interrogating its ideas.3 In the four any lesson’ from his Great Illusion can be no sound democracy with- years before the First World War, experience ‘one should distinguish out sound individual judgment …. Angell’s work stimulated sub- sharply between the publishing suc- That skill cannot possibly be devel- stantial public political discussion cess and the political failure … the oped save by the habit of free toler- causing one author in the Pall Mall book provoked discussion all over ant discussion.’8 The issue for Angell Magazine to claim that: ‘The Great Europe and America … yet its argu- was not simply the volume of pub- Illusion has taken its place among ment failed to influence policies to lic debate, but rather its tone. ‘The the few books that have stirred any visible extent.’6 Contrary to question is not whether we discuss the minds of men and the obscure Angell’s assertion, the present paper public policy’ Angell wrote, ‘we author of the modest pamphlet has contends that it is misleading to do it in any case endlessly, noisily, become the leader of a new school of think of Angell as a ‘political fail- Norman Angell raucously, passionately. The ques- thought.’4 ure’. By arguing that Angell was a (1872–1967) tion is whether we are to carry on

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 23 new liberalism and the edwardian public sphere: norman angell and angellism reconsidered

‘An Angel of Angell quickly became aware of Peace’, by the some of the ideas dominating Brit- cartoonist ish political discussion, particularly Strickland (1912) as it related to foreign affairs. Here he found a widespread, unques- tioning attachment to an outdated political language in which war was conceived of as either inevitable or economically beneficial. Later, in his autobiography, he commented:

I was quickly to find that these men, many of whom had great influence in politics and journal- ism, and public life generally, all accepted as truths so self-evident as not to be worthy of discussion certain axiomatic premises which were, I soon became convinced, either dangerous half-truths or complete and utter fallacies.13

Angell was terrified by the political dogmatism that characterised pub- lic debate in the Northcliffe crowd, and this became his primary moti- vation for writing what became The Great Illusion: ‘… the fears I felt were deep and real and The Great Illusion was born of them.’14 In 1909 Angell self-published Europe’s Optical Illusion and, once published, he used his contacts in the press to secure favorable reviews.15 Angell’s most fruitful the discussion with some regard to a satisfaction – the recent events press contact was Percy Parker, evidence, some sense of responsibil- analyzed here would show that then owner of Public Opinion, who ity to truth and sound judgment; these forces of rationalism have believed that Europe’s Optical Illusion or with disregard of those things spent themselves, and that sen- would become ‘the book which had in favor of indulgence in atavistic timent is once more coming to the greatest effect on the thought emotion.’9 Angell believed that if occupy the first place in public of man and on his ultimate social political discussion always main- policy.11 well-being.’16 Parker devoted a great tained ‘the temper of reasonable- deal of time and energy to helping ness, toleration of contrary opinion, According to Angell, this shift in Angell promote his ideas. Through the attitude of enquiry and the the public temper was most obvi- reviews in Public Opinion, Angell’s open mind’ political communities ous in the growing ‘impatience of thesis was introduced to a large and could avoid ‘senseless panics which discussion’ that characterised the politically important audience. One so often in politics lead us into dis- discursive practices of Edwardian letter sent from Angell to Parker astrous courses.’10 The problem for political debate. In Angell’s view, lists the distribution of 2,034 copies Angell, however, was that public it seemed as though his contempo- of Public Opinion, which contained a political discussion in his contem- raries were possessed of a general review of Angell’s work. Of these porary period appeared to be any- unwillingness to critically interro- 175 were sent to English newspa- thing but rational. gate the axioms of political thought. pers, 94 to American newspapers, In his now largely forgotten 1903 In 1905, when Angell was hired by 667 to the House of Commons, book, Patriotism Under Three Flags: A Alfred Harmsworth (later Lord 611 to the House of Lords, and 487 Plea for Rationalism in Politics, Angell Northcliffe) to manage the opera- to American Congressmen.17 Simi- noted that the turn of the century tions of the Parisian English lan- larly, a separate letter indicates that had brought with it a general shift guage newspaper the Daily Mail, Parker had distributed favorable in the mood of the public: this view was confirmed. reviews to 30,000 businessmen.18 As one of Harmsworth’s high- With the help of media contacts While it is true that the Victo- ranking employees, Angell became such as Parker, Angell’s political rian era, as much in England included in the newspaper baron’s pamphlet was becoming exceed- as in America, reflects on the circle and was exposed to some of ingly popular.19 Indeed, it was also whole a contrary spirit – the pre- the most powerful and influential not long before Angell was being dominance of a reasoned effort men in British political culture.12 approached by ‘half the publishers towards well-being, rather than Through contact with these men, in London’ to expand his pamphlet

