THE STAGING OF APEC

by

L1SE L. CHARTRAND

B.A., Carleton University, 1976

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

Master of Arts in Asia Pacitle Policy Studies

in

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(Institute of Asian Research)

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April 2004

© Lise L. Chartrand, 2004 Library Authorization

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Title of Thesis:

Department of /(U Ui^Lufc^U ^ t\^o-^ l^^jux^^A The University of British Columbia Vancouver, BC Canada Abstract

In 1993, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC) held the first APEC

Economic Leaders Meeting (AELM). Raising APEC interaction to the top track, the level of leaders, proved to be an effective and powerful dynamic; the AELM continues to meet annually and to shape APEC policy. The focus on the AELM as the source of vision and direction reinforces the pivotal importance of this political assemblage, reassures the populace that leaders do prevail and all is well: essential ingredients, according to Clifford

Geertz, of political theater. The role of journalists, the contemporary scribes or critics, is to

inform the audience of this political drama.

The objective of this research is to demonstrate that real political value exists in the

'Staging of APEC in terms of effective economic and political integration of benefit to

broad regional interests. The findings draw on the results of a content analysis of news

reports covering the first six years of the AELM (1993-1998). Formally, the AELM is an

opportunity for regional political leaders to engage in regional policy formation outlined by

the pillars of APEC (trade liberalization, facilitation and cooperation) guided by the

principals of open regionalism and concerted unilateralism. Activity on the formal, or main

stage, also flows to the small stage where leaders merge in a neutral venue. On this stage,

leaders are free to examine distinctly non-economic, yet intersecting interests including

domestic agendas, human rights and pluri-lateral security concerns. Together, these dual

stages, neither one complete without the other, form the political theatre of APEC and

provide the value added for the leaders and ultimately for the Asia-Pacific region. TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract ii

Table of Contents iii

List of Illustrations iv

CHAPTER 1 Introduction 1

CHAPTER 2 Methodology 6

CHAPTER 3 APEC as Political Theatre 11

CHAPTER 4 The Architecture of APEC 22

CHAPTER 5 The Main and Small Stages of APEC 29

CHAPTER 6 Conclusion 44

Bibliography 49

Appendix I APEC Venues and Member Participation 68

Appendix II AELM Schedule and News Search Dates, 1993-1998 70

Appendix III Lexis-Nexis Sources by Year (modified) 70

Appendix IV Lexis-Nexis Sources by Year (selected) 71

Appendix V 1993: AELM News Sample Reporting Results (%) 72

Appendix VI 1994: AELM News Sample Reporting Results (%) 73

Appendix VII 1995: AELM News Sample Reporting Results (%) 74

Appendix VIII 1996: AELM News Sample Reporting Results (%) 75

Appendix IX 1997: AELM News Sample Reporting Results (%) 76

Appendix X 1998: AELM News Sample Reporting Results (%) 77

iii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Lists

2.1 AELM Statement Themes (Main Stage) 9 2.2 AELM Auxiliary Categories (Small Stage) 9

Map

3.1 AELM Members 13

Diagrams

3.1 The Theatre of Bali 19 3.2 Theatre of Bali and APEC Equivalents 19

3.3 The Political Theatre of APEC 20

Tables

4.1 APEC Architecture 23 5.1 AELM Main Stage Content Reported by the Press, 1993-1998 30

5.2 Small Stage Categories Reported by the Press, 1993-1998 37

Graph

5.1 Distribution of Main and Small Stage Reporting 29

iv Chapter 1 Introduction

In the new institutional ordering of Asia, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC), a diverse group of Pacific Rim economies in Asia and the Americas, advances a mandate to further common economic interests. Central to the annual cycle of

APEC is a structured, yet informal, meeting of leaders. Each APEC Economic Leaders

Meeting (AELM) concludes with a Leaders' Declaration that outlines policy directions and

shared commitments. These statements, rather than a formal institutional framework direct

policy and activity. This thesis examines APEC from the perspective of political theatre.

The objective is to demonstrate that political value exists in this 'Staging of APEC in terms

of regional political and economic integration beneficial to the actors and the regional

economies. This research reframes the utility of international fora through an examination of

the 'Theatre of APEC and the role of this entity in policy formation in the region.

Political theatre is an evocative term. 'Political' suggests purpose and power while

'theatre' implies drama with actors, sets and scripts. Together these words evoke strong

images; perhaps the idea that politics is indeed theatre or that the stage may have artistic and

political value.1 Here, the intention is to explain the context of political events; the interplay

of aspiration, action and result engaging real political actors, rotating sets and improvised

scripts. Scholars of political theatre, such as Joseph Esherick and Jeffery Wasserstrom, state

1 The term political theatre was also used by cartographers in 16th century Europe. Terrarum (Latin for Theatre) was commonly used when naming maps; for example, the first atlas, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (Theatre of the World), was published in 1570 by Abraham (Melius. The new geography of Gerard Mercator joined the terms theatre and political - political theater. Political stems from Mercator's recognition of natural and political boundaries.

1 that institutional entities are '"structures'.. .ofpeople" (italics in the original).2 Alexander

Wendt adds that "Institutions are fundamentally cognitive entities that do not exist apart from actors' ideas about how the world works" and "what actors collectively 'know'." The

essence of APEC is people - the leaders and their perceptions - assembled on the center

stage of this annual production of political theater.

From the outset, APEC shunned the creation of an institutional framework with the

encroaching procedures of bureaucracy. In choosing to focus on the level of leaders rather

than keepers, "APEC presents an anomaly..." according to Peter Katzenstein that defies

definition "with categories distilled from the European experience."4 How is APEC to be

conceptualized? Suzanne Rudolph, like Esherick, Wasserstrom and Katzenstein, turn to the

work of Clifford Geertz and political theatre to explain the role of culture and society in

statehood.5 Drawing from Geertz's famous example of Negara, Katzenstein states that in the

Asian context the political centre "was an all-encompassing sense of order, ritual sovereignty

[and] the result was common social and cultural domains tenuously related to the formal

2 Joseph W. Esherick and Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom, "Acting Out Democracy: Political Theatre in Modern China," Popular Protest & Political Culture in Modern China: Learning from 1989, eds. Jeffrey Wasserstrom and Elizabeth Perry (Boulder: Westview Press, Inc., 1992), 54.

3 Alexander Wendt, "Anarchy is What States Make of It: The Social Consequences of Power Politics," International Organisation 46, no. 2 (Spring 1992): 399.

4 Peter Katzenstein, "Introduction: Asian Regionalism in Comparative Perspective," in Network Power: Japan and Asia, eds. Peter Katzenstein and Takashi Shiraishi (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), 30.

5 Susanne Hoeber Rudolph, "Presidential Address: State Formation in Asia—Prolegomenon to a Comparative Study," The Journal of Asian Studies 46, no. 4 (Nov. 1987): 740.

2 control of a political centre."6 These hierarchical structures, Rudolph notes, were

"replicated" in China and Japan, well beyond Negara and South-East Asia.7

Esherick and Wasserstrom add that Geertz "demonstrated the value of interpreting politics in theatrical terms, that is, symbol-laden performances whose efficacy lies largely in their power to move specific audiences." Thus APEC and the AELM may be better understood in terms of Asian political theatre than Western derivatives. If APEC is political theatre and the leader-actors are present at the political centre, where and who is the

audience? Our spectators are the regional and, by extension, global public, informed by the

"cross-cutting communication" of the media critics.9 Analysis of a sample of the press

reports points to the dual nature of political theatre APEC-style. Predictably, the media

details the top track leader-level interaction, the process of APEC and the products in the

form of policy development and AELM outcomes (statements with commitments) - the main

stage of APEC. What of the significant reporting dedicated to offstage or behind-the-scenes

activity that records bilateral and pluri-lateral meetings, the interplay of personalities and the

role of foreign relations? These seemingly separate interests, in close proximity to shared

main stage concerns, are - the small stage of APEC. Protests, demonstrations and other

forms of civil society involvement (Tracks Two and Three) are also associated with APEC,

providing a separate fringe festival.

6 Katzenstein, "Asian Regionalism," 30.

7 Rudolph, "State Formation," 739-740. The author advises that such replication is more evocative than exact. The link to this discussion is the spread of ritualized hierarchical systems to other parts of Asia.

8 Esherick and Wasserstrom, "Acting Out Democracy," 32.

9 Diana C. Muntz and Paul S. Martin, "Facilitating Communication across Lines of Political Difference: The Role of Mass Media," American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (Mar. 2001): 97-99, 111. The authors argue that a benefit of news media is "exposure to dissimilar views" (ibid., 99).

3 The time period under review, 1993-1998, begins with the first AELM meeting and encompasses the Asian financial crisis, the first regional APEC challenge. The second chapter describes the methodology used to scrutinize the AELM declarations and evaluate the content of the selected press reports.10 The third chapter outlines the AELM (early

APEC) phase and develops a model of political theatre for APEC drawn from Negara,

Geertz's account of the Balinese court.11 The fourth chapter reviews the distinct architecture of APEC that melds a diversity of member traditions creating a mechanism that supports the processes and products of APEC. Chapter 5 highlights the findings of the news content of the main and small stages of APEC as they apply to the model of political theatre. The conclusion comments on the findings and suggests avenues for future research.

This analysis is pertinent to two potential groups of institutional readers. For those

interested in international organizations, the discussion offers a perspective on APEC that

scholars suggest is more wholly Asian; political theatre is distinct in approach and ends from

European entities. The scope of this examination is limited to APEC and is not a

comparative analysis of Western structures and formalized institutions with Asian

counterparts that Rudolph finds limiting. An APEC member might learn to capitalize on the

small-stage reporting as an opportunity to insert information promoting a national position

(e.g., the Canadian three pillars of security, prosperity and values) or to call other members,

including an AELM host, accountable for initiatives and commitments.

10 Fortunately, in this preliminary period, the AELM statements are more pragmatic and less expansive than later AELM statements. An example of a lengthy AELM statement is the declaration from the Shanghai meeting in 2001.

11 Clifford Geertz, Negara: The Theatre State of Nineteenth-Century Bali (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980).

4 The insight that this analysis intends to provide is an awareness that political theatre applies to this regional cooperative group. Specific gains may be difficult to quantify and scholars do question the naturalness of APEC as a region; yet the development of this political theatre has generated outcomes (processes and products) enabling collective results and value added in terms of fostering integration and cooperation to the benefit of the

12 member economies in the Asia-Pacific region.

The guiding questions over the rest of this thesis, thus, will be: a. What model of political theatre may be successfully applied to the AELM to gain insight into the substance and processes of the AELM and to explain its connection to the region?

b. What elements are used to create an effective mechanism that enables the ensemble (the AELM as the Political Centre) to present convincing theatre to the region?

c. Guided by the parameters of the principles and pillars of APEC, what does the AELM, the political centre, express to the audience from the main and small stages?

12 Douglas Webber, "Two funerals and a Wedding? The ups and downs of regionalism in East Asia and Asia- Pacific after the Asian Crisis," The Pacific Review 14, no. 3 (2001): 356. See also Ravenhill, McDuff, Krause, Gallant, Stubbs and Peng for comments on the characteristics and diversity of this region. Outside economics, value added is a popular, but nebulous term. In the context of this discussion, value added is a net positive gain, or enrichment that supplements, for example, AELM leader relations. This enhancement indirectly benefits political, economic and social interaction.

5 Chapter 2 Methodology

The impetus for this review arose from two intersecting interests. The first was to examine the content of APEC press reports.1 The media represent the theatre reviewers of the AELM performances, conveying critical reports and information to the remote audience, or the public. Examination of the media coverage of Asia-Pacific regional groups is not new.

Andrew Szende has written extensively on the presentation of ASEAN news, while Colin

Browning has studied the Australian press reporting on APEC.2 Shin-Yan Lai also makes a direct connection between the leaders, the public and the press.3 The second interest was to use the media results to develop a conceptual model of APEC as political theatre. The challenge was to link the press content findings to the activity of the AELM as a demonstration of political theatre.4

Survey Time Frame

The focus of this study was the first five years of the AELM (1993-1997 inclusive)

when the forum meeting moved to the level of leaders. In November 1997, when the AELM

met in Vancouver, the extent and impact of the Asian financial crisis were unknown. This

1 Initial questions also included the frequency, content and nature of the APEC coverage in the print media.

2 Andrew Szende, From Torrent to Trickle: Managing the Flow of News in Southeast Asia, Research and Discussion Paper 58, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, 1986; and Colin Browning, "The Australian Press and Reporting of APEC: From Seoul to Osaka," Issues no. 11, Australian APEC Study Centre, Monash University, Victoria, Dec. 1997. http://www.arts.monash.edu.au.

3 Lai states that "forward momentum is driven by the active participation of Leaders: this participation requires public support; public support in turn depends on people's awareness of APEC's benefits; and this awareness is eventually shaped by a media that thrives on the dramatic and the sensational." Shin-Yuan Lai, "APEC after Ten Years: Future Directions." Paper presented at the APEC Centre Consortium Conference (APEC in Global and Regional Contexts), Auckland, New Zealand, 30 May - 2 June, 1999, 9. http://www2.auckland.ac.nz/apec/.

4 The use of news articles as unbiased reports and to address wide public interest has limitations. In Manufacturing Consent, Edward Herman and Norm Chompsky point to the dilemma of news sources. On the one hand, the "norm is a belief that freedom prevails" and news approaches the truth while on the other hand the action of successive filters ensures the news is "cleansed residue fit to print." Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media, (New York: Pantheon Books, 1988), 304,2.

6 initial period was extended to 1998 to include the AELM response during the 1998 meeting in Malaysia. The research framework could, however, be extended to include later years and other challenges the APEC leaders have faced.5

Data Sources

To compile the media or press report sample, the Lexis-Nexis database was selected as the sole news source. This data service has the qualities of being broad (geographic), deep

(specific) and plentiful (quantity).6 To determine publication dates, media sources and regional patterns, the initial Lexis-Nexis search was a dragnet of any article responding to the term "APEC" at any time in the calendar year. The distribution of press reports indicated an

APEC-AELM high season.7 During the preparatory phase to a meeting, the volume steadily

* 8 increases to daily output during the meeting followed by a precipitous decline. To capture this intense reporting period, the database search period was narrowed to three months:

October, November and December. This time frame overlaps with the annual AELM

meetings scheduled in late November.9

Using the search strings "APEC," "APEC, Leaders" and "APEC, AELM," the search

netted 2615 press reports.10 Eliminating peripheral non-APEC news and duplicated reports

5 For example, the Millennium issues of Y2K in 1999 and terrorism in 2001.

6 The Lexis-Nexis database is flexible and comprehensive. The database can be tailored to a specific event or words and features a regional (Asia, North America and Europe) search function. The database was consistent in producing comparable results each time the same search string was used (within 1% error).

7 See Appendix II: AELM Schedule and News Search Dates.

8 During the remainder of the year, media reports were sporadic.

9 See Appendix 1: APEC Venues and Member Participation.

10 Multiple search strings for both title and text were used to amass the maximum body of results.

7 reduced the pool to 1866 articles.11 The next step was to determine the consistent reporting sources by region and news agency with particular attention to any disproportionate coverage, in order to balance the sample among APEC members and geographic regions.

To select fifty representative articles per year, the final process involved reviewing each media report, sorting by Lexis-Nexis region, APEC membership and media source.

Editorials and substantive news reports were retained. Articles relying extensively on partisan media or government sources (e.g., Xinhua News Agency or the US State

Department) were eliminated to avoid skewing or obscuring the results due to the small sample size.

Lexis-Nexis is a comprehensive sole source for news reports; the results, however,

are limited to publications in the database. Not included are press reports in other languages,

or items targeted to local audiences, institutions or civil society groups. Future research

might include print index resources, periodicals and newsletters to supplement the sample or

provide a basis of comparison and the direct input of journalists to add context.

Print Media Themes and Analysis

Each AELM meeting concludes with the Leaders' Declaration or statement outlining

policy and mutual commitments in a concise, announceable format.13 These official

" See Appendix III: Lexis-Nexis Sources by Year (modified). Wire services account for the duplication of press reports. For meetings outside Asia, the use of wire services by Asian newspapers to cover the APEC events was widespread and may reflect a reliance on external, cost-effective sources.

12 The structure avoids focusing on Lexis-Nexis results from a particular region, for example North America (US) or Asia (China and Japan). The most prolific and voluminous news reports on the Lexis-Nexis database originated from China, Japan, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Singapore and the US. Selection was determined by breadth, length and date of the press report with the goal of striking a balance between Western and Asian reporting. In 1998, for example, the press reports, taken mainly from wire agencies, reflected the US and Malaysian positions with an equal amount of coverage.

13 The AELM statements do not follow a specific, prescribed APEC format and vary in style, length and, of course, content. From 1993-1996 inclusive, the statements share a similar construction. The 1997 AELM

8 documents, emanating directly from the political centre, are the set-piece script or control similar to an independent variable. The news articles are not dependent on the Leaders'

Declaration per se and are regarded as coexisting elements or variables. The AELM

Statement Themes, or main stage activity, are the baseline for content analysis, an interface to assess the veracity of news articles (List 2.1). Other aspects of the AELM reported in the press, indication of the small stage, were sorted into three categories (List 2.2). The content of each article in the press sample was coded for mention of a main-stage AELM theme or small-stage category.14 The results (frequency of mention among the sample for the year) were tabulated as percentages.15 This methodology yielded a comprehensive overview of the public commentary or audience response based on the official Leaders' Declaration.

List 2.1 AELM Statement Themes (Main Stage)

1. Principles and Mutuality of APEC (variously defined, affirmed and reaffirmed) 2. Trading Systems (global and regional trade liberalization) 3. Economic Endeavors (facilitation and cooperation activities) 4. Agents and Targets (specific partners and recipients)

List 2.2 AELM Auxiliary Categories (Small Stage)

1. Issues (economic, social, financial, Emerging Economies) 2. Actors (leader personalities, relationships) 3. Agendas (foreign policy, side meetings)

In addition to the AELM statements and the press content analysis, reports published by

APEC and government officials, and a literature review including Asian and Western

statement is less precise, while the 1998 statement departs from the former collective, anonymous style to refer directly to specific members and initiatives undertaken.

14 Each mention of an identified AELM aspect of small-stage activity in a news report was assigned one point. An aspect repeated several times in the same article was counted once only.

