DOCSLIB.ORG

Imperialism & African Social Formations

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Imperialism & African Social Formations Review of African Political Economy No.103:5-7 © ROAPE Publications Ltd., 2005 Imperialism & African Social Formations Lionel Cliffe In the last Issue of 2004, reviewing 30 years of this journal, an assessment was made of the key dimensions of the new situation facing Africa and the world, and on that basis a ‘new agenda’ was put forward to highlight priority areas for research and activism. These key areas were: New Imperialism: The processes of globalised capitalism, still leaving Africa steeped in patterns of ‘primitive accumulation’, and the radical restructuring strategies of global US militarist hegemony, which seek from Africa only oil and other resources, and military collaboration. New class formations: Modified patterns of reproduction of labour, consistent with primitive accumulation, which blur old ‘peasant’ and ‘proletarian’ class categories, and limit polarisation of some classes, while reinforcing the salience of ‘class’ in social analysis. States and conflict: Reassessment of the African ‘state’ in this era of new imperialism and of new social formations, in particular emphasising the ‘political economy’ of war, violence and state failure. New patterns of African resistance: Contemporary popular struggles and the potential for ‘solidarity’ – and the appropriate stance of a radical, metropolitan- based journal like ROAPE. Each of these subjects represents both an area of study and investigation, and one the Review would like to prioritise, but some are also phrased as propositions which deserve continuing debate. For instance, how far are generalisations about persistent primitive accumula- tion or multiplicity of livelihoods across classes valid, and under what circumstances? Or, politically, should ‘resistance’ be geared to the economic challenge of globalising capitalism or military dominance, and are there any contradic- tions between them, and between Europe and the US, that provide leeway that can be exploited? Although few of the articles were explicitly written in response to that agenda or indeed any theme that characterises the Issue, contributions do in fact continue debates around the agenda we outlined in No. 102. It will be instructive to bring out some of the actual ‘contributions’ they make to that set of concerns. And as we shall see, some of the contributors have something to say about not just one of the themes. ISSN 0305-6244 Print/1740-1720 Online/05/010005-03 DOI: 10.1080/03056240500120943 6 Review of African Political Economy New Imperialism Contributions by Dansereau and Larmer explore one of the few sectors where the international capital stake in Africa is being extended – the mining industry. But as they both stress, the enhanced international corporate stake is not coming about so much through new investment but the take-over of existing assets through outright privatisation or ‘public-private partnerships’, often of previously ‘nationalised’ mines, as part of the liberalisation prescriptions of international financial institutions. Class & Relations of Production Both of these studies also show how in Zimbabwe and Zambia the privatisation process is accompanied with the relaxation of labour relations and worsening conditions for workers. They also confirm that employment in mining is still characterised by migrant patterns and the payment of wages insufficient to guarantee reproduction of labour. McCulloch’s case study of the struggle of miners in asbestos offers another example of the treatment of labour in such industries. In any discussion of relations of production and reproduction, it is appropriate to highlight the massive intellectual debt that is owed to Claude Meillassoux, whose passing is marked in the Tribute in later pages. After all, he more than anyone taught us that African social and economic realities, and the interaction of its social formations with imperialism, could be analysed in terms of ‘relations of production’. He was a Contributing Editor of ROAPE, and an active one, from the outset, and a contributor to the inaugural Issue 30 years ago, but more fundamentally he, and his close colleagues among ‘marxist economic anthropologists’ in France, made a decisive impact on the generation of ‘radical’ African and Africanist scholars emerging in the 1960s in the English-speaking world. Characteristically, his article in No. 1, ‘Development or Exploitation: Is the Sahel Famine Good Business?’ was an embodiment of scholarly and humanitarian concern, providing one of the first expressions in English of the seminal work he and other collaborators made in recognising that famine is enmeshed in processes of emerging capitalism in its interaction with African social forms. As the Tribute makes clear, this understand- ing of the social embeddedness of the environment is now standard among the analysts and practitioners still engaged with this kind of emergency a generation later. However, despite this, it is remarkable that the simple-minded Malthusian explanation of ‘over-population’ as the cause of famine – and conflict – is still so readily accepted unquestioningly by political leaders in and outside the continent. Another specific contribution that he made to this kind of analysis was a study of poverty and malnutrition in South Africa, an in-depth and now little known report published in English (Meillassoux, 1982). In this and other work he takes further the seminal analysis of the essential nature of apartheid in terms of the articulation of two modes of production, made by the South African scholar, Harold Wolpe, whose work was reviewed at length in ROAPE 102. Claude deepens the theoretical framework while simultaneously detailing the human costs. State & Conflict The vicious fighting that has engulfed much of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) since 1998 has exacted a toll of death (3.8 million) and destruction perhaps greater than in any other African country, and today the most intense Editorial: Imperialism & African Social Formations 7 continuing violent confrontations, unchecked by the peace agreement and the largest UN peace-keeping force in the world (13,113), are to be found in the east and north-east of the country, including Kivu province. Van Acker’s analysis is a timely reminder that such conflicts do not simply emerge from inherent ethnic rivalries nor even from the warlords’ ambitions and greed. It brings out the complex but profound reshaping of property relations and kinship and social capital as a result of changes in arrangements for access to land, through land tenure policy and market encroachment – a perspective in the best Meillassoux tradition. This is an explanation of the roots of violent conflict in terms of ‘grievance’ rather than ‘greed’, and may serve to alert analysis to the potency of the oft-neglected factor of land in conflicts such as Somalia, Darfur and Sierra Leone, and the risks of policies that enact privatised land tenure. This insight also helps to set the Briefings on Namibia and Zimbabwe in context. In a second study of conflict, in Sierra Leone, Riddell points to the obscene irony of the IFI’s taking on the role, as they are doing in several ‘post-conflict’ situations, of promoting recovery and rehabilitation, when they are institutions which previously backed state policies that impoverished the young people in marginal rural areas, factors which fed the conflict in the first instance. As in so many African countries – Liberia, Chad, Djibouti, DRC, Algeria, Eritrea, and now Sudan and Somalia – there is an urgent need for critical debate about the strategies and means for such recovery, and one not dominated by such external interests, if the fragile peace in such places is to be sustained. Resistance & Solidarity The studies on mining also touch on this theme as they show how privatisation has generated debate and organised campaigning, not least by trades unions in Zambia. Similar anti-privatisation (particularly of services such as water) have also been a feature of new popular protest in South Africa – and in many other parts of the world, notably in Latin American countries – and they have become a focus for international solidarity through networks such as the World (and now African) Social Forums. Seddon & Zeilig’s article would thus place such protests within an emerging third stage of post-independence protest in Africa. Their piece was, in fact, explicitly prompted by our ‘new agenda’ and had had to be held over from No. 102. It provides a useful survey of a wide range of popular protests during the last three decades, and also attempts a periodisation of them in terms of the international and continental context that spawned them. Bibliographic Note Meillassoux, Claude (1974), ‘Development or Exploitation: Is the Sahel Famine Good Business’, Review of African Political Economy, No. 1, pp. 27-40; (1982), ‘Apartheid, Poverty & Malnutrition’, FAO Social & Economic Development Paper, No. 24, UN Food & Agriculture Organisation, Rome. Review of African Political Economy No.103:9-27 © ROAPE Publications Ltd., 2005 Class & Protest in Africa: New Waves David Seddon & Leo Zeilig This article considers the relationship between working class struggle and popular protest in Africa over the last 40 years. We argue that the form and content of class relations which developed in the period of nationalist struggle and early ‘national development’ have been fundamentally restructured by the process of globalisation. From the late 1970s, a great wave of widespread popular protest and resistance was noted around the world, including Africa (Parfitt & Riley, 1994; Walton and Seddon, 1994). The strikes, marches, demonstrations and riots that characterised this wave of protest and resistance (often termed ‘bread riots’ or ‘IMF riots’) usually involved a variety of social groups and categories and did not always take place under a working class or trade union banner or with working class leadership – if this term is used in its narrow sense. A broader array of popular forces did, however, challenge not only the immediate austerity measures introduced as part of structural adjustment and ‘economic reform’, but also the legitimacy of the reforms themselves and even, sometimes, the governments that introduced them.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Peasant Transformation in Kenya: a Focus on Agricultural Entrepreneurship with Special Reference to Improved Fruit and Dairy Farming in Mbeere, Embu County