24 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 new liberalism and the edwardian public sphere: norman angell and angellism reconsidered into a book.20 He accepted the offer organisation to pursue his Great ascertainable, tangible facts … and of the William Heinemann publish- Illusion campaign full time. to encourage their discussion.’33 ing firm, and late in 1910The Great After 1911, Angell concentrated More important for our purposes, Illusion appeared. his efforts on creating new dis- however, was the methodology With a deteriorating interna- cursive spaces (such as discussion through which this aim was pur- tional situation Angell’s arguments groups, periodicals, etc.) through sued. The Foundation used existing were deeply plugged in to the con- which he could further scrutinise spaces for debate and created new cerns and anxieties of the Edward- the outdated political language that discursive spaces in order to publi- ians. It is therefore not surprising he believed formed the founda- cise Angell’s work. that The Great Illusion attracted the tion for contemporary discussions Throughout 1912 Angell lec- attention, praise and scorn, of some of war and peace. In these efforts tured at various, often prestigious of Europe and North America’s he received invaluable help from institutions throughout Britain.34 In most important public men. Among Reginald, Viscount Esher.26 Esher addition to this the Garton Foun- these was Angell’s then boss North- was what Angell called the eminence dation also created new spaces for cliffe, who had originally, ‘pooh- grise behind the British throne: he debate, such as the monthly periodi- poohed the idea’ that Angell’s thesis was a good friend of the royal fam- cal War and Peace: A Norman Angell ‘could hold water or … affect poli- ily, who had made it his business to Monthly and the many discussion tics practically’, but by the end of get to know all the political leaders, groups that were formed through- 1910 had become convinced that ‘in public men, and writers so that he out Britain. In both venues Norman a cheap edition [The Great Illusion] could advise the King of their quali- Angell, the Garton Foundation, could run into a million.’21 North- ties.27 Moreover, Esher had close ties and those who participated in the cliffe threw himself into theGreat to Britain’s military elite and there- discussion showed themselves to Illusion campaign, providing Angell fore, like Northcliffe, he seemed an be welcoming of criticism and con- with funding and giving him space unlikely convert to the Great Illusion cerned primarily with the open- in the Daily Mail to engage the crit- campaign.28 Nevertheless, Esher ended analysis of political questions. ics of his book and to ‘push home its had been one of the first public men More doctrinaire attitudes were thesis’. 22 Late in 1911, the Daily Mail to whom Angell mailed copies of seen as problematic and contrary to provided Angell with an important Europe’s Optical Illusion, and he was the spirit of the movement. As B. N. point of entry into the Edwardian thoroughly impressed with the Langdon-Davies, then an important public sphere. pamphlet.29 Esher would become Garton organiser, told an audience Northcliffe’s decision to even more supportive of Angell’s at the Leeds Norman Angell League give Angell space in the Daily work when he witnessed discus- on 17 April 1914: Mail proved timely. Follow- sions of Angell’s thesis in Desart’s ing the Franco-German dispute sub-committee for the Committee The dangers to avoid in the in Morocco, the question of the of Imperial Defense.30 In fact, Esher conduct of a movement such as financial impact of international became so intrigued by Angell’s ours are many. I propose to run conflict became increasingly topi- work that he was able to convince briefly through a few which have cal and the debate over Angell’s the philosophically minded for- occurred to me. Petulance, the thesis gained further momen- mer Conservative Prime Minister attitude of impatience towards tum.23 Using the columns of the Arthur Balfour and the wealthy those who are obsessed with the Daily Mail, Angell engaged the industrialist Richard Garton to join old views, is most disadvanta- panicked ‘collective mind’ in criti- Angell and himself in forming the geous. So also is pedantry, the cally rational public debate. Here By the close Garton Foundation for Promoting irritating way of seeming to he expressed and elaborated on the Study of International Polity. regard ourselves as alone pos- his ideas, while also listening and of 1911 Nor- The Garton Foundation was sessing the true doctrines and