15 Appendices V though X detail the distribution of reporting per year divided into the Pre-AELM (lead-up) and the AELM and Post-AELM phase.

9 perspectives, provide invaluable background regarding the rationale for the formation of

APEC and the functioning of the AELM. From this commentary and the survey results, insights into the APEC process and the value of the AELM as a forum for addressing regional issues within and beyond the stated economic agenda are enhanced.

10 Chapter 3 APEC as Political Theatre

The Origin of APEC and the AELM

Prior to APEC, pan-Asian government groups such as ASEAN were exclusive,

neighborhood associations. In APEC and The Construction of Pacific Rim Regionalism,

John Ravenhill observes that the idea of a wider regional economic alliance was familiar to

academics and government officials.1 Earlier attempts to form geographic associations had

been discouraged by the US.2 By 1989, which Farhang Rajaee marks as the end of the Cold

War and the rise of globalization, a Pacific Rim entity made economic sense and US

opposition was tempered by the prospect of market opportunity.3 The impetus for the

formation of APEC arose from within Asia (Japan) and without (Australia). Regional trade

coordination could benefit Japan, the receiving market of the region. ASEAN membership

(and its rewards) had remained closed to Australia.4 Prudence and proximity suggested that

efforts to secure a strong economic foothold would reap long-term benefits.5 To this strong

1 John Ravenhill, APEC and the Construction of Pacific Rim Regionalism (Cambridge: Cambridge Univensty Press, 2001).

2 In Asia Pacific, the US pursued a policy of bilateral relations and discouraged multilateral formations. For

exaimple , the plan of Prime Minister Mahathir to initiate an East Asia Economic forum had faltered.

3 Rajaee provides a discussion of the impact of the events of the late 1980s, including the end of the Cold War that set the stage for change and globalization. The US was moving from the bilateral to a more multilateral approach to relations. Farhang Rajaee, Globalization on trial: The human condition and the information civilization (West Hartford: Kumarian Press, 2000).

4 James Lambert, a member of the 1997 AELM drafting committee, provides a brief account of the origins and growth of APEC before the financial crisis of 1997-1998. James M. Lambert, "Institution-Building in the Pacific - Canada in APEC," Pacific Affairs 70, no. 2 (Summer 1997): 195-202 and William Bodde, Jr., "Managing APEC," Whither APEC? The Progress to Date and the Agenda for the Future, ed. Fred C. Bergsten, Special Report 9, (Washington: Institute for International Economics: 1997), 212.

5 Discussion with trade officials, Embassy of Australia, Beijing, October 1983. If Asia was not a natural market by virtue of history and ethnic ties, Australians were unequivocal that Asia was their (i.e., not Canada's) market area. See Soesastro for comments on the need for Australia to fuse with the region. William Bodde relates that the Australian government initiative to poll interest among the Pacific economies found interest and reticence plus evidence that the Japanese were also exploring a similar framework.

11 confluence of interests, the success of the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (PECC), an

informal system of non-governmental linkages, may have encouraged regional initiatives at

the political level.6 Soesastro proposes that APEC was "created out of a need for more

comprehensive regional dialogue than that afforded by PECC...guided by the same

principles that have enabled the PECC to succeed in its objectives: openness, equality and

gradual evolution."7 Ali Alatas simply states that APEC, a hybrid of ASEAN and PECC,

was "an idea whose time had come."8

Scholars and APEC officials trace the first public evidence of APEC to a speech

delivered by Australian Prime Minister Hawke in South Korea on 13 January 1989. The

following November, twelve ministers gathered in Australia to discuss the formation of

APEC.9 Represented were the six members of ASEAN plus Australia, Canada, Japan, New

Zealand, South Korea, and the US. Participants were known as member economies, rather

than states.10 Rotating the annual responsibilities for APEC Chair between an ASEAN and

non-ASEAN member, the ministers continued to flesh out the parameters of this new

institution.11 Following protracted political discussions concerning national status, the

6 PECC was a loose regional grouping of academic, business and other interests developed to address common regional interests and concerns in trade, environment and associated areas. At the political level, policy would be driven by governments.

7 Hadi Soesastro, Indonesian Perspectives on APEC and Regional Cooperation Asia Pacific (Jakarta: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1994), 16. These principles are critical to the architecture of APEC.

8 Ali Alatas, "Basic Principals, Objectives and Modalities of APEC," in Indonesian Perspectives on APEC and Regional Cooperation Asia Pacific, ed. Hadi Soesastro (Jakarta: Centre for Strategic and International Studies, 1994), 24.

9 Ravenhill, APEC, 6. The ministers of foreign affairs and trade met in Canberra from 6-7 November 1989.

10 Soesastro, Indonesian Perspectives on APEC, 15. The members of ASEAN are Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand.

" This ASEAN and non-ASEAN member rotation is a hallmark of APEC. Subsequent meetings took place in Singapore (1990), Seoul (1991) and Bangkok (1992). For a complete schedule of meetings and member lists see Appendix I: APEC Venues and Member Participation. See also Ravenhill, APEC, 104.

12 12 China's - China, Hong Kong and Taiwan (Chinese Taipei) - joined APEC in 1991. A low

budget APEC secretariat was established in Singapore, relying on core staff and seconded

officials and headed by William Bodde, an American.13 On the eve of the first AELM, a

total of fourteen economies were APEC members.14 (Map 3.1)

Map 3.1 APEC Members (AELM 1993)

North America North Asia Canada United States Japan j Republicof Korea The China's """"]»

People's Republic of China j »# Hong Kong Chinese Taipei „ * AELM Members AELM Australia Political Centre Brunei Darussalam Canada People's Republic of China . ctji • Hong Kong

:; ASEAN * Indonesia Branei Darussalam Indonesia Malaysia Republic of Korea The Phillipines Singapore Malaysia Thailand . - New Zealand The Philippines Chinese Taipei Thailand Australasia United States Australia New Zealand New Members: 1994; Chile, Mexico, Papua New Guinea 1998 Russia, Peru, Vietnam

12 Third APEC Ministerial Meeting, Joint Statement, 1991, para. 5. http://www.apecsec.org.sg/. Taiwan was to be called Chinese Taipei. Taiwan and Hong Kong could send representatives from lower levels (i.e., below the level of leader). This stipulation ensured the Premier of China and the President of Taiwan did not appear at the same venue. See also Roger Cliff, "Taiwan: In the Dragons Shadow," Asian Security Practice: Material and Ideational Influences, ed. Muthiah Alagappa (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), 306-308.

13 Kenneth W. Abbott and Duncan Snidal, "Why States Act though Formal International Organizations," Journal of Conflict Resolution 42, no 1 (Feb. 1998): 4. The authors state that the start-up budget of APEC was $2 million.

14 Members are neutrally deemed economies, rather than counties, thereby easing the participation of the Three China's - Mainland China, Hong Kong and Chinese Taipei (Taiwan) thereby precluding the event as a summit or meeting of Heads of State or Government. Each year a different member undertakes the APEC Chair and hosts the annual meeting.

13 In 1993 while the US was APEC Chair, William Bodde writes that Prime Minister

Keating suggested to the newly elected President Clinton that the APEC leaders be included in an "informal summit meeting" to be held concurrently with the annual APEC Ministerial meeting scheduled for 20 November 1993.15 At the Group of Eight (G8) summit in July

1993, President Clinton announced the backing of the US administration for an AELM meeting.16 Thus the APEC Economic Leaders Meeting was formed. The AELM devotes at least one day to an informal, albeit highly orchestrated, discussion that includes all attending leaders, or an alternate, with no aides present or notes taken.

The "greatest importance" Krause notes of APEC and the AELM is the "top-level

political support achieved by the meeting itself."17

Leaders change and new issues arise from time to time among countries with intense economic interactions. Having an informal meeting to make personal connections, to explore issues, and to learn another perspective outside of negotiation is of immense importance and value to leaders who tend to get insulated and caught up in parochial concerns.18

Isolated and protected, the AELM provides a welcome opportunity for leaders to interact on

neutral ground. The APEC forum blends a diverse membership of equals (at least in theory)

in an annual event of short duration (several days) and neutral agendas (economic issues),

15 William Bodde, "Managing APEC," 213. This quote is an APEC oxymoron; the AELM was intended to be an informal meeting rather than a summit of leaders. Meeting and summit are used interchangeably in the literature and the press.

16 Soesastro, Indonesian Perspectives on APEC, 15. Given the status of the stalled Uruguay round, the prospect of a leaders venue signaled a probable regional initiative to address GATT.

17 Lawrence B. Krause, "The Progress to Date and the Agenda for the Future: A Summary," in Whither APEC? The Progress to Date and the Agenda for the Future, ed. Fred C. Bergsten, Special Report 9, (Washington: Institute for International Economics: 1997), 244. Krause's use of the word negotiation may express his own bias or the thinking of the Institute for International Economics.

18 Ibid.

14 where leaders maintain the image of leading on the main stage with the flexibility to address side issues (relations, security and human rights) on the small stage.

APEC in the International Relations Framework

APEC is a government-to-government entity with the stated purpose of furthering regional economic interests. To explain, in Constructivist terms, each APEC member economy brings their "social" identity to the realm of the international.19 According to

Amitav Acharya, membership in a forum such as APEC has the potential to contain and, ultimately, reshape state-centered behavior. In the APEC dialogue process, member states with conflicting identities assume roles: as statesmen representing individual interests and as

actors together. Thus, the theatre of APEC is a stage to develop a collective regional

identity. Wendt adds that "a good part of the 'action' in real-world collective action lies in

such symbolic work."21 Acharya concurs. APEC is "not just interest driven but identity

driven."22

The Neo-realists maintain that state-to-state interaction is more productive in

maintaining the balance of power. International fora exist to present identities rather than

offering an opportunity to re-define or amalgamate interests. A Neo-realist APEC might

resemble a one ring circus of major powers with the other members off-stage. Liberalism

bores deeply into the material benefits of economic interdependence as a foil to economic

19 Alexander Wendt, "Collective Identity Formation and the International State," American Political Science Review 88, no. 2 (June 1994): 385.

20 Amitav Acharya, "International Relations Theory and Cross-Straits Relations," Paper from the International Forum on Peace and Security in the Taiwan Strait, Taipei Taiwan, 26-28 July 1999. http://taiwansecurity.org/ TSR-Papers-1999.htm

21 Wendt, "Collective Identity," 391.

22 Acharya, "Ideas," 343; and "International Relations Theory," 7. Acharya expresses optimism that the norms of peaceful conduct and stability will evolve.

15 disruption and expensive warfare. The potential for conflict persists, a situation unlikely to be undone by the sudden birth of a capitalist China or wide-spread liberal democracy. In part, the mandate of APEC is the promotion of liberal policies, however, the AELM leaders are outward looking and trading bloc adverse.

The Political Theatre of APEC

This section addresses the first of the three questions that guide this thesis:

What model of political theatre may be successfully applied to the AELM to gain insight into the substance and processes of the AELM and to explain its connection to the region?

The political theatre described by Geertz in Negara parallels APEC as a framework for meaning and utility. As Rudolph maintains, the traditions of Asia point to vibrant and enduring cosmologies where political theatre is a fact.24 The argument for using Negara as

an analytic tool to examine government-to-government interactions is fit; a model that aids

in understanding the AELM and the political value added. Esherick and Wasserstrom

successfully used the political theatre of Geertz to examine the 1989 student protests in

China. Political theatre, they claim, "expresses beliefs about the proper distribution and

ic

disposition of power and other scarce resources." Thus, political theatre is important to

rationalizing the distribution of authority in a contextually appropriate manner to an

identified audience.26 To interpret the performance, the audience leans on learned beliefs

23 Richard Stubbs, "Asia-Pacific Regionalization and the Global Economy: A Third Form of Capitalism?" Asian Survey 35, no. 9 (Sept. 1995): 785-797. The author presents an insightful discussion of the forms of capitalism in Asia, Europe and North America.

24 Rudolph, "State Formation," 740-742.

25 Esherick and Wasserstrom, "Acting Out Democracy," 39.

26 Esherick and Wasserstrom state that "uncontrolled political theatre" presents a threat to leadership (ibid., 50).

16 and patterns, particularly when the theatre confronts underlying beliefs or affirms knowledge in a novel or inventive way.

In his discussion of Centers, Kings, and Charisma: Reflections of the Symbolics of

27

Power, Geertz draws on colorful, historic examples to illustrate two underlying points. The first concerns the enduring theme of power. Geertz explains that although "both the structure and the expressions of social life change, the inner necessities that animate it do not."28 Dismissing suggestions of historical reinvention (the past is the present), Geertz

states that, then as now, "political authority still requires a cultural frame in which to define

itself and advance its claims."29 Political theatre provides this cultural frame as a

"conceptual entity, not a historic one."30 The second point expands on the first. Geertz 3 1

urges us to "begin with the centre and with the symbols and conceptions that prevail..."

Moving from student protest to the AELM, the actors are drawn from countries as diverse as

China, Japan and the US with equals as unlikely as Brunei and Singapore lifting us to the

realm of ultimate leadership among modern powers connected by a common ocean.

What is theatre? From the Greek definition of drama "to do" and theatre "to see,"

Fortier shows that theatre combines doing and seeing, concluding that theatre, drama and

27 In this essay Geertz uses Elizabethan pageantry, Indonesian cosmic ordering and the Moroccan "court-in- motion" to illustrate "the inherent sacredness of central power" and the means used to assert "symbolic possession" or, as he quotes Edward Shils, "being near the heart of things." Other country examples of political theatre cited by scholars include France, Spain, China and the US. Clifford Geertz, Local Knowledge (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1983), 137, 146, 125, 123.

1 Ibid., 143.

29 Ibid Hurrell comments that "All human societies rely on historical stories about themselves to legitimize notions of where they are and where they might be going." Andrew Hurrell, "Keeping history, law and political philosophy firmly within the English School," Review of International Studies 27 (2001): 493.

30 Geertz, Negara, 9.

31 Geertz, Local Knowledge, 143.

17 32 performance are related as "drama is a part of theatre and theatre is a part of performance."

Performance is defined as any form of human activity.33 Drawing on Geertz, Esherick and

Wasserstrom define theatre as a "cultural performance before a mass audience."34 Theatre

has, as do all performances, an audience or public and needs to be relevant (culturally

specific) in order to connect.

Valuable insights into the fundamental importance of political theatre may be gained

from an examination of Geertz's work on traditional theatre in nineteenth century Balinese

society.35 In Negara, the author presents the components of political theatre in Balinese

society. Negara is the axis of this "doctrine of the exemplary centre," representing the

cosmos, where political power is situated - the Political Centre.36 To affirm that the centre is

the centre requires the use of symbolic forms to signal beliefs that are culturally held and

appropriate.37 On the perimeter is the - Complex Society - an audience well versed in

32 Mark Fortier, Theory/Theatre (Routledge: London, 1997), 5-6. To see implies full comprehension (thinking and understanding) rather than mechanical looking or viewing. Theatre and drama are inter-related (ibid., 13).

33 Ibid., 12.

34 Esherick and Wasserstrom, "Acting Out Democracy," 39.

35 In a single sentence, Geertz explains the logic of this arrangement: "At the political centre of any complexly organized society (to narrow our focus to that) there are both a governing elite and a set of symbolic forms expressing the fact that it is in truth governing." Clifford Geertz, "Centers, Kings, and Charisma: Reflections on the Symbolics of Power," in Rites of Power: Symbolism, Ritual, and Politics since the Middle Ages, ed. Sean Wilentz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985), 14.

36 Geertz, Negara, 13. At the centre of political theater in Bali, Geertz places Negara, a cosmos or political centre of inherent sacredness. Borrowed from Sanskrit, Geertz explains that negara is the locus of control, the modern day Blue House, Capitol Hill or Great Hall of the People, which he contrasts to desa, the hinterland and the ruled. Geertz defines "palace, capital, state, realm and town" as negara, the very center of "the system of superordinate political authority" while desa is the "countryside, region, village, place, dependency and governed area" that includes both the people and the place over which power extends (ibid., 4). Desa, is the realm, or the Complex Society. This group, in APEC terms, is the citizens of the member economies.

37 Esherick and Wasserstrom provide numerous examples of the use of theatrical and political symbols during the Tiananmen protests including costumes, operatic inferences and funeral eulogies. Carried to extremes, the authors suggest that such theatre approaches "burlesque or farce rather than serious political drama." Esherick and Wasserstrom, "Acting Out Democracy," 48.

18 Dia. 3i The Theatre State of Bali the reception and interpretation of symbolic messages. Complex Society The Theatre State of Bali (Diagram 3.1) is a graphic

y' Symbolic Forms*"--., representation of "the exemplary centre" of Negara from / / Political \ \ the ".. .centre, and with the symbols and conceptions..." \ \ Centre / \ directed to the receptive audience or the Complex

Society; a concept of theatre that Rudolph concludes

is quintessentially Asian. Adapted from Geertz, "Centres," 14.

If the theatre of authority is universal, each APEC member imports their respective

brand of internal theatre - distinct perspectives, symbols, culture, tradition and history - to

the single stage of the AELM. The stage may be crowded and the actors diverse, however,

this newly-minted regional theatre has the potential to create unique symbols and rituals.

The modus operandi of APEC

draws from Asian traditions. Dia. 3.2 Political Theatre and APEC Equivalents

Evident is the consensual Complex Society »*S APEC Leaders

1

39 approach. Less conspicuous is the SymboHeJPonns '*•..

Leaders Meeting effort of the central vehicle of • / Political \ \ • -I Jjl AELM Statement • j X VllllVltl \ APEC forum 1 I Centre i I political theatre, to forward the \ \ / / 1 "status quo."40 From Bali to APEC, " " APEC region "* ***

the methods and the results endure as Adapted from Geertz, "Centres," 14.

38 Clifford Geertz, "Centers," 30.

39 Kim presents a discussion of Confucian "social consensus." Yung-Myung Kim, '"Asian-style Democracy': A Critique from East Asia," Asian Survey 37, no. 12 (Dec. 1997): 1130. See also Michael Antolik, ASEAN and the Diplomacy of Accommodation (London: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 1990).

40 Jeffrey Wasserstrom, "Introduction," Student Protests in Twentieth-Century China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991), 3.