    PEASANT TRANSFORMATION IN KENYA: A FOCUS ON AGRICULTURAL ENTREPRENEURSHIP WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO IMPROVED FRUIT AND DAIRY FARMING IN MBEERE, EMBU COUNTY BY GEOFFREY RUNJI NJERU NJERU A THESIS SUBMITTED IN FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES, INSTITUTE FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES (IDS), UNIVERSITY OF NAIROBI AUGUST 2016 DECLARATION This thesis is my original work and has not been submitted for a degree in any other university. Geoffrey Runji Njeru Njeru Signature……………………………………………. Date …………………………… This thesis was submitted for examination with our approval as university supervisors. Professor Njuguna Ng‟ethe Signature …………………………………….. Date……………………………………. Professor Karuti Kanyinga Signature ……………………………………. Date …………………………………….. Dr. Robinson Mose Ocharo Signature…………………………………….. Date …………………………………….. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION............................................................................................................... ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................................................................ iii LIST OF TABLES .......................................................................................................... vii LIST OF FIGURES ....................................................................................................... viii ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS ........................................................................ ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Behavioral Ecology and Household-Level Production for Barter and Trade in Premodern Economies
    UC Davis UC Davis Previously Published Works Title “Every Tradesman Must Also Be a Merchant”: Behavioral Ecology and Household-Level Production for Barter and Trade in Premodern Economies Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9hq2q96v Journal Journal of Archaeological Research, 27(1) ISSN 1059-0161 Authors Demps, K Winterhalder, B Publication Date 2019-03-15 DOI 10.1007/s10814-018-9118-6 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California J Archaeol Res https://doi.org/10.1007/s10814-018-9118-6 “Every Tradesman Must Also Be a Merchant”: Behavioral Ecology and Household‑Level Production for Barter and Trade in Premodern Economies Kathryn Demps1 · Bruce Winterhalder2 © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2018 Abstract While archaeologists now have demonstrated that barter and trade of material commodities began in prehistory, theoretical eforts to explain these fnd- ings are just beginning. We adapt the central place foraging model from behavioral ecology and the missing-market model from development economics to investigate conditions favoring the origins of household-level production for barter and trade in premodern economies. Interhousehold exchange is constrained by production, travel and transportation, and transaction costs; however, we predict that barter and trade become more likely as the number and efect of the following factors grow in impor- tance: (1) local environmental heterogeneity diferentiates households by production advantages; (2) preexisting social mechanisms minimize transaction costs; (3) com- modities have low demand elasticity; (4) family size, gender role diferentiation, or seasonal restrictions on household production lessen opportunity costs to participate in exchange; (5) travel and transportation costs are low; and (6) exchange oppor- tunities entail commodities that also can function as money.
    [Show full text]
  • Concept of Peasant Society and Peasant Culture
    Concept of peasant society and peasant culture A peasant is a pre-industrial agricultural labourer or farmer with limited land ownership, especially one living in the Middle Ages under feudalism and paying rent, tax, fees, or services to a landlord. In Europe, three classes of peasants existed: slave, serf, and free tenant. Peasants hold title to land either in fee simple or by any of several forms of land tenure, among them socage, quit-rent, leasehold, and copyhold. In a colloquial sense, "peasant" often has a pejorative meaning that is therefore seen as insulting and controversial in some circles, even when referring to farm labourers in the developing world. as early as in 13th-century Germany the word also could mean "rustic," or "robber," as the English term villain. In 21st- century English, the term includes the pejorative sense of "an ignorant, rude, or unsophisticated person". The word rose to renewed popularity in the 1940s- 1960s , as a collective term, often referring to rural populations of developing countries in general - as the "semantic successor to 'native', incorporating all its condescending and racial overtones". The word peasantry is commonly used in a non-pejorative sense as a collective noun for the rural population in the poor and developing countries of the world The term peasant literally means a person working on the land with simple tools. Even tlie entire rural population including the big landlords and the agricultural labourers have been treated as peasantry. This treatment does overlook the differences between and among the categories both in terms of the land holdings, technology, employment of labour etc.