responding to his critics.24 Angell’s arguably the most important the dangerous habit of assert- columns in the Mail seem to have man Angell’s organisation in the growth of Nor- ing dogmatically as facts many impacted the tone and character of man Angellism. Its aim, according things which are really only public political debate. One corre- public scru- to the Memorandum of Associa- tendencies.35 spondent wrote to the Mail’s editor tion, was ‘[t]o promote and develop in December 1910, claiming that tiny of com- the science of International Polity The Garton Foundation was strictly Angell’s ideas were ‘filtering down and economics as indicated in the non-partisan and attached to rather rapidly just now through the monly held published writings of Mr. Nor- Angell’s principle that ‘The Right mass of (so-called) patriotic preju- man Angell, and for the purpose of Free Speech is an empty thing dice that is apt to blind nations to ideas regard- aforesaid to organise and federate unless it is accompanied with a sense the real conditions that would be ing war and those who may become interested of the obligation to listen to the brought about by war.’25 By the in the said science …’31 ‘It was for other fellow.’36 Thus by 1914, Angell close of 1911 Norman Angell’s peace had the discussion of this thesis, and could write: ‘the educative policy public scrutiny of commonly held for its examination by theoretical of the Garton Foundation is one ideas regarding war and peace had brought him students, and by practical men of which can equally be supported and brought him a large and sympa- business, that the Garton Founda- approved by the soldier, the Navy thetic audience. Collectively, this a large and tion was instituted,’ wrote Esher in League man, the Universal Service audience represented the bounda- 1912.32 In other words, the Garton man, or the naval economist and the ries of an emerging political move- sympathetic Foundation hoped to ‘bring before Quaker.’37 ment: Norman Angellism. In early the mind of the European public The admission of fallibility on 1912 Angell left the Northcliffe audience. the significance of a few simple, the part of Norman Angell and

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 25 new liberalism and the edwardian public sphere: norman angell and angellism reconsidered his Garton colleagues became a If the circle includes a certain the club to be ‘… thoroughly alive.’49 cornerstone of the political iden- number generally hostile to Despite its success, this organisa- tity that Angell and his followers pacific conceptions, so much tion has received scholarly attention constructed. As Angell wrote to a the better. They will, by their within neither the historiography reader in 1911, ‘so far from declining points of interrogation act as a surrounding Angellism nor that of to listen to my opponents, they are stimulus to the investigation of the Canadian peace movement. This just the people whom I listen to most the rest, while on their side they is problematic not simply because carefully.’38 Similarly, when another will certainly benefit by a better of the organisation’s popularity, but reader wrote to Angell claim- understanding of factors, which because the University of Toronto ing that he had found flaws inThe even from the purely military Club was a model of the inclusive- Great Illusion, Angell responded: ‘[c] point of view can no longer be ness that characterised the discursive ertainly I shall be delighted to have neglected.43 spaces which Angell had created. you indicate the errors which have In the way of the clubs and soci- crept into my book. I am only too This attitude was also evident in the eties in Britain, the University of well aware that having but very Garton Foundation’s monthly peri- Toronto International Polity Club incomplete leisure, many imperfec- odical, War and Peace. As the lead firmly adhered to a language of tions have been allowed to pass, and writer put it in the inaugural num- inclusion and a spirit of inquiry. Its I shall be grateful to have some of ber: ‘That failure of understanding formal objects were: them indicated.’39 Again in his auto- which we call war … is a natural biography he reiterated the impor- and necessary outcome of certain To encourage the study of inter- tance of accepting and considering beliefs and misconceptions which national relations; to discuss criticism: can only be corrected by those intel- problems relating to armed lectual processes that have marked aggression; to consider means In the case of any person whose all advance in understanding – con- of settling international disputes judgment is really deserving of tact and discussion.’ Therefore the without war; to stimulate a sym- confidence, how has it become purpose of the journal was ‘[t]o pathetic appreciation of the char- so? Because he has kept his mind impress the significance of just those acter, problems and intellectual open to criticism of his opinions facts which are the most relevant currents of other nations; and to and conduct …. The steady habit and essential in this problem, to do cooperate for the furthering of of correcting and completing his what we can to keep them before these aims with similar organisa- own opinion by collating it with public attention and to encour- tions in other universities.50 those of others, so far from caus- age their discussion.’44 For this rea- ing doubt and hesitation in car- son, War and Peace aimed to remain The Club was not a peace organisa- rying it into practice, is the only ‘strictly non-partisan’ and published tion per se, but rather was aimed at stable foundation for a just reli- pieces both by Angell’s supporters anyone interested in international ance on it.40 and his critics.45 The resulting effect issues.51 According to its manifesto, was such that War and Peace became the club was based ‘first and fore- Though Angell vigorously pro- a sphere of critical discussion based most, on individual breadth of view’ moted his work, he clearly did not on the mutual give and take of Angell and was the product of no ‘clique, see himself as propagandist but open-ended debate. nor of any single college.’52 This rather a creator of public discus- The tremendous growth of Nor- pushed for point was reiterated by the organi- sion. As one reviewer in Everybody’s man Angellism was not limited by sation’s second president, C. R. Magazine noted: ‘Mr. Angell has Britain’s shores. By June 1913, The a reciprocal Young, who in 1915 defined the club a mind like an edged blade, but he Great Illusion had sold 11,000 cop- as ‘… an association of eager enquir- uses it like a scientist, and not like a ies in Germany, 21,000 copies in dialogue to ers, of searchers after truth …’53 The crusader. He is not a propagandist, France, and 15,000 copies in Italy.46 hope of the club was that ‘by its he is an elucidator.’41 Moreover, Angell had received sup- become the broad and open-minded interest in Angell pushed for a reciprocal portive letters from the King of Italy, every phase of internationalism …’ dialogue to become the dominant the Emperor of Germany, and the dominant it could ‘form student opinion and characteristic of the new discur- Prince Consort of Sweden. Angell’s send forth from the University men sive spaces that were founded in the work also developed a tremendous character- and women trained to think clearly wake of The Great Illusion. Upon public currency in Canada, where and without prejudice.’54 the founding of the Manchester his book had gone through six edi- istic of the In membership, the Club was University War and Peace Society, tions by 1914.47 The character of highly diverse. In terms of gender, Angell wrote in an open letter to Norman Angellism in Canada can be new discur- fully half of the 300 who attended its members: ‘[s]uch a club should seen through an examination of the sive spaces the inaugural meeting were female, include men of as diverse opinions University of Toronto International nearly half of its 250 members in as possible – quite as much those Polity Club, founded on 23 October that were 1914 were female undergraduates, interested in the machinery of 1913. Within one year this organi- and from 1915 to 1916 women made warfare, as those interested mainly sation had 250 formal members, it founded in up more than half of its executive. in the bearing of these matters on attracted several high profile speak- Additionally, membership in the social progress.’42 Angell believed ers, it held meetings with attendance the wake club was not just limited to stu- that such an ideologically diverse figures over 300, and it caused Angell dents, but open to the general pub- membership would only increase to refer to Toronto as ‘the intellec- of The Great lic, and the club actively encouraged the quality of debate that occurred tual centre of the Dominion.’48 By 11 membership from people of differ- within the society: April 1914, Toronto’s Star reported Illusion. ent cultures and political points of

26 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 new liberalism and the edwardian public sphere: norman angell and angellism reconsidered view.55 According to its manifesto This was that of the peace activist, that we University, 1971); Martin Ceadel, the single requirement for member- are to assess Angell, then it ceases to Semi-Detached Idealists: the British Peace ship was, ‘sincerity of conviction primar- be sensible for us to claim that there Movement and International Relations, or honesty of doubt.’56 As Gilbert existed a division between his pub- 1854–1945 (Oxford University Press, Jackson, Vice President of the club, ily how he lishing success and political failure. 2000); Weinroth, ‘Norman Angell told a Toronto Star reporter, ‘[w] In fact, it is Angell’s immense public and the Great Illusion’; Hines, ‘Nor- e exist for the purpose of thought understood currency and the character of the man Angell Peace Movement’. and discussion …. We think that the debate which he created that make 6 Norman Angell, After All: The Auto- subject of war and peace is one that his work: him politically significant. Moreo- biography of Sir Norman Angell (Hamish interests most people, and we try not as peace ver, given Angell’s popularity both Hamilton, 1951), pp. 149–150. to study it from all points of view, at home and abroad, it seems that 7 Norman Angell, Reminiscences of Sir getting opinions of men of all types activism he should be ranked among the Norman Angell, Columbia University Oral of mind …. We number among our most significant new liberals of the History Collection, part 1, No. 8, p. 11 members Imperialists, Liberals, and but as the Edwardian period. 