19 the Political Theatre - APEC Equivalents diagram illustrates. (Diagram 3.2) The symbolic forms affirm governance (the centre is the centre) and provide ceremony demonstrating that the "measure of the king's divinity" (status of APEC leaders) is "also a measure of the realm's well-being" (regional cooperation) and "a demonstration that they were the same thing" (status and cooperation affirmed).41 This activity is set within the realm of the complex society (the APEC region).42 Esherick and Wasserstrom hold that deciphering political theatre calls for "more attention to its symbolism than to the literal meaning of its utterances."43

The primary stage of APEC, the main stage, is the business of APEC communicated by the AELM statements or Leaders' Declarations. The nearest absorbing APEC audience is

Diagram 3 3 The Political Theatre of APEC

I" APEC forum - AELM Main Stage

Small Stage

Pluri-lateral Initiatives

41 Geertz, Negara, 129. Geertz explains that leaders use Symbolic Forms to "justify their existence and order their actions in terms of a collection of stories, ceremonies, insignia, formalities and appurtenances that they have either inherited or, in more revolutionary situations, invented." Geertz, "Centers," 14.

42 One could argue that APEC has an impact beyond the Asia-Pacific region. Indeed, coordination at this level also sets the stage for participation in the global marketplace. For the purposes of this model, the direct Complex Society is limited to the citizens of APEC member economies.

43 Esherick and Wasserstrom, "Acting Out Democracy," 51.

20 the press corps. This on-the-scene audience of convenience also chronicles the peripheral

activity of the AEM on the small stage. This dual performance is essential to the whole

theatre. (Diagram 3.3) Each stage has distinct agendas or scripts, collectively on the main

stage and individually on the small stage.

Thus, APEC is a political, government-to-government entity with a unique

framework that blends diverse cultural styles of authority on a shared central stage. This

new political theatre is distinct from the highly structured political theatre of Europe.44 The

value added to the region of this entity, from the perspective of the model, is the

identification of common ground (a Political Centre) where the leaders meet as equals to

consider mutual interests, thereby mitigating potential fallout among the larger players

(China, the US and Japan) and falling away of less powerful. Together the centre is stronger.

Equally the model extends our view of the Political Centre beyond the AELM into the

Complex Society, the nexus of endorsement. Without the symbols to fix the attention of the

audience and sustain their belief, the AELM is "full of sound and fury and signifying

nothing."45

44 The design of APEC is deliberate and was not intended to grow into a variant of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) despite the stated interests of the Eminent Persons Group (EPG) and some APEC members. See Bergsten, Bodde and Ravenhill for a discussion of the EPG and US ar Australian interests.

45 Shakespeare, Macbeth, Act V, Scene V.

21 Chapter 4 The Architecture of APEC

APEC, according to Alatas, embodies "both bright prospects and real constraints."1

To flourish in the multilateral environment of APEC, the Political Centre requires a framework that generates an aura of credibility, shares authority, facilitates internal interaction and projects, though the use of symbolic forms, glimpses that sustain audience interest and respect.2 This chapter addresses the second question of this thesis:

What elements are used to create an effective mechanism that enables the ensemble (the AELM as the Political Centre) to present convincing theatre to the region?

Soesastro states that the key aims of APEC "are to encourage regional institution-building

(including Japan and the United States in this process), to avert sub-regional trade wars and protectionism, and to stimulate trade creation." Failure to implement a pragmatic mechanism to steer beyond these cross-currents is costly in terms of time and resources, and threatens to forfeit authority, losing the attention (and necessary engagement) of the Complex

Society.

The following table summarizes a number of the specific design elements of APEC:

the choice of pillars and principles, the modus operandi featuring mobile venues and a lean

Secretariat, and the primary AELM product, the Leaders' Declaration. (Table 4.1) The

purpose of outlining these elements is to point to the positive aspects of this construction and

suggest how the drawbacks impact on the operation and effectiveness of the Political Centre.

' Ali Alatas, "Basic Principles," 26. These comments refer to the conservative perspective of ASEAN members regarding APEC, however, the benefits and challenges also apply to APEC as an entity.

2 The AELM is, according to Hurrell's typology, a multilateral organization that incorporates economies (members) on different playing fields with a pragmatic approach to institution building and bureaucracy. Andrew Hurrell, "Explaining the Resurgence of Regionalism in World Politics," Review of International Studies 21 (1995): 332.). Acharya adds that APEC has a "distinctive approach to multilateralism." Acharya, "Ideas," 340.

3 Soesastro, Indonesian Perspectives, 16.

22 This assessment, however brief, provides insights into the process, the products and the challenges of the AELM.

Table 4.1 APEC Architecture

Aspect Character Pros/Cons Pillars Trade Liberalization Plus - broad; reaches membership at differing stages of Facilitation and capacity and development, acknowledges diversity Cooperation Minus - problematic to balance to satisfaction of all members moving forward, pillars may be incongruent Principles Open Regionalism Plus - creative means to gain GATT/WTO consistent products Concerted Unilateralism Minus - subject to member abuse (voluntarism), may revert to minimal GATT/WTO guidelines Plus - acceptable to Asian members, 360 degree viewpoint Modus Consensus-driven Operandi Incremental Minus - less well understood by non-Asian members, assumes (Asian) Inclusive the pace of slower or more reticent members, assumes trust Advisory Eminent Persons Group Plus - independent body with mandate provide APEC vision Minus - status not assured, voice may be ignored, role can be misinterpreted and body dissolved Mobile Venues Court-in-motion Plus - fair (all members have a turn), opportunity to inject new ideas and perspectives (reigning Chair of the Political Centre) Minus - driven by host agendas and style, potential to realign pillars, lack of follow-up on previous commitments Plus - cost effective, role too minor to overtake or interfere in Secretariat Small, seconded staff from member governments broad scheme of AELM Minus - impact of alternating host agendas, staff turnover, lack resources to undertake complex and long-term tasks Products Leaders' Declaration Plus - presents leaders as leading, opportunity to raise agendas, Host and post-host legacy new pledges or commitments Minus - dual pressure of new announceables and previous commitments . .

aThe APEC Secretariat was briefly mentioned in Chapter 3. The aspect important to this discussion is the plan to initiate a small (manageable) Secretariat supportive of the AELM interests. While the Secretariat might grow over time, the role would not dwarf the AELM as the principal policy source (and force).

APEC, primarily a vehicle for economic coordination, provides "comprehensive

coverage" in the form of three pillars: cooperation, facilitation and trade liberalization.4 The

pillars appear innocuous and supportive of the ultimate objective of regional economic

growth. In reality, the pillars are difficult to balance. Trade liberalization is desired by the

4 The first succinct objectives and an indication of the focused efforts to follow are outlined in the 1994 AELM Statement. The pillars of the Bogor Declaration are sustainable development, equitable economies and national security. Tiziana Bonapace, "Multilateralsim and Regionalism: Enhancing Integration of Developing Countires into the Multilateral Trading System thorugh Regionalism," United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (UNESCAP, 2001), 6. http://www.unescap.org/itia/publication/ chaptl_2161.pdf.

23 developed economies while cooperation and facilitation is sought by the industrializing members.5 The diversity of members goes beyond the "stark disparities" of economic

development, technology intensification and comparative advantage to uncover very distinct

approaches to market behavior.6 Indeed, one might question how the pillars could fit

together. Trade liberalization is long-term, goal-oriented. Cooperation and, to an extent,

facilitation, are practical steps that ultimately support liberalization.7 Attempting to address

these pillars simultaneously, without a comprehensive strategy runs a risk of achieving one,

perhaps two, or none at all.

The pillars of APEC are the final goalposts; the principles guide the Political Centre

to the end. Ravenhill explains that APEC has adopted "a unique approach to regional

economic cooperation" using the two guiding principles of.. .open regionalism and

concerted unilateralism."8 Open regionalism extends trade concessions (e.g., tariff

5 The industrialized members, including Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the US, sought tariff changes and labor access in the developing economies. The majority of ASEAN members were focused on the pillar of facilitation and cooperation to strengthen their economic base and to secure market access. Individually members also sought to maintain a comfort zone: none surrendering protected sectors (e.g., agriculture) or threatening infant industry protection and import substitution programs.

6 Alatas, "Basic Principles," 25. To be avoided are "heightened competition and friction instead of the desired harmony and greater mutual advantage" (ibid.,). Referring to Katzenstein in Network Power, Peng states that "Katzenstein argues that Asian Regionalism is characterized by market dynamism rather than by formal political institutions." Peng describes the diversity of "informal integration" (i.e., non-treaty) as market driven, private sponsor, network based, non-institutional. Outsiders would encounter (or at least anticipate) barriers to entry. In the West, formal institutions serve to bolster markets. Peng also notes the unequal economic base and development in East Asia and presents a discussion of the three stages of economic development highlighted by technology intensification drawn from Kaname (1962). Dajin Peng, "The Changing Nature of East Asia as an Economic Region." Pacific Affairs 73, no. 2 (Summer 2000): 173, 177.

7 The roles of APEC are trade (the liberalization and facilitation pillars) and development (cooperation pillar) focused. The cooperation and facilitation pillars not only appeal to the developing members, they are the priority. Ultimately, through trade cooperation programs, the developed members pay. Michael Malley, APEC Where do we go from here? (Jakarta: Centre for Strategic and International Studies, 1995), 43-44. These interests are reflected in the 1996 AELM statement when Ramos put sustainable and equitable development at the top the agenda. See Xinhua News Agency, "Results to be substantial, sustainable: Manila declaration," 25 Nov. 1996; and Japan Economic Newswire, "Gist of APEC leaders' joint declaration," 25 Nov. 1996. 8 Ravenhill stresses the distinctive nature of APEC's open regionalism. Ravenhill, APEC, 6, 140.

24 preferences) among members (within a region) to non-members (on a Most Favored Nation basis).9 The second principle of APEC, concerted unilateralism, specifies that liberalization

is self-determined (voluntary) and non-formal (e.g., non-treaty).10 These principals are

classic APEC-ese describing the underlying values of consensus, constructive ambiguity,

trust and peer pressure speaking volumes of the coordination of the political centre.11 For

members not versed in ASEAN-style consensus and/or accustomed to rules-based interaction

(or sufficiently powerful to circumvent rules), Political Centre participation requires stepping 12 into an environment with distinct decision making norms and rationality.

9 Ravenhill, APEC, 54. Ravenhill explains that regionalism is the step before globalization. The process does not discriminate (ibid., 140). Open regionalism is an expression used by the study group of Japanese Prime Minister Ohira in 1979 to differentiate from closed systems.

10 Yoichi Funabashi discusses the role of Tony Miller. Tony Miller, Trade Secretary in Hong Kong, coined the phrase concerted unilateralism to specify that members would voluntarily decide what was to be liberalized. The principle of concerted and voluntary efforts operates on the basis of mutual trust (negotiation) versus the rules-based (arbitration) process of GATT/WTO contrasting the non-discriminatory unilateral approach with processes grounded in reciprocity. Unlike GATT and the WTO, APEC has adopted the concerted unilateralism thereby circumventing legally binding agreements. The anathema of APEC for negotiated agreements explains why the push of the EPG in this direction met with minimal success. Snape adds that the process, in manner, is recognizably GATT/WTO consistent. When the Bogor Declaration was timetabled, the parameters were GATT/WTO consistent. Ravenhill points out that the US had nothing to offer to the AELM economies beyond the Uruguay round commitments, thus liberalization would accrue to the US but would not be reciprocated. See Yoichi Funabashi, Asia Pacific Fusion: Japan's Role in APEC, Washington: Institute for International Economics, 1995; Richard H. Snape, NAFTA, the Americas, AFTA and CER: Reinforcement or Competition for APEC? Pacific Economic Paper 254, Australia-Japan Research Centre, Canberra, 1996; Ravenhill, APEC, 96; and Bonapace, "Multilateralsim and Regionalism," UNESCAP.

'1 Ravenhill suggests the controls work to encourage positive demonstration in order to waylay the fear of bypassing an opportunity. Thus the lack of definition, or constructive ambiguity, is workable when coupled with cohesive (or coercive) group socialization or pressure. However, Shin-Yuan Lai observes that APEC is frustrated by "the low level of trust among member economies." See Ravenhill, APEC, 124, 160; and Shin- Yuan Lai, "APEC after Ten Years," 5.

12 Coyle presents an elegant discussion linking culture to decision making. Acharya traces APEC decision• making norms to the 'ASEAN way' modeled on the inclusive, consensual and leader orchestrated mechanisms found in Javanese villages. Expanding on Caporaso's basis of economic multilateralism as "non• discrimination" Acharya adds directness, reciprocity and compromise where outright agreement is not attainable. Abandoning the procedural frameworks that drive other multilateral bodies, the AELM sets cruise control at the pace of slower or more reticent members. See Dennis J. Coyle, "A Cultural Theory of Organizations," in Culture Matters; Essays in honor of Aaron Wildavsky, eds. Richard J. Ellis and Michael Thompson, 59-79. Bolder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1997; and Acharya, "Ideas," 340, 325.

25 The demise of the Eminent Persons Group (EPG) illustrates the consequences of a failure to heed the AELM norms and the will of the political centre to assert control and default to Asian comfort zones. Created in 1992, the EPG was charged with "the

* 13 * responsibility to 'enunciate a vision for trade in the Asia Pacific Region'." Focusing on the trade liberalization pillar of APEC, the group overshot the advisory role pushing fast and far beyond open regionalism in a consultative community environment to "negotiated reciprocity."14 Ravenhill wryly notes that the EPG reports found favor with the "converted," while the majority of the Asian members suspected the group was a handmaiden of US interests.15 Accordingly, during the Osaka AELM in 1996, the EPG was politely thanked and summarily dissolved. Thus, in the Theatre of APEC, the Political Centre cancelled a fringe play that conflicted with the main stage event.

Guided by principles of open regionalism and concerted unilateralism, the processes of APEC and the products are, as Kelsey outlines, interrelated.16 The approach feeds into the process producing the products that again invigorate the process. The principles serve to script the political centre imposing parameters that shape the final

products (the AELM Statement) while the operating style directs the process. However, it is

13 Ravenhill, APEC, 166. The EPG was an Australian initiative borrowed from similar Commonwealth groups with members drawn from business and academia with one government official. The group was created at the 1992 meeting in Bangkok and headed by Fred Bergsten, an American.

14 Ravenhill, APEC, 130.

15 Ravenhill, APEC, 205. Certainly, the EPG was shortsighted to focus on explicit, rather than implicit, gains and to overlook real economic status and need. Two thirds of the APEC members were listed on the HDI ranking for developing countries in 1993. HDI Index 2002, http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2002.

16 Jane Kelsey, "Whither APEC?" in Pepper in Our Eyes, ed. Wesley W. Pue (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2000) The processes include: the APEC forum, the AELM consultation process leading to the statement on the main stage and the activity on the margins of the small stage while the products are the AELM statements and implementation of the agenda and action items. From the text Kelsey explains that the method (process) and outcome (products) are closely interlinked stemming from the approach of APEC.

26 "the designated APEC host for a particular year's summit who takes on the bulk of responsibility for the agenda, coordination of satellite workshops and meetings of ministers and officials."17

The annual meeting is a mobile venue enabling the AELM to (re)define the realm in a new location and to (re)afiirm unity. The Moroccan "court-in-motion" fosters equal- opportunity-to-direct. The APEC Chair of the next year may elect to build on the previous agenda - a new scene in the same act - or replay a former act or write an entire new script.19

At best, the process encourages fresh ideas and innovative directions; at worst, the result is progressive regional surgery. Without a plan for cumulative gains and consistency, the cost is high: uncoordinated effort, ongoing realignment of the pillars, negligible accountability for

90

previous commitments and, most serious of all, failure to lead. Balancing enthusiasm and

expectations is a challenge. Krause warns that: "...there is the danger in the decision-making summit conception because it may not be possible to pull a rabbit out of the hat every year because important issues may not be ripe for decision. This forces the bureaucracy that plans the meeting to make mountains from molehills, thereby losing credibility for the entire exercise. This dangerous tendency can be overcome by emphasizing the networking and personal chemistry aspects of the meeting." 21

17 Nicole Gallant and Richard Stubbs, "APEC's Dilemmas: Institution-Building around the Pacific Rim," Pacific Journal 70, no. 2 (1997): 213.

'8Geertz, "Centers"25-26.

19 For example, Suharto was dedicated to creating a legacy meeting in 1994. The Bogor Declaration is a document with more emphasis on ends - the time-frame of free and open trade liberalization ~ than means. The long time frame of the 2010/20 declaration, sixteen years to twenty-six years, acknowledged the nascent AELM partnership and the diverse capacity among members.

20 An example when the court in motion failed is the proposition of MAPA from the 1996 meeting that was a retooled version of I AP from the year before.

21 Krause, "Progress to Date" 244.

27 If the main stage is dependent on the collective cooperation of the Political Centre, the

"networking" potential is the very stuff of the small stage, value added to APEC through the

AELM process.22

To return to Alatas's measured optimism; the value added of the structure of the

AELM is the schedule of annual meetings and the opportunity to address issues and to move

regional coordination ahead. The rotation of hosts provides structure and delegates

responsibility. In an organization with out an established central authority, consensus is a

powerful and unifying tool. Each leader has the right and the opportunity to voice a

dissenting opinion and to be heard. Agreement is pooled and decisions made by the AELM

as a group are upheld (at least in principle). Legitimacy obtains to the leaders as a group.

Individually, the leaders gain personal experience and collective exposure.

The result of this focus on process, the effort to balance initiative and products with

comfort levels and will, may impede forward momentum. The agenda is sufficiently

sanitized (economic) to skirt contentious areas (security or domestic affairs) on the main

stage. The rules are few. The invisible processes behind the stage; the year of planning,

leader consultation, drafting and finalization of the AELM Statement and the press releases

enhance the smooth production. The product of the AELM, the statement, enables the

leaders to communicate with their audience.

23 Information confirmed during discussion with a former Trudeau spokesperson (July 2003). While leaders know of each other, it cannot be assumed they actually know each other well or have experience working together.

28 Chapter 5 Communication to the Complex Society

Effective political theatre seeks to communicate. Reception of messages closes the

loop and validates the performance. Earlier chapters set the AELM in the context of political

theatre modeled from Geertz and reviewed specific aspects of the architecture of the AELM.

This chapter examines the third question of this thesis:

Guided by the parameters of the principles and pillars of APEC, what does the AELM, the political centre, express to the audience from the main and small stages?