    [Show full text]
  • Sudan 2019 International Religious Freedom Report
    SUDAN 2019 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary On August 17, following the April ouster of President Omar al-Bashir after months of popular protests and a military takeover, the Transitional Military Council (TMC) and the opposition coalition, known as the Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC), signed an interim constitutional declaration that includes several provisions protecting the right to freedom of religious belief and worship “in accordance with the requirements of the law and public order.” It makes no reference to sharia as a source of law, as was the case under the former 2005 constitution. The FFC announced that laws promulgated under the former constitution would remain in effect while the civilian-led transitional government (CLTG) worked to amend or abolish those laws and pass new legislation within the framework of the interim constitutional declaration. Some of the laws and practices established by the Bashir administration were based on its government’s interpretation of a sharia system of jurisprudence, which human rights groups stated did not provide protections for some religious minorities, including minority Muslim groups. The law criminalizes apostasy, blasphemy, conversion from Islam to another religion, and questioning or criticizing the Quran, the Sahaba (the Companions of the Prophet), or the wives of the Prophet. The law does not specifically address proselytizing; however, the Bashir government criminally defined and prosecuted proselytizing as a form of apostasy. While the law does not prohibit the practice of Shia Islam, during the Bashir regime authorities took actions against Shia Muslims. Security services used tear gas, rubber bullets, and other means to disperse groups of worshippers at mosques who were participating in antigovernment protests in February the first half of the year, in response to what the government said was the political nature of their activity.
    [Show full text]
  • The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges
    The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges Editor Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges Editor Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman 1 The Hashemite Kingdom Of Jordan The Deposit Number at The National Library (2018/2/529) 277 AbuRumman, Mohammad Suliman The Prospects Of Political Islam In A Troubled Region / Moham- mad Suliman Abu Rumman; Translated by William Joseph Ward. – Am- man: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2018 (178) p. Deposit No.: 2018/2/529 Descriptors: /Politics//Islam/ يتحمل المؤلف كامل المسؤولية القانونية عن محتوى مصنفه وﻻ ّيعبر هذا المصنف عن رأي دائرة المكتبة الوطنية أو أي جهة حكومية أخرى. Published in 2018 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Jordan & Iraq FES Jordan & Iraq P.O. Box 941876 Amman 11194 Jordan Email: [email protected] Website:www.fes-jordan.org Not for sale © FES Jordan & Iraq All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted, reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means without prior written permission from the publishers. The views and opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the original author. They do not necessarily represent those of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung or the editor. Translation: William Joseph Ward Cover and Lay-out: Mua’th Al Saied Printing: Economic Press ISBN: 978-9957-484-80-4 2 The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges Contributed Authors Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman Dr. Khalil Anani Dr. Neven Bondokji Hassan Abu Hanieh Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Sudan Opposition to the Government, Including
    Country Policy and Information Note Sudan: Opposition to the government, including sur place activity Version 2.0 November 2018 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the basis of claim section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis of COI; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Asessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment on whether, in general: x A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm x A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) x A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory x Claims are likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and x If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must, however, still consider all claims on an individual basis, taking into account each case’s specific facts. Country of origin information The country information in this note has been carefully selected in accordance with the general principles of COI research as set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation’s (ACCORD), Researching Country Origin Information – Training Manual, 2013.