8 Ball State University (hereafter BSU), Conservatives, Socialists and Indi- Norman Angell Collection, Box 46, vidualists.’57 In light of this it is clear reassertion Ryan Vieira is a doctoral candidate at ‘Power’ that as a discursive space the club McMaster University. His current 9 Angell, After All, p. 145. was characterised by a language of of rational- research explores the role of time and 10 Norman Angell, ‘War as the Failure inclusion and a spirit of inquiry. temporality in British constitutional of Reason’, in J. M. Robertson (ed.), Although Angell’s Great Illusion ism in public development between the Victorian and Essays Towards Peace (Watts, 1913), p. campaign did not stop what became Edwardian periods. 69; BSU, Norman Angell Collection, the First World War, it did undoubt- political Box 47, Norman Angell, ‘Democracy edly raise both the quantity and 1 This paper will not detail all of the and the Main Street Mind’. quality of public political discus- debate. arguments of The Great Illusion as these 11 Angell, Patriotism Under Three Flags: A sion, not only at home but abroad are available in a great deal of the exist- Plea for Rationalism in Politics, (Fisher as well. As one author in Canadian ing literature. Here I will allude to Unwin, 1903), pp. 3, 14. Magazine wrote: ‘Napoleon made Angell’s arguments only when neces- 12 Included in this set were J. L. Garvin, the world tremble; Norman Angell sary and only insofar as they apply to Leo Maxse, Kennedy Jones, and Lord has done even more, he has made the general argument of the present Roberts. Moreover, an interesting the world think.’58 It is here that thesis. For a detailed summary of fact which McNeal’s dissertation Angell’s political significance emer- Angell’s arguments see Paul David brings to light is that in the months ges. By opening up spaces for free- Hines, ‘Norman Angell Peace Move- when Angell was finishing ‘Europe’s wheeling and critical public debate ment, 1911–1915’ (Unpublished Ph.D. Optical Illusion’ he was working in Angell became implicated in the dissertation, Ball State University, close quarters with George Saun- reinvigoration of British liberal- Muncie, Indiana, 1964), Chapter 1. ders and William Fullerton – two of ism that had been called for by ‘new 2 Howard Weinroth, ‘Norman Angell the most anti-German of all of The liberal’ thinkers and authors such as and the Great Illusion: An Episode of Times’ foreign correspondents. ‘At the L. T. Hobhouse and J. A. Hobson. Pre-1914 Pacifism’,The Historical Jour- very least, both Saunders and Full- The recent work of historian Chris- nal, 17, No. 3 (1974), p. 551. erton provided him with a constant topher Mauriello has demonstrated 3 It is worth noting that such clubs and reminder of the anti-German feel- that much of new liberalism’s pol- societies were not limited to the Eng- ing that he attempted to counteract itical identity was built on the idea lish-speaking world. Organisations in the book.’ Hugh Peter Gaitskell of a rational public sphere: that is, a such as Verband fur Internationale McNeal, ‘Making War Expensive and public sphere defined by the free use Verstandingung and Student Verein Peace Cheap: The Emergence of New of independent reason.59 This idea, became closely associated with the Liberal Internationalism in Anglo- Mauriello has shown, led the new Norman Angell peace movement. American Thought, 1897–1914’, liberals to place a high degree of sig- For a discussion of Angell’s connec- (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Har- nificance on the role of ‘public intel- tion with German student organisa- vard University, 2000), p. 119. lectuals’; men of letters like Goethe tions see: Hines, ‘Norman Angell 13 Angell, After All, p. 138. or Mill who were equally commit- Peace Movement, 1911–1915’, pp. 14 Ibid, p. 141. ted to ‘mixing with mankind … 105–119; Philip Dale Supina, ‘The 15 For instance, Angell’s association guiding their counsels, undertaking Norman Angell Peace Campaign in with H. W. Massingham led to H. N. their service, and getting something Germany’, Journal of Peace Research, 9, Brailsford’s enthusiastic review in the accomplished for the obvious good No. 2 (1972), pp. 161–164. Nation: H. N. Brailsford, ‘The Motive of the world or the village.’60 4 The William Ready Division of Force of War’, Nation, 6, No. 12, 18 Angell was the public intellec- Archives and Special Collections, December 1909, pp. 490–492. tual in action and he was thus part McMaster University (hereafter 16 Percy Parker, ‘An Unchallenged of the revival of deliberative poli- WRAC), Norman Angell Collec- Book: The Book of the Day – A Wor- tics that the new liberal thinkers tion, Box 5 Clippings File, ‘The Great thy Candidate for the Nobel Literature had envisioned. Indeed, as I have Illusion’, Pall Mall Magazine, January and Peace Prizes’, Public Opinion, 27 tried to show, this was primarily 1913. January 1911, (99): 2570. how he understood his work: not 5 See Albert Marrin, Sir Norman Angell 17 WRAC, Norman Angell Collec- as peace activism but as the reasser- (Twayne Publishers, 1979); Philip tion, Box 1, Percy Parker to Norman tion of rationalism in public politi- Dale Supina, ‘Norman Angell and the Angell, 26 January 1911. cal debate. If it is by the standard of Years of Illusion, 1908–1914’ (Unpub- 18 WRAC, Norman Angell Collec- the ‘public intellectual’, and not by lished Ph.D. Dissertation, Boston tion, Box 1, Percy Parker to Norman