The media has proven to be an insightful audience-elect providing a wealth of commentary and detail. The survey findings indicate a joint focus on the business of the main stage and the adjacent interaction on the small stage.'(Graph 5.1) In addition, the press reports also include descriptions of the ceremonial aspects of this drama.2 During the period under

Graph 5.1 Distribution of Main and Small Stage Reporting

Main Stage • Small Stage

1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 AELM Meeting by Year

review, the main and small stages share approximately equal attention. The average, of all reporting collected in this sample, is 56.6 percent on the main stage and 45.4 percent on the

' The percentage distribution for main and small stages reporting respectively is: 1993 (59.8, 40.2), 1994 (49.3, 50.7), 1995 (66, 34), 1996 (67.4, 32.6), 1997 (49, 51) and 1998 (47.9, 52.1). The isolation of the leaders due to extreme congestion during the Subic Bay meeting in 1996 explains the lack of small stage details. The poor small stage coverage during the Osaka meeting in 1995 may have other explanations including composition of the media sample, press preference for the main stage or lack of accessible small stage information. These observations are noted later in this chapter.

The details are briefly mentioned later in this chapter.

29 small stage. This clear division indicates audience interest in the complete spectrum of outcomes. The full drama is the sum of these stages, each contributing to the success of the political theatre.

Main Stage

The analysis of the main stage reporting is based on the content of the AELM

Declarations. This document concludes each meeting and attempts to incorporate vision, goals and activities in order to provide policy guidance to APEC. A carefully crafted product of leader-level deliberation (and months of behind-the-scenes planning), the content is divisible into four theme areas: Entity, Trading Systems, Economic Endeavors, and Agents and Targets.3 The leaders may intend to convey an all-encompassing vision, however, the press choose to focus.(Table 5.1) Each and every year, the press select trading systems as the raison d'etre or the main playbill. The spotlight is fixed on trade liberalization. Second

Table 5.1 AELM Main Stage Content Reported by the Press, 1993-1998

Year 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 APEC Host US Indonesia Japan Philippines Canada Malaysia APEC as Entity Affirm Define Reaffirm APEC APEC APEC Trading Systems GATT/WTO GA1T wm Regional 2010 2 2010 20 :uiu .'0 2010/20 ^iilO .-0 Economic IAP MAPA'IAP MAI'A Financial Endeavors Facilitation Crisis Agents/Targets ALLM Stmt

billing goes to Economic Endeavors, the cooperation and facilitation pillars. Third, and defiantly last is the periodic affirmation and reaffirmation of APEC as an Entity through the AELM.4 The least coverage is given to Agents and Targets, the activity level of APEC.5

3 These broad theme areas are itemized in Chapter 2, List 1. See also Appendices V to X for detailed results.

30 Failure to communicate all three pillars suggests a disconnect at the Political Centre intercepted by the Complex Society. Perhaps the press is predisposed to choose trading as the primary focus of the AELM, more interesting to report, or is prescient — trade liberalization is the true underlying interest. The pillars, in combination, are flawed. Trade liberalization is the long-term goal achieved after cooperation and technical assistance have brought all members to the same point of readiness. Have the cooperation and facilitation pillars been added to appease the Emerging Economies? The press coverage touches on this point indirectly. The developing economies cited a need for technical and cooperation enhancement before they could liberalize; the more developed countries focused on liberalization as the primary goal. This lack of integration is well played out in the press, amounting to a North-South issue.6 At the level of the audience, the AELM vision is one pillar and two camps.

The press results indicate the AELM charted a more consistent course in advancing general aims. Two examples occur when the AELM indicated the capacity to present a united front and advance regional interests: the Uruguay Round and the establishment of the

Bogor 2010/20 goals. The purpose behind the Seattle meeting was the conclusion of the

4 Given the nascent state of the AELM during the years under review, establishing and realigning broad objectives would be required as momentum built and membership expanded.

5 The agenda of the original Vancouver meeting was to address social issues and programs. Although the meeting agenda was hijacked by the financial crisis, pages of detail were included in the AELM statement, duly reported by the press.

6 The question is who pays. The developing countries sought cooperation in exchange for trade benefits. See Mitsuhiko Morimoto, "Osaka APEC made progress toward WTO trade goals," Daily Yomiuri, 24 Nov. 1995. Morimoto writes of the "different stance between the United States... and the Asian developing countries" with the US "keen to hasten" liberalization while others are "reluctant to be forced." Prime Minister Mahathir also expressed reservations concerning the route he believed APEC was taking. See Agence France Press, "Malaysia irks Indonesia and other friends over the v-word at APEC," 17 Nov. 1995; United Press International, "Mahathir has reservations on APEC," 23 Nov. 1996; and Deutsche Presse-Agentur, "Malaysia to raise concerns of small states over free trade at APEC," 22 Nov. 1996.

31 1986-1994 Uruguay Round7 The Political Centre responded positively and decisively. The

AELM sent a strong, fresh signal to Europe supporting an early conclusion. The Political

Centre amply indicated that internal cooperation could be achieved when the result lay outside the region.

The second example is the success of the AELM in obtaining broad consensus within the organization with respect to the time frame for trade liberalization. The Bogor 2010/20 goals were spearheaded by Suharto in his determination to host a watershed meeting.9

Consensus prevailed over initial reserve leading to a diluted "17 plus one" agreement endorsing the trade liberalization time frame.10 Although support within the centre varied, the group achieved coordination. Within the political centre The AELM was successful in terms of communicating broad policy objectives.

Does the press express the same confidence that the AELM could declare and deliver? Does action follow statements demonstrating real results? Alas, press analysts do not track commitments throughout the year. AELM reporting is immediate, leaders are

7 According to President Clinton the American strategy was to combine the NAFTA and APEC vote. Progress would be stymied if government subsidies remained an issue and if France was successful in reopening the Blair House Agreement. See David Einstein, "Summit in Seattle - Clinton backed on trade," San Francisco Chronicle, 20 Nov. 1993; and Mickey Kantor, "FT exporter," Financial Times (London), 13 Oct. 1993.

8 John Ravenhill, "APEC Adrift: Implications for Economic Regionalism in Asia and the Pacific," Pacific Review 13, no. 2 (2000): 324. To the Uruguay Round, Ravenhill adds the example of the AELM preparation for the Information Technology agreement signed at the Singapore Ministerial Meeting of the WTO in December 1996. 324.

9 See Japan Economic Newswire, "Japan wants APEC to omit free trade area from statement," 1 Nov. 1994; and Keiji Urakami, "APEC leaders unite behind 2020 free trade target date," Japan Economic Newswire, 15 Nov. 1994.

10 Yang Razali Kassim, "Timetable achieved but many gaps remain," Business Times (Singapore), 16 Nov. 1994. The holdout member was Malaysia. Japan expressed concerns prior to the AELM. Thailand and Malaysia submitted separate post-AELM observations.

32 either preparing to occupy or holding centre stage. Nor do the leaders make the subsequent

AELM an opportunity for substantive follow-up on earlier commitments. Either the press is disinterested and/or there is little substance to report. Lai suggests that detailed responses and complex plans are not appropriate at the level of leader.12 Policy formation is a political process and implementation is administrative. The Political Centre delegates detail.13

Given the lean design of the APEC Secretariat, the unique design along Asian norms and the new group dynamic of the AELM members, tackling an issue together could have sent a strong signal to the Complex Society — the Political Centre is visible and engaged.

Customs harmonization is a prime example. Sticky border issues are neither elegant nor easy, but are essential to the facilitation of trade.14 Alternatively, the AELM could have taken up the issue of currency regulation, or any of the other financial issues mentioned in successive AELM statements. While it is unlikely that addressing an aspect of the financial sector would have mitigated the underlying need for structural adjustments, tackling a real issue could have built expertise, experience and familiarity in preparation for the unforeseen: the financial crisis and the events of 11 September 2001.

" The data base search included all articles in a calendar year. The results were uneven. Geertz makes the point that the draw of the political centre tended to increase with proximity and decrease with distance: the vortex diminishing to a ripple as the political centre moved on.

12 Lai, "APEC after Ten Years," 9.

13 Suharto was explicit that the specifics (details) and divining the 2010/20 framework were the responsibility of the next host (Japan). The 2010/20 goals were a message to the business community and a plan of action for government ministers. See Yang Razali Kassim, "Timetable achieved but many gaps remain," Business Times (Singapore), 16 Nov. 1994; Keiji Urakami, "APEC leaders united behind 2020 free trade target date," Japan Economic Newswire, 15 Nov. 1994; and Kwan Weng Kin, "Japan's crucial task is to draw up 'road map',"Daily Yomiuri, 16 Nov. 1995.

14 Customs harmonization is a foundation for trade liberalization. The priority of customs harmonization was raised in the 1994 Leaders' Declaration, incorporated into the 1995 document (with IAPs), mentioned again in 1996 with reference to a schedule effective 1998, and, in 1997, cited as a model of achievement with implementation in 2000. This was slow progress. The Emerging Economies sought support to fast-track and implement harmonization. Many of the developing members had existing aid commitments and were unwilling to commit more. The problem is Who pays?

33 The financial crisis is the first major regional challenge, presenting a genuine opening to the Political Centre to demonstrate strength and "restore confidence."15 The press offer insights into the dynamics of the political centre: palatable dismay, resitting agendas and a scramble for damage control.16 Despite the proximity of the crisis, within the Complex

Society, and threat to continued economic growth, the AELM did not rally as a region.17 The

Asian Fund, suggested by the Japanese, was not promoted, nor was a regional initiative

18 aligned with the International Financial Institutions (IFIs). Explanations include the objection of the US, a reticence to open domestic affairs to other AELM members and a preference to elect an external IFI (e.g., the International Monetary Fund) to push hard for significant and domestically unpopular structural adjustments.

At the level of member politics the reporting was fulsome.19 Press references to the sensitive sectors offer glimpses of the AELM in dress rehearsal. A good example is the dual dilemma Japan faced as host to the Osaka AELM. On the one hand, as the AELM host, the

15 Antonio Kamiya, "APEC leaders toast to advent of Pacific community'," Japan Economic Newswire, 20 Nov. 1993. See also Maria Hawthorne, "Can: Howard pushes domestic agenda at APEC," APP Newsfeed, 28 Nov. 1997; and the British Broadcasting Corporation, "Thai foreign minister leaves for APEC meetings, agenda changed," 24 Nov. 1997

16 The financial crisis eclipsed the original agenda. See David Israelson, "APEC leaders were too glib Asian turmoil cause for concern despite assurance analysis," Toronto Star, 26 Nov. 1997; David L. Marcus, "APEC leaders pledge economic rescue work; but annual meeting ends on grave note, with Asian markets plunging," Boston Globe, 26 Nov. 1997; and New Straits Times (Malaysia), "The week that was," 1 Dec. 1997.

17 Higgott presents a balanced discussion of the financial crisis, the options for intervention and the role of the IMF and the US. Richard Higgott, "The political economy of globalization in East Asia: The salience of 'region building'," Globalisation and the Asia-Pacific: Contested Territories, eds. Kris Olds and others (London: Routledge, 1999).

18 See Yoichi Kosukegawa, "APEC week to start in Vancouver, seeking stable market," Japan Economic Newswire, 19 Nov. 1997. Bergsten adds to the discussion of the role of the IFIs and the missed potentail for an Asian Monetary Fund. Fred C. Bergsten, The New Asian Challenge, Working Paper 4, Institute for International Economics, Washington, March 2000.

19 This result is not unexpected; the majority of press reports are drawn from member economies. See Appendix II and III.

34 Japanese were promoting the Individual Action Plans, an ingenious response to the Bogor

2010/20 plan. On the other hand, Japan represented national dissension in the domestic agricultural faction. This example amply illustrates the dual dilemma the Japanese faced as hosts of a regional entity and representatives of national interests.

Press reporting on the main stage indicates a strong interest in the Political Centre.

While the pillars vary in height, the leaders do use the AELM Statement to outline current policy and commitments. The Leaders' Declarations are closely followed and extensively reported to the Complex Society. The APEC Chair assumes a significant role in determining direction, progressive or regressive. The audience is aware that members have different priorities, and have gained an increasing awareness of Emerging Economy issues. The

AELM, distinct in design and predicated on Asian norms, is effective as a regional body.

The audience perceives that the Political Centre works well when required to present a unified front or to make broad future-oriented decisions. The AELM is less effective in crisis mode, presenting a wavering image of leadership. While the press does not track commitments, they seek confirmation of results. The onus is on the Political Centre to provide this evidence. Failure to control and to animate commitments raises doubt and, more fatally, erodes credibility over time.

Mainichi Daily News, "APEC leaders reaffirm support for Osaka Action Agenda," 20 Nov. 1995; British Broadcasting Corporation, "Regional issues; Tokyo to offer 10 billion yen for trade liberalization," 16 Nov. 1995; Japan Economic Newswire, "Developing economies concerned over rising cost of yen," 19 Nov. 1995; and Inter Press Service, "Energy: Indonesia to follow APEC code on liberalizing trade," 6 Dec. 1995. Veering away from vulnerable sectors, Japan proposed other initiatives including Partners for Progress to soften the situation on agriculture and other special or sensitive sectors. Partners for Progress featured investment liberalization and facilitation projects totaling 10 B Yen ($98.5 M US at 1995 exchange rates). Historical Daily Currency Exchange Rate, accessed July 2003, http://www.jeico.com/ cnc57jpn.html.

21 The 1996 Manila Plan of Action (MAPA) separated country responsibilities (IAPs) from regional endeavors. While adding perspective to the complexity of balancing a diverse membership, MAPA was a retooled version of the IAP. The press was lukewarm to skeptical, suggesting the "burden of proof is tangible results. Agence France Presse, "Business panel lauds gains of APEC summit," 26 Nov. 1996.

35 The Small Stage

Scholars and journalists propose that the value of the AELM should not be measured

99 solely on the basis of processes and products. The AELM venue also provides a significant opportunity for leaders to meet informally on the margins, or the small stage, unfettered by the protocol and the parameters of a state visit. "...[M]ore than anything else, the APEC meetings dramatized the organization's advances in size and scope. At times the conference resembled a three-ring circus, and it became a forum for much more than just international trade issues... .there were probably as many top level diplomatic meetings as usually take place in Asia in a year."23

Why do the members of the political centre seek each other out? What is discussed? Over the six-year period of this press review, the media devoted considerable attention to this facet of the AELM.24 In contrast to the main stage of official agendas and scripts, the coexisting small stage reporting focuses on the distinct relationships and issues between members. The style here is improv. In tandem, these stages expand audience perspective of the AELM.

The value added is clear, a "much broader regional dynamic is involved in APEC

9S than free trade. Problems can get solved at leaders' meetings." Such problems include gains between members attainable on the small stage that in turn strengthen the political centre. Small stage reporting is divisible into three categories: Issues, Personalities and

Ravenhill, Krause, Gallant and Stubbs. The play on the acronym of APEC ~ A Perfect Excuse to Chat or Aging Politicians Expecting Cocktails - is insightful. The truth may be more literal than the wits intend, the opportunity for exchange at the Political Centre where leaders are equals is significant value added.

23 Asiaweek, "Summits; and now; what?; APEC leaders get a good start," 23 Nov. 1994.

24 The percentage of small stage reporting is 43.6%. See Chapter 5, Graph 1.

25 Lincoln Wright, "APEC's future 'problematic'; South-east Asia's financial crisis threatens trade liberalization, constructive diplomacy," Canberra Times, 18 Oct. 1998.

36 Agendas. (Table 5.2) On the small stage there are fewer constraints on the leaders and on the press. Thus, the leaders are free to act on personal agendas; interests that may parallel, or

Table 5.2 Small Stage Categories Reported by the Press, 1993-1998

Year 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 APEC Host US Indonesia Japan Philippines Canada Malaysia Agendas Meetings X X X \ X Foreign Policy/Chinas X Issues Financial Crisis (1997) \ X Emerging Economiesa X Protests (Civil)b \ IBIlilll Personalities Leaders as Actors X X X X

a Civil society participation reported in the press includes the People's Summit, Anti-APEC protest groups, Non-Government groups (NGOs) and specific activists. b The divide between the developing and newly industrialized members is well noted in the press. diverge, from the main stage. The media critics are equally free to interpret and critique these small plays as isolated acts or as separate scenes of the main performance. What does the press tell the audience? The primary focus is leader-to-leader interaction: the bilateral and pluri-lateral meetings. Second, the press target real events, for example, the financial crisis. The substantive nature of this coverage suggests that the press continue to seek evidence of leadership on the small stage. The leaders are still linked to the Political Centre.

Agendas: Bilateral Relations, Pluri-lateral Security and Foreign Policy

Categories raised on the small stage include bilateral relations, security and human rights; ostensibly issues outside the purview of the AELM and APEC. In 1993, the leaders did not hesitate: "[h]Heads of state raced about downtown Seattle for brief one-on-one

97 * • • • sessions." Bilateral interaction is not necessarily divorced from economics; this stage is

These broad theme areas are itemized in Chapter 2, List 2. See also Appendices V to X for detailed results. Among the leaders that use the press to signal the Complex Society, other AELM members and Europe, the premier expert was Prime Minster Mahathir.

27 Edward Epstein and Viae Kershner, "Summit notebook," San Francisco Chronicle, 20 Nov. 1993.

37 rife with main stage issues. For example, the reported purpose of the Chinese-US bilateral meeting in 1993 was to address "deteriorating relations." By the next year, relations had sufficiently recovered for Premier Jiang Zemin to offer his support of the Bogor 2010/20 goals in exchange for a US bilateral alliance supporting China's GATT application.29 A sub- current of trade issues runs through the small stage including Most Favored Nation status, agriculture (a very sensitive sector) and the admission of Taiwan to GATT. The value added of the small stage is the opportunity for leaders to flesh out AELM issues independently and in the presence of the Complex Society.

Regional security issues were strictly prohibited from the AELM agenda with opposition registered by Japan, China, and Australia plus the ASEAN members.31

Discussion of the security matters of absent, non-member countries is permissible. North

Korea was the subject of pluri-lateral meetings in Seattle and Bogor. China, Japan, South

Korea and the US met to review the formation of an international consortium to replace outdated reactors in North Korea, press for implementation of the October 8th Geneva

Premier Jiang is reported to have focused on non-interference in internal affairs, a hallmark of ASEAN while the US raised the issue of human rights and MFN treatment, North Korea and technology sales. See British Broadcasting Corporation, '"Wen Wei Po', reviews 'far-reaching significance' of Clinton-Zemin meeting," 23 Nov. 1993; and Leon Hadar, "APEC - what's in it for Washington?" Business Times (Singapore), 13 Oct. 1993.