    [Show full text]
  • Private Discounts to Print
    Dissent and Reform in the Arab World: Empowering Democrats A Report of the American Enterprise Institute Dissent and Reform in the Arab World Project Edited by Jeffrey Azarva, Danielle Pletka, and Michael Rubin The AEI Press Publisher for the American Enterprise Institute WASHINGTON, D.C. AEI Press Publisher for the American Enterprise Institute 1150 Seventeenth Street, N.W. Washington D.C., 20036 www.aei.org/books © 2008 by the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Washington, D.C. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. Printed in the United States of America Contents INTRODUCTION, Jeffrey Azarva, Danielle Pletka, and Michael Rubin 1 PART I: ESSAYS BY PROGRAM PARTICIPANTS 9 1. BAHRAIN 11 Challenging Government Control of Media Omran Salman 11 2. EGYPT 19 Challenges to Democratization Ayat M. Abul-Futtouh 19 3. IRAQ 26 Pluralism—Its Wealth and Its Misery Haider Saeed 26 The Development of Shi’ite Islamic Political Theory Sama Hadad 32 4. JORDAN 41 Building a Political Will Jamil al-Nimri 41 The Challenge of Progress Emad Omar 51 5. LEBANON 59 Together: Equal but Different Jad al-Akhaoui 59 Hezbollah and the Problem of State Control Lokman Slim 63 A Country to Be Born Najat Sharafeddine 71 6.
    [Show full text]
  • Socialization and Leadership in Islamic Extremist Organizations: the Cases of Hezbollah and Al-Qaeda
    Departement of Political Science Chair of Sociology Socialization and Leadership in Islamic Extremist Organizations: The Cases of Hezbollah and al-Qaeda Prof. Antonio La Spina Adelaide Martelli N. Matricola 083132 SUPERVISOR CANDIDATE Academic Year 2018/2019 List of Contents 1. Introduction 3 2. Historical Background 6 I. Introduction 6 II. Hezbollah: The development from Terrorist Organization to the “Political Party of God” 6 III. Al-Qaeda and the Global Jihad 13 3. Ideology and Religious Background 19 I. Introduction 19 II. Islam, the division between Sunnis and Shiites, and the different Extremist ideologies behind Hezbollah and al-Qaeda 19 4. Socialization and Leadership 28 I. Introduction 28 II. Hezbollah and its Political Strategy with Hassan Nasrallah 29 III. Hezbollah and the Military Recruitment 36 IV. Al-Qaeda and its Strategic Changes through the years 40 5. Conclusion and Possible Future Scenarios 48 6. Bibliography 51 !2 1. Introduction Since the last century, a new threat has started taking ground inside our societies with unthinkable speed. This plague has claimed several victims, who have been killed and, in some cases even tortured, by using the most terrible tools. It is terrorism, and, generally, the Cambridge English Dictionary defines it as “(Threats of) violent action for political purposes”. However, the definition of this term has found many obstacles on its way, at the point that, even in modern times, a universal compromise does not exist yet. In fact, every States and Organizations describes it with different words and characteristics, also making difficult the condemning of these inhumane acts. At the question: “Has the United Nations agreed yet on a single definition of what terrorism is?”, the Counter-Terrorism Executive Directorate replies that, even if it is extremely needed, today a single definition does not exist, because it would remove the distinction between freedom fighters and terrorists that most States use to observe and respect (2005, 1).
    [Show full text]
  • Jean-Nicolas Bach and Clément Deshayes Sudanese Internal
    Sudan Jean-Nicolas Bach and Clément Deshayes Sudanese internal politics remained tense, both within the regime and in its rela- tions with many sectors of society. Within the regime, President Omar al-Bashir announced the formation of a new government emerging from the ‘National Dia- logue’. But the composition of and participants in this Government of National Accord (or Consensus) were far from representing a solid basis for peaceful political competition. Tensions also remained very high within many segments of society, particularly student movements and (armed) groups in peripheral regions. Hun- dreds of political prisoners remained in jail. Tensions reached their peak in Darfur in May, when a joint attack was launched by rebel groups based in Libya (SLA/Minni Minawi) and South Sudan (SLA/Transi- tion Council). They were repelled but the attack sent a message to the international community that the Darfur war was not over. An end to the war was one of the preconditions raised by the US in 2016–17 for lifting its sanctions on Sudan, imposed back in 1997. The negotiations during the year and the eventual lifting of the sanc- tions in October made 2017 a very important year. Sudan had a broader policy aimed at normalising Khartoum’s foreign relations. Thus, al-Bashir’s regime remained an important partner with the EU regarding migration policies (it hosted a thematic © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi:��.��63/9789004367630_04� 378 Bach and deshayes meeting of the Khartoum Process) and skilfully managed to remain neutral towards the Gulf crisis, in which Saudi Arabia and the UAE opposed Qatar.