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 27 new liberalism and the edwardian public sphere: norman angell and angellism reconsidered

Angell, 2 March 1911. was invited by Arthur Balfour to by some mysterious process the his Contemporaries: A Selection of 19 In May 1910 Angell wrote to become War Secretary. In 1905, virus of Norman Angell was Reviews and Articles Reproduced and Parker that he was receiving he became a permanent member working in their minds, for one Bound up, Issued Privately for Per- letters ‘from every imaginable on the Committee of Imperial after the other, these magnates sonal Friends and Some Students, p. 8. sort and condition of person: Defence. For a more detailed of commerce and of finance, 42 BSU, Norman Angell Collecton, financiers, politicians, journal- biography see Peter Fraser, Lord corroborated by their fears and JX1963A52, Norman Angell, ‘An ists, writers, soldiers, university Esher: A Political Biography (Hart- anticipations, the doctrine of Open Letter to the Manches- professors, etc.’. BSU, Norman Davis MacGibbon, 1973). The Great Illusion.’ BSU, Nor- ter University War and Peace Angell Collection, Box 20, Nor- 27 Angell, Reminiscences, p. 106. man Angell Collection, Box 29, Society’. man Angell to Percy Parker, 18 28 See McNeal, ‘Making War ‘Viscount Esher’s Speech at Cam- 43 Ibid. May 1910. Expensive and Peace Cheap’, pp. bridge University’. 44 ‘About Ourselves’, War and Peace, 20 Angell, Reminiscences, p. 105. 153–157. 31 WRAC, Norman Angell Col- 1, No. 1, October 1913, p. 1. 21 BSU, Norman Angell Collec- 29 In January 1910, he wrote a sup- lection, Box 7, ‘Memorandum 45 Supporters: Bertrand Russell, tion, Box 27, Angell to F. W. portive and encouraging letter to of Association’, Garton Founda- ‘Why Nations Love War’, War Wile, 3 November 1910; BSU, Angell: ‘I hate flattery, but I am tion Members Agreement, clause 3, and Peace, 2, no. 14, November Norman Angell Collection, Box not flattering when I urge you article 1. 1914, pp. 20–21; H. N. Brails- 29, Norman Angell to Kennedy to push home your main thesis. 32 BSU, Norman Angell Collec- ford, ‘On Preventing Wars’, War Jones, 1911. Your book could be as epoch tion, Box 29, author unknown, and Peace, 2, no. 17, February 22 Ibid. Supina’s dissertation pro- making as Seeley’s Expansion of ‘A Note on the Organization of 1914, pp. 71–72; J. A. Hobson, vides evidence that Northcliffe England, or Mahan’s Sea Power. the Garton Foundation’, 1912. ‘The Limitations of National- was also in some way funding It is sent forth at the right psy- 33 Norman Angell, ‘The Interna- ism’, War and Peace, 1, no. 6, Angell’s peace work. Supina chological moment and wants tional Polity Movement’, The March 1914, p. 155; E. D. Morel, points to the fact that, when to be followed up if you have Foundations of International Polity ‘Foreign Policy and the People’, Angell left the Daily Mail in time and drive.’ BSU, Norman (W. Heinemann, 1914), p. 218. War and Peace, 1, no. 3, February 1912, his propaganda expenses Angell Collection, Box 7, Regi- 34 A few British organisations that 1914, p. 129; Ramsay MacDon- instantly increased to three nald Esher to Norman Angell, Angell spoke at under the aus- ald, ‘The War and After’, War and times their previous size. Supina, 11 January 1910. This letter had pices of the Garton Foundation Peace, 2, no. 13, October 1914, p. ‘Norman Angell and the Years of a great impacted on Angell who included: the British Chamber of 5; For an additional list of con- Illusion.’ p. 103. later said it was largely Esher’s Commerce (Paris), the Chatham tributors see Angell, After All, 23 See ‘The Kaiser’s Answer: Effect support of ‘Europe’s Optical Club (London), the South Place p. 169. Critics: Frederic Harri- in Germany, Severe Financial Illusion’ which was responsi- Institute (London), the Pioneer son, ‘Mischievous and Immoral’, Depression, Comments of Berlin ble for the pamphlet’s expan- Club (London), the Midland War and Peace, 1, no. 3, December Press’, Daily Mail, 9 September sion into a book. As he wrote to Institute (Birmingham), the 1913, p. 65; A. Rifleman, ‘The 1911, p. 5. Esher: ‘I think, in a sense, you are National Liberal Club (London), Fallacy of Norman Angellism’, 24 For an example of Angell ‘push- responsible for the book, because the Glasgow Liberal Club, the War and Peace, 1, no. 4, January ing home’ his thesis see Nor- if it had not been for your kind Leeds Chamber of Commerce, 1914, p. 103. A. Rifleman, ‘The man Angell, ‘The Lesson of the encouragement given to the the Liberal Colonial Club, and Fallacy of Norman Angellism: Bourse Panics’, Daily Mail, 15 pamphlet on which it is based I the United Service Institution. Further Instances’, War and Peace, September 1911, p. 4c–d. For an am not sure that it would have BSU, Norman Angell Collection, 1, no. 5, February 1914, p. 167. example of Angell engaging his been written.’ For his support Box 29, John Hilton, ‘Report for 46 Supina ‘Norman Angell and the critics see Norman Angell, ‘The Angell dedicated his 1914 book 1912’; ‘Overseas Dominions: Mr. Years of Illusion’, p. 132. Great Illusion and the War: A The Foundations of International Norman Angell on their Impreg- 47 Main Johnson, ‘Norman Angell: Reply to my Critics’, Daily Mail, Polity to Esher. BSU, Norman nability’, The Times, 1 November Apostle of Peace’, Canadian Maga- 5 October 1911, p. 4d–e. For an Angell Collection, Box 7, Nor- 1913, p. 5g; ‘Mr. Norman Angell zine, (Toronto: The Ontario Pub- example of Angell’s ideas being man Angell to Reginald Esher, and the Use of Armies’, The lishing Co., March 1914), p. 531. discussed in editorial columns 30 October 1910. Times, 9 October 1913, p. 5g. 48 For membership figures see ‘Pol- see ‘The Risk to Germany’, 30 In a speech at Cambridge Uni- 35 BSU, Norman Angell Collec- ity Club Serves Noteworthy Daily Mail, 8 September 1911, versity Esher commented on tion, Box 29, B. Langdon Davies, Ends’, Star (Toronto), 11 April p. 4b. For an example of Angell witnessing these talks: ‘I have ‘Dangers to be Avoided’, in 1914, p. 10c. Speakers to the club being criticised see ‘War and the had the opportunity of listen- ‘Leeds Norman Angell League in its first year included John Money Markets: A Real Test for ing to very confidential inquir- Conference’. Lewis (editor of the Toronto Norman Angell’, Daily Mail, 4 ies into, and discussions of, the 36 BSU, Norman Angell Collec- Star), G. E. Jackson (Cam- October 1911, p. 4f. economic effects upon our trade, tion, Box 45, ‘Free Speech’. bridge Lecturer in Economics), 25 Francis Haslam, ‘The Lesson commerce and finance on the 37 Angell, ‘The International Pol- J. A. Macdonald (editor of the of Bourse Panics: Mr. Norman outbreak of a European war in ity Movement’, p. 211. Toronto Globe), Sir John Wil- Angell on War’, Daily Mail, 15 which we ourselves might be 38 WRAC, Norman Angell Col- lison (Canadian correspondent December 1910, p. 9f. engaged. This inquiry extended lection, Box 1, Norman Angell to the London Times), Alfred 26 Lord Esher was a man of tre- over many months, and many of to R. Walton, 28 April 1911. Noyes (English poet), and N. W. mendous political influence the wealthiest and most influen- 39 BSU, Norman Angell Collection, Rowell (leader of Ontario’s during this period. Not only tial men of business from the cit- Box 4, Norman Angell to Thomas provincial Liberal Party): BSU, had he been a good friend of ies of the United Kingdom were Carter, 1 November 1911. Norman Angell Collection, Box King Edward, but he was also called to give evidence before 40 Angell, The Great Illusion, p. 173. 29, ‘Memo for Norman Angell’, the overseer of Queen Victoria’s those whose duty it was to con- 41 Everybody’s Magazine, May 1911, 15 February 1914. The club’s first private papers. In 1902, he served clude the report. I am sure that reproduced in, WRAC, Nor- meeting filled the newly built on the Elgin Commission on the very few, if any, of those eminent man Angell Collection, Box 6, YMCA’s auditorium achiev- South African War. In 1903, he witnesses had read his book, but The Work of Norman Angell by ing an attendance of 300: ‘New

28 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 new liberalism and the edwardian public sphere: norman angell and angellism reconsidered

University Club Hears Able 50 UTARMS, Office of the Reg- 54 Ibid. Club Serves Noteworthy Ends’, Addresses’, Globe (Toronto), 5 istrar, A1973-0051/239, ‘Inter- 55 A shining example of the cos- Star (Toronto). December 1913. According to national Polity Club Report for mopolitan nature of the club is 58 Johnson, ‘Norman Angell: the Star extra tables had to be 1915’. the fact that on 8 December 1914 Apostle of Peace’, p. 534. brought in to accommodate the 51 ‘There is assuredly nothing in it held a ‘cosmopolitan night’ 59 Christopher Mauriello, ‘The inaugural meeting, ‘Varsity Peo- these objects that commits the where representatives of various Public Sphere and the Liberal ple are Fond of Polity Club: Big Club, as a club, to the advocacy cultures could express ‘in speech Imagination: Public Intellectuals, Crowd, with Many Ladies, Hear of either peace or war. On the or in music, the infinite variety New Liberalism, and the Trans- Speakers at International Din- contrary there is much that will of the peoples of the earth as formation of Culture, 1880–1920’ ner’, Star (Toronto), 5 Decem- appeal to all students of World well as something of their com- (Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, ber 1913. University of Toronto problems.’ ‘International Polity mon possessions.’ UTARMS, Brown University, 1995). Archives and Records Manage- Club Report for 1915’. Office of the Registrar, A1973- 60 Christopher Mauriello, ‘The ment (hereafter UTARMS), 52 UTARMS, Office of the Reg- 0051/239, ‘Cosmopolitan Night’, Strange Death of the Public Office of the Registrar, istrar, A1973-0051/239, ‘Inter- Star, 8 December 1914. Intellectual: Liberal Intellectual A1973-0051/239. national Polity Club Report for 56 ‘International Polity Club Identity and the Field of Cul- 49 ‘Polity Club Serves Noteworthy 1914’. Report for 1914’ tural Production in England, Ends’, Star (Toronto), 11 April 53 ‘International Polity Club 57 UTARMS, Office of the Reg- 1880–1920’, Journal of Victorian 1914, p. 10c. Report for 1915’. istrar, A1973-0051/239, ‘Polity Culture, 6, no. 1 (2001), pp. 1–26.

RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65) the ground. The thesis will focus on three geographic regions (Home Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in Counties, Midlands and the North West) in order to explore the situation private hands, autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK the Liberals found themselves in nationally. Research for University of and abroad for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of Leicester. Supervisor: Dr Stuart Ball. Gavin Freeman ; [email protected]. the Cobden Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/ projects/cobden). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East Four nations history of the Irish Home Rule crisis Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. A four nations history of the Irish Home Rule crisis, attempting to rebalance the existing Anglo-centric focus. Considering Scottish and The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper Welsh reactions and the development of parallel Home Rule movements, Strutt was Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later Arundel and along with how the crisis impacted on political parties across the UK. Nottingham; in 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston Sources include newspapers, private papers, Hansard. Naomi Lloyd-Jones; Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a [email protected]. friend of Jeremy Bentham and a supporter of free trade and reform, and held government office as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster ‘Economic Liberalism’ and the Liberal (Democrat) Party, 1937–2004 and Commissioner of Railways. Any information, location of papers or A study of the role of ‘economic liberalism’ in the Liberal Party and the references welcome. Brian Smith; [email protected]. Liberal Democrats. Of particular interest would be any private papers relating to 1937’s Ownership For All report and the activities of the Liberal Unionists Unservile State Group. Oral history submissions also welcome. Matthew A study of the Liberal Unionist party as a discrete political entity. Help with Francis; [email protected]. identifying party records before 1903 particularly welcome. Ian Cawood, Newman University Colllege, Birmingham; [email protected]. The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002 Research on the Liberal party and Lib Dems’ political communication. Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16 Any information welcome (including testimonies) about electoral Andrew Gardner, 17 Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; campaigns and strategies. Cynthia Messeleka-Boyer, 12 bis chemin Vaysse, [email protected]. 81150 Terssac, France; +33 6 10 09 72 46; [email protected].

Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935 The political career of David Steel, Lord Steel of Aikwood Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an David Steel was one of the longest-serving leaders of the Liberal Party understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include and an important figure in the realignment debate of the 1970s and ‘80s personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of that led to the formation of the Liberal Democrats. Author would like to the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a hear from anyone with pertinent or entertaining anecdotes relating to Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected]. Steel’s life and times, particularly his leadership, or who can point me towards any relevant source material. David Torrance; davidtorrance@ Beyond Westminster: Grassroots Liberalism 1910–1929 hotmail.com . A study of the Liberal Party at its grassroots during the period in which it went from being the party of government to the third party of politics. The Lib-Lab Pact This research will use a wide range of sources, including surviving The period of political co-operation which took place in Britain between Liberal Party constituency minute books and local press to contextualise 1977 and 1978; PhD research project at Cardiff University. Jonny Kirkup, 29 the national decline of the party with the reality of the situation on Mount Earl, Bridgend, Bridgend County CF31 3EY; [email protected].

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 29