29 The application is concluded during the 1996 meeting when APEC foreign ministers sign joint statements of support. See Deutsche Presse-Agentur, "APEC leaders greeted by protesters before Philippine summit," 24 Nov. 1996; and Straits Times (Singapore), "Ramos all for admitting China, Taiwan into WTO," 14 Nov. 1996.

30 For comments on the "politically sensitive rice market" in Japan see Louise Lucas, "APEC leaders pledge to meet again next year," South China Morning Post, 22 Nov. 1993; and Japan Economic Newswire, "Japan wants APEC to omit free trade area from statement," 1 Nov. 1994.

31 China was at pains to point out that APEC has two the pillars of liberalization and cooperation, the implication being security is the third, unnecessary pillar. See Agence France-Presse, 17 November 1995; and China Radio International Online News, "APEC Senior Officials Reach Consensus on Key Issues," October 2001. www.english.cri.com.cn/english/2001/Oct/32339.htm.

38 Framework, and determine payment arrangements. This example illustrates the merits of the proximity of leaders in a multilateral environment and the value added for the region in terms of enhanced security.

The principle of non-interference in the national affairs of other members is a hallmark of the AELM. APEC deftly handled the admission of China, Hong Kong and

Taiwan by according almost equal status when they joined in 1991.33 The annual press speculation surrounding the level of Taiwan's representation at an upcoming AELM invariably led to China's strong reiteration of the One-China policy plus any other Straits issues at hand. For example, during the Osaka AELM, the Chinese complained in the press about the US facilitation of President Lee's visit to his alma mater, while the Taiwanese responded with an appeal in support of the visit.34 The audience continues to be informed of regional political issues although such exchanges are not directly connected to the AELM and APEC.

Issues: Human Rights and Security

Non-interference in the domestic affairs of other members extends to the topic of human rights. From the media reports, the extent of small-stage human rights discussion beyond the bilateral briefing note, and another topic box to tick off during a meeting, is

32 See Louise Lucas, "Asia is marching to a different APEC drum," South China Morning Post, 10 Nov. 1993; Keiji Urakami, "Murayama to test leadership in meet with APEC leaders," Japan Economic Newswire, 14 Nov. 1994; Stanislav Bychkov and Valery Fyodortsov; "Clinton urges 'free and open trade' in Pacific Rim," Russian Information Agency, 14 Nov. 1994; Jim Anderson, "APEC leaders meet in closed session after Korean agreement," Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 15 Nov. 1994; and Jim Mann, "US and allies debate costs on N. Korea deal; Asia: Clinton meets hurriedly with leaders of Japan, S. Korea. They must share burden for nuclear accord," Los Angeles Times, 15 Nov. 1994.

33 Yomiuri Shimbun, "APEC leaders discuss trade declaration," Daily Yomiuri, 15 Nov. 1994.

34 See Jason Neely, "China warns Taiwan at APEC," United Press International, 17 Nov. 1995; Agence France Presse, "Philippines repeats: Taiwan President cannot attend APEC summit," 29 Oct. 1996; and Deutsche Presse-Agentur, "Taiwan president sends envoy to APEC summit," 23 Nov. 1996.

39 unclear. What is clear is that the AELM is not a venue to link trade issues to domestic human rights. Nonetheless, the subject has gained space adjacent to the AELM. By 1996, the People's Summit that parallels the AELM was in full momentum with human rights central to the people's agenda. The impact of thousands of protesters targeting specific leaders in a separate fringe festival also raises security concerns. For the AELM host, the status of the leaders as Internationally Protected Persons stipulates an established

"in responsibility to ensure protection. This responsibility may lead to unintended consequences. For example, Canada's policy of "constructive engagement" to guarantee the safety of Indonesian participants (counted among the specific targets) and the decision to host the meeting on a major university campus proved problematic. Attempts by police to disband the protestors ended in an extensive and expensive national inquiry on security abuse.39 While the AELM excludes human rights, the issue is unlikely to disappear. The rotating venue of the AELM ensures the "anti-APEC activists have a moveable tableau: the

Human rights were discussed at bilateral meetings. Simon Beck, "What Clinton plans to tell Jiang in Seattle," South China Morning Post, 14 Nov. 1993; Agence France Presse, "Clinton praises 'historic' Bogor deal but delivers new warning on ETimor," 15 Nov. 1994; Keiji Urakami, "Japan to host informal APEC summit next year," Japan Economic Newswire, 13 Nov. 1994; and Yang Razali Kassim, "The agendas of the key players," Business Times (Singapore), 9 Nov. 1994.

36 President Suharto was very specific that Indonesian domestic politics (East Timor) and organized labor are not to be linked with trade issues or the main stage. See Jim Dalla-Giacoma, "Riot police, East Timorese in embassy standoff as APEC meets," Agence France Presse, 12 Nov. 1994; and Jim Anderson, "US to raise human rights issues with Indonesia," Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 3 Nov. 1994.

37 Obiora Chinedu Okafor, "The 1997 APEC Summit and the Security of Internationally Protected Persons: 'Did Someone Say 'Suharto'?" in Pepper in Our Eyes, ed. W. Wesley Pue ( UBC Press, Vancouver, 2000), 185-196.

38 David Webster, "The People's Summit challenges Asia-Pacific economies in Vancouver," Catholic New Times, 28 Dec. 1997.

39 The formation of the RCMP Public Complaints Commission was announced in December 1997 and the final report was delivered almost five years later in March 2002. Campbell Clark, Globe and Mail, 27 Mar. 2002. http://www.geocities.com/ericsquire/articles/gm032702.htm

40 same carnival moving from Manila to Vancouver and now to Kuala Lumpur." To the leaders, the People's Summit may be a bad play, however, it is audience response from a vocal segment of the Complex Society.

Personalities

The premier expert of media messaging is Prime Minister Mahathir. Although absent from the first AELM in Seattle, considerable press coverage detailed his suspicion of US dominance and wariness of APEC that culminated in the closely chronicled Keating-

Mahathir exchange.41 On other occasions, the media was an outlet to speculate on his attendance, comment on the AELM outcomes, express the concerns of other members or respond to issues, including human rights, criticize Europe and to report on the parallel

ASEAN mini-summits 42 These examples suggest the press was an outlet to speak, not only to the audience, but also to send signals to the other leaders. During the 1998 AELM, leader response to Vice-President Gore's speech, delivered on behalf of the absent President

Clinton, containing references to the bravery of Malaysians was swift. Plans to meet with

Wan Azzizah Wan Ismail, the wife of detained Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim

Alex Magno, "Zealots in the land of Oz," Manila Standard, 7 Nov. 1998.

41 Australian PM Keating's comment that Mahathir was "recalcitrant" for boycotting the first AELM precipitated an immediate bilateral reaction. The matter was ultimately resolved with a letter of quasi-apology. This incident indicates that comments expressed to the national press may be inappropriate in an international context. See United Press International, "Australia welcomes restoration of good relations with Malaysia," 12 Dec. 1993; Ian Stewart, "Keating in bid to heal Malaysian insult rift," South China Morning Post, 3 Dec. 1993; and United Press International, "Demands for apology by Australia Prime Minister to Malaysian counterpart," 29 Nov. 1993.

42 See Lee Kim Chew, "Suharto puts out strong signal on free trade," Straits Times (Singapore), 12 Nov. 1994; Johanna Son, "APEC: a worried Europe tries wooing Asia," Inter Press Service, 16 Nov. 1994; United Press International, "Mahathir has reservations on APEC," 23 Nov. 1996; and Deutsche Presse-Agentur, "Malaysia to raise concerns of small states over free trade at APEC," 22 Nov. 1996.

41 Anwar, were abruptly cancelled, as the leaders distanced themselves from any public semblance of interference in the domestic affairs of an APEC member.43

Sets and Photo Opportunities

The roots of Geertz's model in the political theatre of Bali, an example of dramatic effect in the lavish extreme, speak to the rituals and sets associated with the AELM. Press reports indicate that costumes and sets, the trappings of political theater, are in evidence. The dress code for the "class picture" alternates between national dress and the tie-less look 44

This reserved occasion is not without touches of ironic humor. In 1997 while the region was in the throes of the financial crisis, the choice of bomber jackets suggested to one media observer that the leaders looked "as grim as a squadron of pilots getting ready for a mission from which some might not return."45

In addition to costumes, props are mentioned in the press; the "[s]ymbolic gavel" a

"varnished mallet" passed to the next host.46 The year 2010 will mark the opening of a time capsule containing messages from the leaders at the Subic Bay meeting.47 Over the years, increasingly elaborate sets have replaced the humble backdrop of the Seattle site, a rustic

See Straits Times (Singapore), "Tiff with US as seen by Asian press Jakarta," 19 Nov. 1998; Bernama (Kuala Lumpur), "Dr. Mahathir may raise concerns over unfair opinions on Malaysia," 15 Nov. 1998; Simon Beck, "Gore rushed in where Clinton might think twice," South China Morning Post, 22 Nov. 1998; and Deutsche Presse-Agentur, "Mahathir plays down US row as APEC leaders end lackluster summit," 18 Nov. 1998.

44 In 1993, sweaters, jackets and APEC baseball caps were in order. In 1994, 1996 and 1998, the hosts opted for traditional shirts. Prime Minister Shipley wore a baju kebaya, the traditional dress for Muslin women. In 1995, Japan adopted an informal style with leaders appearing "a little stiff in their tie-less shirts." See Peter Kenny, "APEC leaders relax, sign key document," United Press International, 19 Nov. 1995.

45 Agence France Presse, "APEC leaders pilot economies over dangerous territory," 26 Nov. 1997.

46 Asiaweek, "Summits; and now; what?; APEC leaders get a good start," 23 Nov. 1994.

47 Barry Soper, "Big splash for city of puddles," Sunday News (Auckland), 1 Dec. 1996.

42 fishing lodge. The most Potempkin-like attempt is the conversion of Subic Bay, a former

US naval base, into a "version of Singapore."49 In addition to constructing leader accommodation described as "18 Southforks all in a row," the homeless were relocated, illegal housing demolished, protest outlawed, visas denied and security cordons kept the

People's Summit and reporters at a distance.50

The foregoing discussion indicates the press, the Complex Society substitute, maintains an interest in the main and the small stages of the AELM. Focus on the main stage suggests that the Political Centre has credibility but lack of results over time could dampen attention and engagement. On the small stage, leaders appear to maximize opportunity to address issues with each other and to the audience. The gains presented by the press to the audience outweigh the paucity of results and retooled agenda items in the short term. Over the long term, the sustainability of the AELM may be challenged by an audience seeking confirmation of results and crisis coordination.

The Dawning of a New Era: President Kim Young Sam: The APEC Leaders Meeting and the White House Summit, November 17-25, 1993 (Korean Overseas Information Service: Seoul, 1994). 22-23.

49 The meetings are not held in capital cites. Conor O'Clery, "Homeless and shanties given boot as Manila cleans house for APEC," Irish Times, 25 Nov. 1996.

50 Xinhua News Agency, "Major news items in leading Philippines newspapers," 26 Oct. 1996.

43 Chapter 6 Conclusion

The guiding objective of this thesis is to demonstrate that political value exists in the

'Staging of APEC in terms of regional political and economic integration that benefits the

regional economies. The thesis was guided by three questions:

a. What model of political theatre may be applied to the AELM? b. What is the architecture of the AELM, positive and negative? c. What does the Political Centre (the AELM) communicate to the audience (Complex Society)?

The model of theatre successfully applied to APEC, a hybrid of PECC and ASEAN, is the

political theatre of Bali, based on the work of Clifford Geertz. Rudolph, Esherick,

Wasserstrom and Katzenstein also make the connection to this form of political theatre.1

Geertz raises two fundamental elements to explain the functioning of this form of theatre.

First, "social organizations" such as APEC steered by the AELM seek an appropriate

cultural outlet to establish and maintain political authority. The actors, props, era and

rationale may change, but the force to build and hold authority is intangible and eternal.

Thus, in order to avert the regional economic chaos that Soesastro suggests is the alternative,

the AELM through APEC unites the major players, Japan and the US, includes conflicting

members (China and Taiwan), restructures power and redistributes effort and resources to

productive ends.3 The AELM may be imperfect by design, a created, rather than natural

region, combine excessive diversity, divergent interests and traditions and achieve slow to

poor results.4 The alternative, no mechanism to organize and deflect the dominant power of

1 To a lesser extent Acharya makes the connection to traditional Javanese decision making at the village level.

2 Abbott and Snidal, "International Organizations," 8.

3 At the time Soesastro was writing, China was an emerging power.

4 Differences include the obvious historical, political, social, cultural, religious, linguistic and ethnic diversity. Spatial proximity in the Pacific Basin coupled with linkages gained by communication and air transport with

44 the US, the emerging strength of China within the region with the WTO as the primary trade recourse, is a firm second. The AELM is constructed on Asian norms that foster dialogue and listen to disparate perspectives.5

Second, having established its authority, the political centre uses varied means

(Symbolic Forms) to reinforce, influence and control. To understand this process, Geertz

traces this dynamic from the centre, through the signals to the audience. In this thesis, the

political centre is examined as an entity (Chapter 4) and from the messages intercepted by the

audience (Chapter 5). We learn that the AELM has dual stages, a political centre of members

together on the main stage and as individual agents on the small stage. The coexistence of

these stages points to greater value added for the AELM, APEC and ultimately for the

region.

Yet, critics dismiss the AELM as an example of top-track talk pointing to the paucity

of measurable results. Is the value added sufficient to justify an annual meeting that has

grown more elaborate with each passing year? Initially, yes. First, it is the opportunity for

leaders to step out of their insular concerns into a shared and increasingly familiar

environment where they may get to know each other, gain insights into respective issues and

build a collective identity. Wendt intimates that "annual and essentially trivial meetings to

discuss economic policy" are all "about redefining identity and interest" (italics in the

original).6 The benefit of building relationships among leaders with the flow-though

potential to deputies, ministers and bureaucrats (even as far as civil society) cannot be

just-in-time delivery, diminished bilateral power relations and a heightened awareness of the Pacific Rim as a vibrant economic region challenge outdated arguments of non-naturalness.

5 Bernard Arogyaswamy referencing Francis Fukuyama adds that the US also has a "communitarian" tradition evident in church, service, school and neighborhood groups. Bernard Arogyaswamy, The Asian Miracle, Myth, and Mirage (Westport: Quorum Books, 1998), 123.

6 Wendt, "Collective Identity," 391. The author is referring to the G-7.

45 overstated. Being at the centre checks, although does not eliminate, behavior that might damage or compromise regional political and economic stability. Despite a large membership, the stage has sufficient space for all members as relative equals. Being inclusive avoids difficult decisions: who is in, who is out, why and who decides? Thus the extensive membership among Pacific Rim economies enables distant and medium-level players such as Canada and Australia to have a role in Asia-Pacific.

The focus of the AELM on economic issues has put pressure on sensitive sectors such as agriculture. The intense scrutiny that follows a formal exchange between Heads of State and Governments is softened. The press content analysis indicates that member meetings are openly held, flexible and plentiful. The small stage adds advantages to the main stage, validating Acharya's "process" in maintaining forward momentum. The political centre has shown prudence with regard to economies of scale, keeping the APEC Secretariat initially small, supporting intellectual input from PECC and other research through committees while

closing the gap on the bad plays such as the EPG. After the first six years, the AELM

political and theatrical model reflects Alatas's careful confidence of utility, promise and

challenge.

The architecture of APEC provides a common set of norms for interaction. Despite

the strengths and weaknesses of the framework, the initial years have been positive.

Challenges remain and are indicated by the slow response to the financial crisis, the change

in dynamics as membership increases, and the cost of lost opportunities to demonstrate

leadership. Declaring without clear implementation at lower levels (e.g., customs

harmonization) raises the question: What do they do? Such questions from the press, the

near audience, could suggest engagement on the wane. As the ultimate authority, it is the

7 Acharya, "Ideas", 329.

46 AELM itself that must call for accountability and results. Announcing in a statement what the audience cannot see (and hence believe) is potentially lethal to the long-term prospects of the Political Centre.

This thesis has shown that value can be found in this staging of APEC. Geertz's model of the political theatre of Bali is applicable to the AELM enabling the audience to view the inner workings of the Political Centre and for the leaders to understand the vital connection to the Complex Society. Knowledge of this two-way conduit enables leaders

(and their representatives) to tailor messages to the audience. The methodology has contributed analysis that confirms the role of the press as representatives of the Complex

Society. As interpreters of activity on the main and small stage, the media chooses to relay support or skepticism.

This examination of AEPC and the AELM is, however, cursory. Future research

could extend the time frame and include a larger sample of news reports. The link between

policy formation in the AELM and the autonomy of the Secretariat could be examined.

Among the pillars, specific initiatives could be tracked. Understanding the processes that

determine outcomes (and pose impediments) could also address the sustainability of the

AELM and APEC over time. To establish credibility and authority over the long-term, the

AELM must continue to communicate with the Complex Society, demonstrate gains and

utilize opportunities to exhibit leadership. The dynamic of the 'Theatre of APEC is

powerful; the existence of the AELM has contributed value in political and economic terms

that furthers regional integration and growth.

47 A number of questions remain. Is this examination of the Political Centre applicable to other international institutions? The temptation is to dismiss political theatre as inherently

Asian and specific to APEC (and similar others, e.g., ASEAN and ASEAN Plus Three). The application of this model is straightforward: locate the context of the nexus of power and uncover the means (symbols) that fix authenticity. What are the fundamentals, mechanisms and commonalties to explain the 'we' in international entities and the premium of membership? Can we trace the substantive and the subtle symbolic forms that affirm legitimacy? This analysis, for example, suggests a function of the press corps, the near audience, is to confirm the leaders are leading. The content of the media reports, a wealth of information, anecdote and conjecture, also point to the dual stages of APEC: the official main stage and the venue neutral small stage. Future research could undertake similar content analysis of other international groups to view the dynamics within the centre and the messages sent to the audience.