    [Show full text]
  • Gender Assessment of Political Parties' Internal Regulations in Sudan
    Gender Assessment of Political Parties’ Internal Regulations in Sudan Gender Assessment of Political Parties’ Internal Regulations in Sudan Dr Asha K. Elkarib © 2021 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. References to the names of countries and regions in this publication do not represent the official position of International IDEA with regard to the legal status or policy of the entities mentioned. [CCL image] The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information visit the Creative Commons website: <http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/> International IDEA encourages dissemination of its work and will promptly respond to requests for permission to reproduce or translate its publications. Applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or any part of this publication should be made to: International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Tel: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <http://www.idea.int> This report was prepared in the context of a programme entitled ‘Supporting Sudan’s Democratic Transition’. The programme includes a series of components all of which aim to support Sudan’s transition to a democratic system of government, and to contribute to SDG 16 to promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels.
    [Show full text]
  • Sudan: Major Reform Or More War
    SUDAN: MAJOR REFORM OR MORE WAR Africa Report N°194 – 29 November 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. THE QUEST FOR NATIONAL CONSENSUS ............................................................. 2 A. THE BEGINNINGS: THE 1947 JUBA CONFERENCE ......................................................................... 2 B. THE 1965 ROUND-TABLE CONFERENCE ....................................................................................... 3 C. THE KOKA DAM DECLARATION, 1986 ......................................................................................... 4 D. THE 1995 ASMARA DECLARATION AND NCP PEACE AGREEMENTS ............................................. 5 III. MULTIPLE CHALLENGES ........................................................................................... 6 A. A COLLAPSING ECONOMY ........................................................................................................... 6 B. DISCORD IN THE NCP .................................................................................................................. 9 1. Growing calls for reform ............................................................................................................. 9 2. Divisions on how to deal with revolts and South Sudan ............................................................ 12 3. Maintaining the status
    [Show full text]
  • Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Page 1 of 5
    Responses to Information Requests - Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Page 1 of 5 Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Home > Research Program > Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests (RIR) respond to focused Requests for Information that are submitted to the Research Directorate in the course of the refugee protection determination process. The database contains a seven- year archive of English and French RIRs. Earlier RIRs may be found on the UNHCR's Refworld website. Please note that some RIRs have attachments which are not electronically accessible. To obtain a PDF copy of an RIR attachment, please email the Knowledge and Information Management Unit. 28 October 2016 SDN105663.E Sudan: Information on the Sudanese Baath Party, including aims and objectives, membership procedures, and treatment by authorities (2014-October 2016) Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ottawa 1. Overview Sources describe the Sudanese Baath Party as "a small party" with limited influence in Sudan (PHW 2011, 1358; Sudan Tribune 6 Mar. 2013). Sources have referred to the party as: the "Sudanese Baathist Party" (Radio Dabanga 21 Sept. 2015), "Baath Arab Socialist Party" (ibid. 29 May 2014), "Hizb al-Baath al- Sudan" (PHW 2011, 1358), the "BP" (ibid.), "Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party" (Sudan Tribune 2 Apr. 2010), "Sudanese Socialist Baath Party" (Radio Dabanga 31 Dec. 2015), and "Sudanese Ba'ath Party" (Sudan Tribune n.d.a; ACJPS 21 May 2014; Pambazuka News 31 July 2012). The Political Handbook of the World (PHW) indicates that the main platform of the Baath Party is Sudanese "integration and unification with Egypt or Libya in support of forming a 'Pan-Arab Nation'," and that the organization has received support for this mission from the Baath Party of Iraq (2011, 1358).
    [Show full text]