Why would we do this? Rudolph proposes "that we too construct and act within

cosmologies and that we only deny the myths we live by because we cannot see or articulate

them."9 As we come to understand our environment, the seen and the unseen, we may come

to value our political theater.

8 See Chapter 3, footnote 27, page 17.

9 Rudolph, "State Formation," 742.

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54 Lexis-Nexis News Sample 1993-1998

All news entries were accessed on the University of British Columbia Lexis-Nexis Academic Universe-Canada database at . Articles are grouped by year of publication and presented in descending date order (e.g., 1993: 12 Dec. 1993; 4 Dec. 1993).

News Sample 1993

United Press International, "Australia welcomes restoration of good relations with Malaysia," 12 Dec. 1993.

South China Morning Post, "Diplomatic way towards trade," 12 Dec. 1993.

Kin, Kwan Weng. "Meetings with APEC summit useful for leaders: SM Lee." Straits Times (Singapore), 12 Dec. 1993.

Fluendy, Simon. "Malaysian storm set to blow over." South China Morning Post, 4 Dec. 1993.

Stewart, Ian. "Keating in bid to heal Malaysian insult rift." South China Morning Post, 3 Dec. 1993.

Asia Today, "Seeking a role for small-medium business," Dec. 1993.

United Press International, "Demands for apology by Australia Prime Minister to Malaysian counterpart," 29 Nov. 1993.

British Broadcasting Corporation, "Malaysian trade minister discusses attitude towards APEC," 25 Nov. 1993.

—, "Indonesia welcomes APEC summit conclusions," 24 Nov. 1993.

—, '"Renmin Ribao' editorial on significance of APEC meeting," 24 Nov. 1993.

Hatano, Takashi. "APEC leaders shun bloc 'community'." Daily Yomiuri, 23 Nov. 1993.

British Broadcasting Corporation, '"Wen Wei Po', reviews 'far-reaching significance' of Clinton-Zemin meeting," 23 Nov. 1993.

AFX News, "APEC challenges Europe on Uruguay Round," 22 Nov. 1993.

Henson, Bertha. "APEC leaders to push for free trade." Straits Times (Singapore), 22 Nov. 1993.

—. "Indonesia to host second APEC meeting next year." Straits Times (Singapore), 22 Nov. 1993.

AFX News, "Japan reiterates political problems in opening rice market," 22 Nov. 1993.

Kassim, Yang Razali. "APEC leaders agree to take concrete steps to expand global free trade." Business Times (Singapore), 22 Nov. 1993.

Lucas, Louise. "APEC leaders pledge to meet again next year." South China Morning Post, 22 Nov. 1993.

O'Clery, Conor. "US gaze shifts to Asia and Pacific President Clinton tried one of his bonding exercises with the APEC leaders." Irish Times, 22 Nov. 1993.

Agence France Presse, "Asia-Pacific takes lead on GATT," 21 Nov. 1993.

Japan Economic Newswire, "Highlights of APEC leaders economic vision statement," 21 Nov. 1993.

Kamiya, Antonio. "APEC leaders tout Pacific 'community,' set next summit." Japan Economic Newswire,

55 21 Nov. 1993.

Tatsuta, Keiko. "APEC leaders embrace Japan-Sino-US trilateral ties." Japan Economic Newswire, 21 Nov. 1993.

Einstein, David. "Summit in Seattle - Clinton backed on trade." San Francisco Chronicle, 20 Nov. 1993.

Epstein, Edward, and Viae Kershner. "Summit notebook." San Francisco Chronicle, 20 Nov. 1993.

Kamiya, Antonio. "APEC leaders toast to advent of 'Pacific community'." Japan Economic Newswire, 20 Nov. 1993.

Nan, Wang. "Round-up: what APEC meetings mean to US, world." Xinhua News Agency, 20 Nov. 1993.

Business Times (Singapore), "ASEAN leaders to hold mini-summit," 19 Nov. 1993.

Bazinet, Kenneth R. "Clinton says successful meeting with APEC leaders will benefit all involved." United Press International, 18 Nov. 1993.

Kassim, Yang Razali. "Dhana: take steps to make Asia-Pacific a free trade area." Business Times (Singapore), 18 Nov. 1993.

Chew, Lee Kim. "Japan does not want APEC institutionalised, says Hosokawa." Straits Times (Singapore), 17 Nov. 1993.

Wang, Fa'en. "News analysis: APEC - 'great opportunity' for Australia." Xinhua News Agency, 17 Nov. 1993.

Kassim, Yang Razali. "Stand-off over move to form APEC free trade area." Business Times (Singapore), 16 Nov. 1993.

Cheesman, Bruce. "Kim to lecture APEC on his economic policy." South China Morning Post, 15 Nov. 1993.

Henson, Bertha. "PM Goh to attend APEC meeting in Seattle." Straits Times (Singapore), 15 Nov. 1993.

Beck, Simon. "What Clinton plans to tell Jiang in Seattle." South China Morning Post, 14 Nov. 1993.

Japan Economic Newswire, "APEC leaders to stress need for regional 'community'," 12 Nov. 1993.

Agence France Presse, "Trade liberalization key to concern for APEC," 11 Nov. 1993.

Jiji Press Ticker Service, "US eager to create Pacific community," 11 Nov. 1993.

Lucas, Louise. "Asia is marching to a different APEC drum." South China Morning Post, 10 Nov. 1993.

Benjamin, Gwendoline. "Wary Malaysia remains suspicious of APEC's future." Japan Economic Newswire, 9 Nov. 1993.

Agence France Presse, "APEC leaders unlikely to announce economic breakthroughs: US," 8 Nov. 1993.

Miller, Rich. "Clinton launches campaign to widen Pacific trade alliance." Toronto Star, 8 Nov. 1993.

Kamiya, Antonio. "APEC summit - a mixed bag of hopes and concerns." Japan Economic Newswire, 5 Nov. 1993.

Bazinet, Kenneth R. "Clinton to work on Asian trade deficit at Seattle summit." United Press International, 4 Nov. 1993.

56 Kin, Kwan Weng. "APEC forum should send warning to EC: SM Lee." Straits Times (Singapore), 29 Oct. 1993.

British Broadcasting Corporation, "Li Peng says forthcoming Sino-US summit 'of great significance'," 25 Oct. 1993.

Hadar, Leon. "APEC - what's in it for Washington?" Business Times (Singapore), 13 Oct. 1993.

Kantor, Mickey. "FT exporter." Financial Times (London), 13 Oct. 1993.

Isberto, Ramon. "Philippines: Ramos mulls two US visits?" Inter Press Service, 9 Oct. 1993.

News Sample 1994

Beck, Simon. "West moves to form own trading bloc." South China Morning Post, 2 Dec. 1994.

Asian Wall Street Journal, "Malaysia extends its run as the rogue of APEC," 28 Nov. 1994.

Japan Economic Newswire, "Thai document advises caution on APEC free trade plan," 24 Nov. 1994.

Asiaweek, "Summits; and now; what?; APEC leaders get a good start," 23 Nov. 1994.

Post, Tom, Steven Strasser, Karen Breslac, Hon Moreau, and George Wehrfritz. "Traveling salesman: APEC: the Clinton trade show hits the road." Newsweek (US), 21 Nov. 1994.

Xinhua News Agency, "S. Korea, Australia to increase cooperation," 18 Nov. 1994.

Anderson, Tom. "Aussi PM praises South Korean President." United Press International, 17 Nov. 1994.

Son, Johanna. "APEC: date set for free trade zone, but no mad rush." Inter Press Service, 16 Nov. 1994.

—. "APEC: a worried Europe tries wooing Asia." Inter Press Service, 16 Nov. 1994.

Whitaker, Raymond. "APEC leaders opt for 2020 vision on trade." Independent (London), 16 Nov. 1994.

Central News Agency, "Siew on APEC summit," 16 Nov. 1994.

Chew, Lee Kim. "APEC accord - 2020 target date." Straits Times (Singapore), 16 Nov. 1994.

Kassim, Yang Razali. "Timetable achieved but many gaps remain." Business Times (Singapore), 16 Nov. 1994.

British Broadcasting Corporation, "APEC cooperation; South Korean President proposes Asia-Pacific information network," 16 Nov. 1994.

Agence France Presse, "Malaysia dismisses APEC accord as 'non-binding'," 15 Nov. 1994.

—, "Clinton praises 'historic' Bogor deal but delivers new warning on ETimor," 15 Nov. 1994.

Anderson, Jim. "APEC leaders meet in closed session after Korean agreement." Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 15 Nov. 1994.

Mann, Jim. "US and allies debate costs on N. Korea deal; Asia: Clinton meets hurriedly with leaders of Japan, S. Korea. They must share burden for nuclear accord." Los Angeles Times, 15 Nov. 1994.

British Broadcasting Corporation, "China; Jiang Zemin and Kim Yong-Sam discuss Korean Peninsula,"

57 15 Nov. 1994.

Shimbun, Yomiuri. "APEC leaders discuss trade declaration." Daily Yomiuri, 15 Nov. 1994.

Japan Economic Newswire, "Japan urged to fulfill obligations as next APEC host," 15 Nov. 1994.

Chew, Lee Kim. "APEC leaders seek deadline accord." Straits Times (Singapore), 15 Nov. 1994.

Urakami, Keiji. "APEC leaders unite behind 2020 free trade target date." Japan Economic Newswire, 15 Nov. 1994.

Kassim, Yang Razali. "Painstakingly, Indonesia nudges leaders towards free trade idea." Business Times (Singapore), 15 Nov. 1994.

British Broadcasting Corporation, "China; foreign trade minister Wu Yi on APEC, GATT," 14 Nov. 1994.

Urakami, Keiji. "Murayama to test leadership in meet with APEC leaders." Japan Economic Newswire, 14 Nov. 1994.

Bychkov, Stanislav, and Valery Fyodortsov. "Clinton urges 'free and open trade' in Pacific Rim." Russian Information Agency, 14 Nov. 1994.

Urakami, Keiji. "Japan to host informal APEC summit next year." Japan Economic Newswire, 13 Nov. 1994.

Dalla-Giacoma, Jim. "Riot police, East Timorese in embassy standoff as APEC meets." Agence France Presse, 12 Nov. 1994.

Chew, Lee Kim. "Suharto puts out strong signal on free trade." Straits Times (Singapore), 12 Nov. 1994.

Straits Times (Singapore), "China 'has shown peace commitment'," 10 Nov. 1994.

Son, Johanna. "Philippines-United States: Clinton visit may mend ties." Inter Press Service, 9 Nov. 1994.

Kassim, Yang Razali. "The agendas of the key players." Business Times (Singapore), 9 Nov. 1994.

British Broadcasting Corporation, "Foreign relations; Australia cites Indonesian rights abuses ahead of APEC," 8 Nov. 1994.

Hadar, Leon. "US hopes APEC leaders will back target date for free trade." Business Times (Singapore), 4 Nov. 1994.

Agence France Presse, "Amnesty calls on APEC leaders' forum to consider human rights issues," 3 Nov. 1994.

Kendall, Sue. "US hopes APEC leaders will commit to free trade area." Agence France Presse, 3 Nov. 1994.

Anderson, Jim. "US to raise human rights issues with Indonesia." Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 3 Nov. 1994.

Kamiya, Antonio. "APEC free trade marks US trade policy milestone." Japan Economic Newswire, 3 Nov. 1994.

Tagaza, Emilia. "Survey of Australia." Financial Times (London), 1 Nov. 1994.

Japan Economic Newswire, "Japan wants APEC to omit free trade area from statement," 1 Nov. 1994.

Agence France Presse, "Taiwan president gives up plans to attend APEC summit: report," 29 Oct. 1994.

58 —, "APEC to adopt plan for settling regional trade disputes: report," 28 Oct. 1994.

Kassim, Yang Razali. "Corporate leaders call for 2010 deadline for free trade." Business Times (Singapore), 17 Oct. 1994.

Sinaga, Simon. "APEC urged to realize free trade by 2010." Straits Times (Singapore), 16 Oct. 1994.

Hadar, Leon. "After Seattle summit; beyond rhetoric to reality." Straits Times (Singapore), 16 Oct. 1994.

Agence France Presse, "Australia expects tangible results at APEC leaders meeting," 14 Oct. 1994.

Kassim, Yang Razali. "Suharto seeks accord on trade free-up." Business Times (Singapore), 7 Oct. 1994.

—. "US pledges support if Suharto goes for open markets by 2020." Business Times (Singapore), 6 Nov. 1994.

United Press International, "Indonesia plans massive security for APEC," 4 Oct. 1994.

News Sample 1995

Inter Press Service, "Energy: Indonesia to follow APEC code on liberalizing trade," 6 Dec. 1995.

Chong, Florence. "Liberalisation of agriculture not on the cards: analysis." Business Times (Singapore), 27 Nov. 1995.

Macaraig, Mynardo. "Philippines gears for APEC 1996 to show off economic recovery." Agence France Presse, 26 Nov. 1995.

Morimoto, Mitsuhiko. "Osaka APEC made progress toward WTO trade goals." Daily Yomiuri, 24 Nov. 1995.

Financial Post Daily, "China drops a trade bombshell on APEC summit in Osaka - Grimmer," 22 Nov. 1995.

New Straits Times (Malaysia), "Dr. Mahathir to attend APEC meeting in the Philippines," 20 Nov. 1995.

Kaur, Hardev, and Zulkifli Othman. "Widen scope of coverage: Dr M (HL)." Business Times (Malaysia), 20 Nov. 1995.

Xinhua News Agency, "EC welcomes positive results of APEC summit," 20 Nov. 1995.

Mainichi Daily News, "APEC leaders reaffirm support for Osaka Action Agenda," 20 Nov. 1995.

British Broadcasting Corporation, "Southeast Asia, Pacific; Australian Prime Minister Keating believes USA 'strongly committed' to APEC," 20 Nov. 1995.

—, "Action agenda; APEC leaders announce 'initial action' packages," 20 Nov. 1995.

Kenny, Peter. "APEC leaders relax, sign key document." United Press International, 19 Nov. 1995.

Chew, Lee Kim. "APEC heads take first steps to free trade." Straits Times (Singapore), 19 Nov. 1995.

Kin, Kwan Weng. "Mahathir to support summit outcome 'because Malaysia's views were reflected'." Straits Times (Singapore), 19 Nov. 1995.

Toronto Star, "China pledges to open markets," 19 Nov. 1995.

Agence France Presse, "APEC leaders announce accelerated tariff cuts, deregulation measures," 19 Nov. 1995.

59 —, "APEC outlines free trade and investment principles for 25 years," 19 Nov. 1995.

British Broadcasting Corporation, "President Suharto holds bilateral meetings in Osaka," 19 Nov. 1995.

—, "China; President Jiang Zemin says China to cut tariffs by 30 per cent; announces five-point," 19 Nov. 1995.

Jiji Press Ticker Service, "APEC heads ok agenda, declaration in morning," 19 Nov. 1995.

Japan Economic Newswire, "Developing economies concerned over rising cost of yen," 19 Nov. 1995.

Xinhua News Agency, "APEC Leaders' meeting ends in Osaka," 19 Nov. 1995.

Ingham, Richard. "APEC leaders under pressure to put offers on table at summit." Agence France Presse, 18 Nov. 1995.

Agence France Press, "APEC leaders seen backing food, energy and environment cooperation," 18 Nov. 1995.

Jiji Press Ticker Service, "APEC leaders to set new long-term goals." 18 Nov. 1995.

Japan Economic Newswire, "Asian editorial excerpts," 18 Nov. 1995.

Neely, Jason. "China warns Taiwan at APEC." United Press International, 17 Nov. 1995.

Business Times (Singapore), "Clinton will be missed: PM," 17 Nov. 1995.

Agence France Press, "Malaysia irks Indonesia and other friends over the v-word at APEC," 17 Nov. 1995.

Asiaweek, "Summits; tough test in Osaka; can APEC's leaders bridge their differences?" 17 Nov. 1995.

Spielmann, Peter James. "Pacific trade group strike early accord; Clinton bows out of talks." Associated Press, 16 Nov. 1995.

Canadian Press Newswire, "APEC deal done, but questions emerge about Canada," 16 Nov. 1995.

Starr, Peter. "APEC clears way for smooth summit despite Clinton absence." Agence France Presse, 16 Nov. 1995.

Kin, Kwan Weng. "Japan's crucial task is to draw up 'road map'." Daily Yomiuri, 16 Nov. 1995.

British Broadcasting Corporation, "Regional issues; Tokyo to offer 10 billion yen for trade liberalization," 16 Nov. 1995.

Agence France Presse, "Malaysia to demand non-binding clauses to APEC free-trade blueprint," 15 Nov. 1995.

Japan Economic Newswire, "Japan should help APEC ease trade barriers: Thai Premier," 14 Nov. 1995.

Financial Post (Canada), "Farmers at summit's center: Asia-Pacific meeting next week in Osaka will start work on pledge to create free-trade zone, but agriculture may get in the way," 13 Nov. 1995.

United Press International, "Korea cancels summit meeting with Japan," 13 Nov. 1995.

de Jonquieres, Guy, William Dawkins, and Nikki Tait. "APEC's visionaries are put to the test." Financial Times (London), 13 Nov. 1995.

United Press International, "China seeks flexible APEC plan," 12 Nov. 1995.

60 Ibison, David. "APEC flounders in leadership vacuum." South China Morning Post, 12 Nov. 1995.

Russian Information Agency, "China urges flexible approach to APR free trade area idea," 12 Nov. 1995.

Sugawara, Sandra. "Lingering trade disputes cloud Asia-Pacific summit; with APEC leaders due in Osaka, hopes dim for progress on resolving differences." Washington Post, 12 Nov. 1995.

Japan Economic Newswire, "Japan eyes four more cooperation areas to APEC declaration," 11 Nov. 1995.

—, "Asia-Pacific NGOs to compile alternative APEC agenda," 8 Nov. 1995.

Deutsche Presse-Agentur, "Malaysian Prime Minister may give APEC summit a miss," 30 Oct. 1995.

Rahil, Siti. "Singapore ahead of the pack in APEC." Japan Economic Newswire, 26 Oct. 1995.

Daily Yomiuri, "Japan's active role vital for future of APEC," 26 Oct. 1995.

Kin, Kwan Weng. "Agriculture still a snag for APEC action agenda." Straits Times (Singapore), 21 Oct. 1995.

News Sample 1996

Xinhua News Agency, "Major news items in leading Philippine newspapers," 3 Dec. 1996.

Soper, Barry. "Big splash for city of puddles." Sunday News (Auckland), 1 Dec. 1996.

Business Times (Malaysia), "Rafidah happy with APEC outcome on IT agreement," 29 Nov. 1996.

British Broadcasting Corporation, "Japan denies it opposes Russia's accession to economic forum," 27 Nov. 1996.

Beck, Simon, and Ray Heath. "Doubts rise as US trumpets hi-tech tariffs win at summit; highways of the 21st century." South China Morning Post, 26 Nov. 1996.

Kaur, Hardev, and David Ong-Yeoh. "APEC launches new phase of action." Business Times (Malaysia), 26 Nov. 1996.

Xinhua News Agency, "Major news items in leading Philippines newspapers," 26 Oct. 1996.

Cumming-Bruce, Nick. "Clinton salutes APEC trade deal." Guardian (London), 26 Nov. 1996.

Agence France Presse, "Australian government rejects Mahathir's attack on Aussie scribes," 26 Nov. 1996.

—, "Business panel lauds gains of APEC summit," 26 Nov. 1996.

Daily Yomiuri, "Editorial APEC pledges must become reality," 26 Nov. 1996.

Xinhua News Agency, "APEC informal leadership meeting opens," 25 Nov. 1996.

Agence France Presse, "APEC economic leaders' declaration: from vision to action," 25 Nov. 1996.

J ij i Press Ticker Service, "APEC declares launch of free trade process," 25 Nov. 1996.

Deutsche Presse-Agentur, "APEC leaders reach compromise on information technology at summit," 25 Nov. 1996.

61 Gallop, Chris. "APEC: consultation and compromise keep tree trade drive on track." Inter Press Service, 25 Nov. 1996.

O'Clery, Conor. "Homeless and shanties given boot as Manila cleans house for APEC." Irish Times, 25 Nov. 1996.

Raagas, Rita. "APEC leaders advance borderless trade." United Press International, 25 Nov. 1996.

United Press International, "US officials uneasy with security," 25 Nov. 1996.

Japan Economic Newswire, "Highlights of APEC leaders' joint declaration," 25 Nov. 1996.

—, "Gist of APEC leaders' joint declaration," 25 Nov. 1996.

Grafilo, John. "Protesters cause chaos with traffic jam at APEC summit." Japan Economic Newswire, 25 Nov. 1996.

Xinhua News Agency, "Results to be substantial, sustainable: Manila declaration," 25 Nov. 1996.

—, "Informal APEC leaders' meeting opens in Philippines," 25 Nov. 1996.

Deutsche Presse-Agentur, "APEC leaders greeted by protesters before Philippine summit," 24 Nov. 1996.

United Press International, "Mahathir has reservations on APEC," 23 Nov. 1996.

Deutsche Presse-Agentur, "Taiwan president sends envoy to APEC summit," 23 Nov. 1996.

Straits Times (Singapore), "PM leaves for Manila today," 23 Nov. 1996.

Deutsche Presse-Agentur, "Malaysia to raise concerns of small states over free trade at APEC," 22 Nov. 1996.

Song, Koh Buck. "APEC officials propose package in six areas for Manila summit." Straits Times (Singapore), 22 Nov. 1996.

Deutsche Presse-Agentur, "Philippines' Ramos says stage set for progress at APEC summit," 21 Nov. 1996.

Xinhua News Agency, "Canadian Prime Minister leaves for APEC meeting," 21 Nov. 1996.

Williams, David. "Earthquake, security rumpus and protests jar APEC meeting." Agence France Presse, 21 Nov. 1996.

Othman, Zulkifli. "APEC debate heats up as officials arrive for meet." Business Times (Malaysia), 20 Nov. 1996.

—. "Question mark over relevance of APEC meet." Business Times (Malaysia), 20 Nov. 1996.

Jiji Press Ticker Service, "APEC leaders' declaration to back ITA," 15 Nov. 1996.

Deutsche Press-Agentur, "Philippines' Ramos voices support for Peru's APEC membership bid," 15 Nov. 1996.

—, "Leftist APEC opponent goes on hunger strike in Philippine jail," 14 Nov. 1996.

Straits Times (Singapore), "Ramos all for admitting China, Taiwan into WTO," 14 Nov. 1996.

Gallardo, Marian. "Peasant groups sign anti-APEC pact." United Press International, 12 Nov. 1996.

62 Japan Economic Newswire, "Supporters of arrested anti-APEC leader hold vigil," 12 Nov. 1996.

Jiji Press Ticker Service, "RP seeks APEC focus on cooperation," 12 Nov. 1996.

Perez, Leticia. "Hotel disputes being ironed out before summit." Straits Times (Singapore), 12 Nov. 1996.

New Straits Times (Malaysia), "Women want say in APEC action," 11 Nov. 1996.

Financial Times (London), "Air strike embarrasses Manila," 1 Nov. 1996.

British Broadcasting Corporation, "President Ramos outlines three essential elements of APEC summit," 30 Oct. 1996.

Agence France Presse, "Philippines repeats: Taiwan President cannot attend APEC summit," 29 Oct. 1996.

United Press International, "Activists call Manila paranoid," 26 Oct. 1996.

British Broadcasting Corporation, "President Ramos confirms no APEC invitation for Taiwan President, Premier," 25 Oct. 1996.

Perez, Leticia. "Setup community colleges 'to re-train Asian women'." Straits Times (Singapore), 5 Oct. 1996.

News Sample 1997

Webster, David. "The People's Summit challenges Asia-Pacific economies in Vancouver." Catholic New Times, 28 Dec. 1997.

Zhao, Jinchuan. "Roundup: Indonesian rupiah drops to new lows." Xinhua News Agency, 16 Dec. 1997.

Stewart, Ian. "Mahathir pushes currency trade controls." Australian, 2 Dec. 1997.

New Straits Times (Malaysia), "The week that was," 1 Dec. 1997.

Ruffini, Paul. "PAC: PNG PM may be stumbling to political gallows." AAP Newsfeed, 30 Nov. 1997.

Economist (US), "Meanwhile, back where the wagons are circling..." 29 Nov. 1997.

Hawthorne, Maria. "Can: Howard pushes domestic agenda at APEC." APP Newsfeed, 28 Nov. 1997.

Suryodiningrat, Meidyatama. "18 APEC leaders to unite to deal with economic crisis." Jakarta Post, 28 Nov. 1997.

—. "APEC leaders vow to settle crisis." Jakarta Post, 27 Nov. 1997.

Facts on File World News Digest, "Asia-Pacific trade conference held in Canada; Southeast Asian turmoil dominates summit; leaders back reforms, request IMF funds; other developments," 27 Nov. 1997.

Wang, Xiangwei, and Sin-Mi Hon. "Beijing to slash import tax; industrial goods and information technology targeted in trade body bid." South China Morning Post, 27 Nov. 1997.

Ahmad, Zainon, and Zainul Ariffin. "APEC leaders endorse proposal for IMF study on currency trading." New Straits Times (Malaysia), 27 Nov. 1997.

Beck, Simon. "A comfortable place for Jiang." South China Morning Post, 27 Nov. 1997.

63 Hughes, Duncan, and Simon Beck. "European leaders to attend talks while speculators face IMF-led probe; APEC calls for global action." South China Morning Post, 27 Nov. 1997.

South China Morning Post, "APEC and beyond," 27 Nov. 1997.

Marcus, David L. "APEC leaders pledge economic rescue work; but annual meeting ends on grave note, with Asian markets plunging." Boston Globe, 26 Nov. 1997.

Durkan, Sean. "Indonesian spies put on plane home 'breaching security'." Toronto Sun, 26 Nov. 1997.

Israelson, David. "APEC leaders were too glib Asian turmoil cause for concern despite assurance analysis." Toronto Star, 26 Nov. 1997.

Agence France Presse, "APEC leaders pilot economies over dangerous territory," 26 Nov. 1997.

—, "APEC leaders endorse efforts to improve lot of women," 26 Nov. 1997.

Maserati, Helen. "Expanding market havoc is the legacy of globalization: APEC critics." Agence France Presse, 26 Nov. 1997.

Jiji Press Ticker Service, "APEC leaders resolved over financial stability." 26 Nov. 1997.

Press (Christchurch), "Bolger raises human-rights issue with Indonesian leader," 26 Nov. 1997.

Suryodiningrat, Meidyatama. "18 APEC leaders to unite to deal with economic crisis." Jakarta Post, 26 Nov. 1997.

Hawthorne, Maria. "Can: APEC holds nerve on trade." AAP Newsfeed, 26 Nov. 1997.

—. "Can: no place for human rights at APEC." AAP Newsfeed, 26 Nov. 1997.

Kosukegawa, Yoichi. "APEC leaders start Vancouver summit for stable market." Japan Economic Newswire, 25 Nov. 1997.

Jakarta Post, "Singgih to probe alleged misuse of Jamsostek's funds," 25 Nov. 1997.

Suryodiningrat, Meidyatama, and Ati Nurbaiti. "Canada to send specialists for Pakpahan." Jakarta Post, 25 Nov. 1997.

Hawthorne, Maria. "Can: Mahathir isolated on free market." APP Newsfeed, 25 Nov. 1997.

British Broadcasting Corporation, "China to host APEC meetings in 2001," 24 Nov. 1997.

—, "Thai foreign minister leaves for APEC meeting, agenda changed," 24 Nov. 1997.

Steeds, Bernie. "PM to meet Jiang at APEC summit." Evening Post (Wellington), 24 Nov. 1997.

Dominion (Wellington), "Trade coup for NZ," 24 Nov. 1997.

Financial Times (London), "Asian business leaders keep their cool," 24 Nov. 1997.

—, "Europe shapes up," 24 Nov. 1997.

Borneo Bulletin, "Money crisis looms over APEC summit," 22 Nov. 1997.

Asaffin, Zainul. "High expectations at Vancouver summit despite regional crisis." New Straits Times

64 (Malaysia), 21 Nov. 1997.

Kassim, Yang Razali. "A crucial test for the APEC summit." Business Times (Singapore), 21 Nov. 1997.

Financial Post Daily, "Clinton goes empty-handed to forum [Vancouver summit]," 20 Nov. 1997.

Kosukegawa, Yoichi. "APEC week to start in Vancouver, seeking stable market." Japan Economic Newswire, 19 Nov. 1997.

Japan Economic Newswire, "APEC leaders to join forces to end currency crisis," 19 Nov. 1997.

Xinhua News Agency, "Philippine official calls for consensus on regional cooperation," 18 Nov. 1997.

Chongkittavorn, Kavi. "Changes since Chuan last met APEC leaders." Nation (Thailand), 17 Nov. 1997.

Uchida, Akinori. "APEC draft cooperation to end currency crises." Daily Yomiuri, 16 Nov. 1997.

Bangkok Post, "Trade: Thailand resists pact on electronic commerce: US pushing for a deal, developing nations need time for study," 14 Nov. 1997.

Japan Economic Newswire, "APEC business advisers to discuss currency crisis," 12 Nov. 1997.

Ashayagachat, Achara. "Confidence building talk needed: US expected to make up for earlier 'benign neglect'. Bangkok Post, 1 Nov. 1997.

Kosukegawa, Yoichi. "APEC likely to turn trade summit into finance summit." Japan Economic Newswire, 1 Nov. 1997.

Bergsten, C. Fred. "A job for APEC leaders in Vancouver." International Herald Tribune (Neuilly-sur-Seine, France), 1 Nov. 1997.

News Sample 1998

Weinberg, Paul. "Rights-Canada: fallout from APEC conference plagues government." Inter Press Service, 15 Dec. 1998.

Asia Today, "Big business beginning to lose patience." Dec. 1998.

Beck, Simon. "Gore rushed in where Clinton might think twice." South China Morning Post, 22 Nov. 1998.

British Broadcasting Corporation, "Philippine President, US Vice-President discuss Spratlys, arms modernization," 20 Nov. 1998.

Lugo, Leotes Marie T. '"He's getting used to this...'(the President's men rate his performance in APEC)." BusinessWorld, 20 Nov. 1998.

Straits Times (Singapore), "Tiff with US as seen by Asian press Jakarta," 19 Nov. 1998.

British Broadcasting Corporation, "Chinese president leaves for home after APEC meeting," 19 Nov. 1998.

—, "Malaysia: Taiwan official urges APEC leaders to draft plan to revive confidence," 19 Nov. 1998.

—, "Chinese President speaks to APEC on world economy," 19 Nov. 1998.

New Straits Times (Malaysia), "Meeting has come of age, says Shipley," 19 Nov. 1998.

65 Toronto Star, "APEC leaders seek task force on money rules analysis dismiss declaration as nothing new," 19 Nov. 1998.

Financial Times (London), "APEC adrift," 19 Nov. 1998.

Patten, Chris. "A trial of weakness in Malaysia Chris Patten believes there is a lesson for the Far East in Anwar Ibrahim's persecution." Daily Telegraph (London), 19 Nov. 1998.

Waikato Times (Hamilton), "Coming of age for APEC amid rights row: PM," 19 Nov. 1998.

Xinhua News Agency, "People's daily editorial applauds APEC leaders meeting," 19 Nov. 1998.

Bernama (Kuala Lumpur), "KL meeting keeps APEC on track," 19 Nov. 1998.

Borneo Bulletin, "Brunei - Sultan's APEC concern," 19 Nov. 1998.

Japan Economic Newswire, "Daley unhappy with APEC's failure to strike trade pact," 19 Nov. 1998.

Deutsche Presse-Agentur, "Mahathir plays down US row as APEC leaders end lackluster summit," 18 Nov. 1998.

Agence France Presse, "Clinton's presence could have boosted APEC summit: Australian PM," 18 Nov. 1998.

Ong, Adeline. "Malaysia gets US$1.8bn loan pledge from Japan." Business Times (Malaysia), 18 Nov. 1998.

Japan Economic Newswire, "APEC leaders welcome Japan-US Asia aid initiative," 18 Nov. 1998.

Xinhua News Agency, "Jiang delivers keynotes speech at APEC leaders meeting," 18 Nov. 1998.

Lugo, Leotes Marie T. "ASEAN backs move to 'regulate' financial markets to contain crisis." BusinessWorld, 18 Nov. 1998.

Wada, Daisaku. "APEC leaders want disclosure from hedge funds." Japan Economic Newswire, 18 Nov. 1998.

Murayama, Kohei. "Obuchi says APEC leaders back Japan." Japan Economic Newswire, 18 Nov. 1998.

Pongvutitham, Achara, and Yindee Lertcharoenchok. "Japan, US unveil $10bn fund." Nation (Thailand), 17 Nov. 1998.

China Daily, "Jiang meets APEC leaders, emphasizes co-operation," 17 Nov. 1998.

Bujang, Asiah, Eirmalasare Bani, Hamisah Hamid, Jennifer Jacobs, Lokman Mansor, Pratap Parameswaran, and Zulkifli Othman. "Call to set up a task force." Business Times (Malaysia), 17 Nov. 1998.

Wada, Daisaku. "APEC summit opens, Mahathir wants to discuss crisis." Japan Economic Newswire, 17 Nov. 1998.

New Straits Times (Malaysia), "Abdullah given assurance Obuchi will play active role," 16 Nov. 1998.

Business Times (Malaysia), "US, Iraq urged to seek peaceful solution," 16 Nov. 1998.

Bernama (Kula Lumpur), "Dr. Mahathir may raise concerns over unfair opinions on Malaysia," 15 Nov. 1998.

Porter, Barry, and David Saunders. "Setback for APEC trade negotiations as Japan allies join sector resistance." South China Morning Post, 14 Nov. 1998.

66 Wada, Daisaku. "APEC leaders' declaration addresses hedge fund problem." Japan Economic Newswire, 14 Nov. 1998.

Sivabalan, E. "China to continue investing in Malaysia." Bernama (Kula Lumpur), 14 Nov. 1998.

Bernama (Kula Lumpur), "New Zealand Prime Minister to hold talks with Dr. Mahathir," 12 Nov. 1998.

Agence France Presse, "Philippine leader reiterates commitment to economic liberalization," 12 Nov. 1998.

Durkan, Sean. "Malaysia delivers snub for snub." London Free Press, 12 Nov. 1998.

Parameswaran, P. "APEC's rapid free trade plan under threat." Agence France Presse, 11 Nov. 1998.

United Press International, "UPI focus: Clinton calls for fair trade," 10 Nov. 1998.

Nation, "Malaysia and S'pore must let go of past," 8 Nov. 1998.

Magno, Alex. "Zealots in the land of Oz." Manila Standard, 7 Nov. 1998.

Kassin, Yang Razali. "KL summit: APEC at a cross-roads." Business Times (Singapore), 6 Nov. 1998.

Asia Pulse, "USIS - APEC meeting in KL most important yet: US envoy," 6 Nov. 1998.

Business Times (Malaysia), "No request from Manila for meet'," 27 Oct. 1998.

Dwyer, Michael, and Tony Boyd. "Corporate debt rescue for Asia." Australian Financial Review, 26 Oct. 1998.

Wright, Lincoln. "APEC's future 'problematic'; South-east Asia's financial crisis threatens trade liberalization, constructive diplomacy." Canberra Times, 18 Oct. 1998.

Asia Pulse, "Singapore PM urges all APEC leaders to attend KL summit," 13 Oct. 1998.

Bernama (Kuala Lumpur), "Kuala Lumpur gears up for APEC summit," 11 Oct. 1998.

67 Appendix I APEC Venues and Member Participation

Pre-AELM - APEC Ministerial Meetings, 1989-1992

1989 November 6-7 Canberra. Australia (12)

ASEAN members (Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, Malaysia, The Philippines, Singapore and Thailand) plus Australia, Canada, Japan, Republic of Korea, New Zealand and the United States

1990 July 29-31 Singapore (12)

ASEAN members (Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, Malaysia, The Philippines, Singapore and Thailand) plus Australia, Canada, Japan, Republic of Korea, New Zealand and the United States

Observers: The ASEAN Secretariat, the Pacific Economic Cooperation Conference (PECC) and the South Pacific Forum (SPF)

1991 November 12-14 Seoul, Republic of Korea (12)

ASEAN members (Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, Malaysia, The Philippines, Singapore and Thailand) plus Australia, Canada, Japan, Republic of Korea, New Zealand and the United States New Members: People's Republic of China, Hong Kong and Chinese Taipei

Observers: The ASEAN Secretariat, the Pacific Economic Cooperation Conference (PECC) and the South Pacific Forum (SPF) '

1992 September 10-11 Bangkok, Thailand (15)

ASEAN members (Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, Malaysia, The Philippines, Singapore and Thailand) plus Australia, Canada, the People's Republic of China, Hong Kong, Japan, the Republic of Korea, New Zealand, Chinese Taipei, and the United States

Observers: The ASEAN Secretariat, the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (PECC) and the South Pacific Forum (SPF)

AELM, 1993-1998

1993 November 20 Blake Island. Seattle. US (14)

Australia (Prime Minister Paul Keating), Brunei Darussalam (Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah), Canada (Prime Minister Jean Chretien), People's Republic of China (President Jiang Zemin), Hong Kong (Financial Secretary Hamish MacLeod), Indonesia (President Soeharto), Japan (Prime Minister Morihiro Hosokawa), Republic of Korea (President Kim Young Sam), New Zealand (Prime Minister Jim Bolger), The Philippines (President Fidel Ramos), Singapore (Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong), Chinese Taipei (Chairman for Economic Planning Development Vincent C Siew), Thailand (Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai) and the United States (President Bill Clinton)

Absent: Malaysia (Prime Minister Muhamad Mahathir)

1994 November 15 Bogor. Indonesia (18)

Australia (Prime Minister Paul Keating), Brunei Darussalam (Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah), Canada (Prime Minister Jean Chretien), People's Republic of China (President Jiang Zemin), Hong Kong (Financial Secretary Hamish MacLeod), Indonesia (President Soeharto), Japan (Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama), Republic of Korea (President Kim Young Sam), Malaysia (Prime Minister Muhamad Mahathir), New Zealand (Prime Minister Jim Bolger), The Philippines (President Fidel Ramos), Singapore (Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong),

68 Chinese Taipei (Chairman for Economic Planning Development Vincent C Siew), Thailand (Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai) and the United States (President Bill Clinton) New Members: Chile (President Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle), Mexico (President Carlos Salinas de Gortari) and Papua New Guinea (Prime Minister Julius Chan)

1995 November 19 Osaka, Japan (18)

Australia (Prime Minister Paul Keating), Brunei Darussalam (Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah), Canada (Prime Minister Jean Chretien, Chile (President Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle), People's Republic of China (President Jiang Zemin), Hong Kong (Financial Secretary Donald Tsang Yam-kuen), Indonesia (President Soeharto), Japan (Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama), Republic of Korea (President Kim Young Sam), Malaysia (Prime Minister Muhamad Mahathir), Mexico (President Ernesto Zedillo), New Zealand (Prime Minister Jim Bolger), Papua New Guinea (Prime Minister Julius Chan), The Philippines (President Fidel Ramos), Singapore (Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong), Chinese Taipei (Senior Advisor Koo Chen-fu), Thailand (Prime Minister Banharn Silpa-archa) and the United States (Vice-President Al Gore)

1996 November 25 Subic, The Philippines (18)

Australia (Prime Minister John Howard), Brunei Darussalam (Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah), Canada (Prime Minister Jean Chretien, Chile (President Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle), People's Republic of China (President Jiang Zemin), Hong Kong (Financial Secretary Donald Tsang Yam-kuen), Indonesia (President Soeharto), Japan (Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto), Republic of Korea (President Kim Young Sam), Malaysia (Prime Minister Muhamad Mahathir), Mexico (President Ernesto Zedillo), New Zealand (Prime Minister Jim Bolger), Papua New Guinea (Prime Minister Julius Chan), The Philippines (President Fidel Ramos), Singapore (Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong), Chinese Taipei (Senior Advisor Koo Chen-fu), Thailand (Prime Minister Banharn Silpa- archa) and the United States (President Bill Clinton)

1997 November 25 Vancouver. Canada (18)

Australia (Prime Minister John Howard), Brunei Darussalam (Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah), Canada (Prime Minister Jean Chretien, Chile (President Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle), People's Republic of China (President Jiang Zemin), Hong Kong (Chief Executive Tung Chee Hwa), Indonesia (President Soeharto), Japan (Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto), Republic of Korea (President Kim Young Sam), Malaysia (Prime Minister Muhamad Mahathir), Mexico (President Ernesto Zedillo), New Zealand (Prime Minister Jim Bolger), Papua New Guinea (Prime Minister Bill Skate), The Philippines (President Fidel Ramos), Singapore (Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong), Chinese Taipei (Senior Advisor Koo Chen-fu), Thailand (Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai) and the United States (President Bill Clinton)

1998 November 19 Kuala Lumpur. Malaysia (21)

Australia (Prime Minister John Howard), Brunei Darussalam (Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah), Canada (Prime Minister Jean Chretien, Chile (President Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle), People's Republic of China (President Jiang Zemin), Hong Kong (Chief Executive Tung Chee Hwa), Indonesia (President B.J. Habibie), Japan (Prime Minister Kiezo Obuchi), Republic of Korea (President Kim Dae-Jung), Malaysia (Prime Minister Muhamad Mahathir), Mexico (President Ernesto Zedillo), New Zealand (Prime Minister Jenny Shipley), Papua New Guinea (Prime Minister Bill Skate), The Philippines (President Joseph Estrada), Singapore (Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong), Chinese Taipei (Chairman for Economic Planning Development Chiang Pin-kung), Thailand (Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai) and the United States (Vice-President Al Gore)

New Members: Russia (Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov), Peru (President Alberto Fujimori) and Vietnam (Prime Minister Phan Van Khai)

69 Appendix II: AELM Schedule and News Search Dates, 1993-1998

Host Economy Date of Meeting Lexis-Nexis Search Dates Search Result (gross)

Malaysia 18 November 1998 1 October - 31 December 1998 828 Canada 25 November 1997 1 October - 31 December 1997 846 Philippines 25 November 1996 1 October - 31 December 1996 312 Japan 19 November 1995 1 October - 31 December 1995 304 Indonesia 15 November 1994 1 October - 31 December 1994 167 US 20 November 1993 1 October - 31 December 1993 158 Total News Items Identified (Lexis-Nexis Database) 2,615

Period of search dates is the full calendar month prior and also following the meeting (e.g., 1 October to 31 December) in order to cover meeting held in November of that year. Search results accessing Lexis-Nexis database by regions on 28 March 2002 and 4, 5, 15-16 April 2002

Appendix III: Lexis-Nexis Sources by Year (modified)

Modified News (Lexis Nexis) 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 T T T T T T Regional Search: Asia 125 114 249 183 462 159 Europe 18 33 40 33 55 107 North 15 20 15 96 69 73 America I Total Retrieved \ car 158 16" 304 312 586 339 (Regional Search)

Total press reports retrieved was 2615 news items (see Appendix II). Total news items retained in modified search was 1866 news reports.

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71 Appendix V AELM News Sample Reporting (%)

APEC Leaders Economic Vision Statement Blake Island, Seattle, US 20 November 1993

Leaders' Statement Pre-AELM AELM/Post-AELM Total Main Stage

• • _ 4.3 3.1 7.4 Potential APEC as Trade Bloc Potential APEC as Entity 6.8 3.2 10 Trading Svstems GATT/Uruguay Round 5 8 13 Open Regional Trade/investment 3 3 6 Economic Endeavors Tangible Economic Growth Benefits 2.4 1.8 4.2 Human Resource Department 0.6 0 0.6 Telecommunications/Transportation 0 0 0 Environment, Energy, Sustainable Use 0 0 0 Agents and Targets Eminent Persons Group 3 0.6 3.6 APEC Finance Ministers 1.2 1.8 3 Pacific Business Forum 2.4 0 2.4 APEC Education Program 2.4 0 2.4 APEC Volunteer Program 0 0 0 Small and Medium Enterprises (SME) 0 0.6 0.6 APEC Language 3.6 6.6 Small Stage

Future Meetings 0 3.7 3.7 The 'Chinas' Attendance 4.8 0 4.8 Cultural Exchange 0.6 0 0.6 Emerging Economies 0 0.6 0.6 MFN Status 1.2 0 1.2 Actors Mahathir 4.8 1.5 6.3 Mahathir Keating Exchange 0 4.2 4.2 Agendas US Policy 5.6 1.4 7 Bilateral Meetings 6.2 4.4 10.6 ASEAN Pre-Meeting 1.2 0 1.2 Total Distribution 58.5 41.5 100

72 Appendix VI AELM News Sample Reporting (%)

APEC Economic Leaders' Declaration of Common Resolve Bogor, Indonesia 15 November 1994

Pre-AELM AELM/Post-AELM Total Leaders' Statement Main Stage Principles Reaffirm APEC 0.6 0.6 1.2 Reiterate Prior Declaration 0.6 0.6 1.2 Potential APEC as Trade Bloc 1 2 3 Potential APEC as Entity 1 1 2

..»—^.J _ GATT Gains and Future Compliance 3.7 6 9.7 Regional Trade/investment 2010/20 10.4 6.1 16.5 Economic Endeavors Facilitation Three Pillars, Emerging Economies" 0.6 0 0.6 Agents and Targets (Facilitation Initiatives) Human Resource Development 1.2 0 1.2 APEC Education 0 0 0 Small and Medium Enterprises 1.2 0 1.2 Science/Tech Transfer 1.2 0 1.2 Business 1.2 0 1.2 APEC Dispute Resolution/Mediation 1.2 0.6 1.8 Engagement EPG and Business/ Feedback 3.3 1 4.3 APEC Language 0.6 3.6 4.2 Small Stage News

Future Meetings 0 2.5 2.5 The Chinas' Attendance 3 4 7 Cultural Exchange 0 0 0 Emerging Economies 2 2.4 4.4 Most Favored Nation Status 0.6 0 0.6 Protests/International NGOs 2.9 3.9 6.8 Actors Malaysia. Prime Minister Mahathir 2 3.2 5.2 Agendas US Policy 4 3.1 7.1 Bilateral Meetings 9 7.4 16.4 ASEAN Thai Concerns (Mini- Multilateral) 0.7 0 0.7 Total Distribution 52 48 100

' The three pillars refer to sustainable growth, equitable development and national stability.

73 Appendix VII AELM News Sample Reporting (%)

APEC Economic Leaders' Declaration for Action Osaka, Japan November 19,1995

Pre-AELM AELM/Post-AELM Total Leaders' Statement Main Stage Principles Reaffirm APEC 2 2 4 Potential APEC 0 0 0 Limited Progress 2.5 0.5 3 Reiterate Prior Achievements 2.5 1.5 4 Trading Systems _ WTO/Singapore Meeting 1.5 Regional Trade/investment 2010/20 6.5 Open Multilateral vs. Bloc 1.5 Framework: Osaka Action Agenda | 4_ Economic Endeavors IAP Principals, Annual IAP Review3 0 0.5 0.5 Individual Action Packagesb 4 6 10 Facilitation - Partners for Progress 1 1.5 2.5 Agents and Targets S A • ; 0 0 0 Human Resource Development, Education Business 2.5 1 3.5 APEC Dispute Resolution/Mediation 1 0 1 Sustainable Development0 1.5 2.5 4 APEC Language 2.5 3 5.5 Small Stage Issues Future Meetings 0.5 2 2.5 The Chinas' Attendance 1.5 0 1.5 Cultural Exchange 0 0 0 Most Favored Nation Status 1 0.5 1.5 Protests. NGOs, Opposition 0.5 0 0.5 Actors Malaysia, Mahathir Viewpoints 2.5 3 5.5 NIE/LDC ASEAN/Mahathir 3 2 5 Agendas US Policy 7 1.5 8.5 Bilateral Meetings 4.5 2.5 7 EC Formal Free Trade Zone Bloc 0.5 0.5 1 ASEAN and China Mini-Multilateral 0.5 0.5 1 Total Distribution 54.5 45.5 100

a The three pillars refer to sustainable growth, equitable development and national stability. b Tariff, WTO, deregulation, Initial Action, voluntary liberalization. c Items of the original Pillars now NIE/LDC, population, food, energy and environment slated as long-term goals of APEC (length of time not specified).

74 Appendix VII AELM News Sample Reporting (%)

APEC Economic Leaders' Declaration: From Vision to Action Subic, The Philippines November 25,1996

Pre-AELM AELM/Post-AELM Total Leaders' Statement Main Stage

Reaffirm APEC 0.5 1.7 2.2 Affirm sustainable growth/equitable dev 0.5 2.9 3.4 Reaffirm shared vision 0.5 1.8 2.3 Potential APEC as Entity/Trade Bloc 0 0 0 Tradinp Svstems Multilateral WTO/IT Agreement 3 7.8 10.8 Deadline 2010/20 3 4.2 7.2 Economic Endeavors MAPA and Osaka Action Agenda 4 7.6 11.6 IAP Review 2.4 1.5 3.9 Support Framework/Action Agendas 1.6 0.5 2.1 Facilitation 0.5 1 1.5 Sustainability 1.5 2.9 4.4 Agents and Targets Human Resources Development 0 0 0 Small Medium Enterprises 1.6 2 3.6 Ec/Tech Cooperation 0 0 0 Ec policy/Capital Markets/Investment 2.5 1.2 3.7 Women and Youth 1 0.5 1.5 APEC Dispute Resolution/Mediation 0 0 0 Business, APEC Business Forum3 2.3 2.3 4.6 APEC Language 2.3 2.3 4.6 Small Stage

Future Meetings 0.5 0.5 1 The Chinas' Attendance 1.5 0.5 2 Cultural Exchange 0 0 0 Emerging Economies 3.5 2.4 5.9 Most Favored Nation Status 0.5 0.4 0.9 Protests and International NGOs 4.7 3.5 8.2 Security 3 3.6 6.6 Actions Malavsia. Mahathir Deadlines 1.5 3 4.5 Agendas US Foreign Policy 0.5 0 0.5 Bilateral Meetings 3 0 3 ASEAN 0 0 0 Total Distribution 45.9 54.1 100

' Central role, public and private sectors operate together

75 Appendix IX AELM News Sample Reporting (%)

APEC Economic Leaders' Declaration: Connecting the APEC Community Vancouver, Canada November 25,1997

Pre-AELIM AELM/Post-AELM Total Leaders' Statement Main Stage

I 1 11I\.I|SI^>3 Reaffirm APEC 0.5 2 2.5 Affirm current status/fundamentals/pillars 0 0.5 0.5 Reaffirm Osaka, MAPA, IAP, EVSLa 0 0.5 0.5 Potential APEC as Entity and Trade Bloc 0 0 0 Trading Systems Multilateral WTO 2 1.5 3.5 Deadline 2010/20 3.5 2.5 6 Economic Endeavors MAPA and Osaka Action Agenda 5 6.5 11.5 IAP Review 0.5 0.5 1 Facilitation 3 6 9 Agents and Targets Vision 21" Q - 23 - 1 2 Infrastructure 1 Science/Technical, IT, Poverty, Education 0 0 0 Environment 2.5 1.5 4 Emergency 1.5 0.5 2 Youth 0.5 0 0.5 Vancouver Framework Public/Private0 1.5 0.5 2 APEC Language 1 3 4 Small Stage Issues Future Meetings 1.5 0 1.5 The Chinas' Attendance 0.5 0 0.5 Crisis and Assistance 9 10 19 Cultural Exchange 0 0 0 NIE/LDC 1 2 3 Most Favors Nation Status 0 0.5 0.5 Protests/International NGOs/People's Summit 0.5 4.5 5 Women in APEC 0.5 1 1.5 Limited Results 1 2 3 Security 0 1.5 1.5 Actors Malaysia, Mahathir Deadlines 0.5 3.5 4 Agendas . , US Policy 2.5 2 4.5 Bilateral Meetings 1.5 4.5 6 ASEAN 0.5 0.5 1 Total Distribution 41.5 58.5 100

a Early Volunteer Sector Liberalization (EVSL) Year of Action: Key Results: IAPs, early voluntary liberalization (9 of 15 sectors), facilitation, GATT, WTO, 1996 Framework, Partnership, SME b Vision 21 st Century Connection c Vancouver Framework for Enhanced Public/Private Partnerships in Infrastructure Development

76 Appendix X AELM News Sample Reporting (%)

APEC Economic Leaders' Declaration: Strengthening the Foundations for Growth Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia November 18,1998

Leaders' Statement Pre-AELM AELM/Post-AELM Total Main Stage Principles Reaffirm APEC 2.5 3.5 6 Affirm current status/fundamentals 0.5 0 0.5 Key Achievements 0 0 0 Potential APEC as Entity and Trade Bloc 0 0 0 Trading Systems Multilateral WTO 1 1.5 2.5 Trade/Investment Liberalization 4.9 5.3 10.2 2010/20 Economic Endeavors Key Challenges Financial Crisis3 3.5 5.7 9.2 Facilitation 0 2 2 Economic/Technical Cooperation 0.5 3.5 4 Foundations for Sustained Growthb 2.5 4.5 7 Y2K 0 0.5 0.5 Group of 22 0.5 4 4.5 1 • • 0 1.5 1.5 APEC Language Small Stage Issues Future Meetings 0 0 0 The Chinas' 0 0.5 0.5 Crisis and Assistance 6 6.3 12.3 Cultural Exchange 0 0 0 Emerging Economies 0.5 1.5 2 Most Favored Nation Status 0 0 0 Protests/International NGOs 2.5 0.5 3 Limited Returns, Lack of Leadership 0.5 2.5 3 Security 1 0 1 Actors Malaysia, Mahathir, Anwar 3.5 6.5 10 Agendas US Policy 4 6.9 10.9 Bilateral Meetings 4 4.9 8.9 ASEAN (Mini-Multilaterals) 0.5 0 0.5 Total Distribution 38.4 61.6 100

3 Cooperative Growth Strategy, Growth Oriented Macro policies, Employment and Social Safety Nets, Financial and corporate Sector restructuring, Private Capital Flows, Strengthen Financial Architecture b Foundations for Sustained Growth 21st Century Strengthen social Safety Nets, Financial Systems, capital flows, investment flows, sci/tech, HRD, (1998 Kuala Lumpur Action Programme on Skills Development in APEC, economic infrastructure, business and commercial (SPAN for SME)

77