American Presidents

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CATALOGUE TWO HUNDRED EIGHTY-THREE American Presidents

WILLIAM REESE COMPANY 409 Temple Street New Haven, CT 06511 (203) 789-8081 A Note This catalogue is devoted to manuscript and printed material relating to presidents of the United States from George Washington to Lyndon Johnson. Besides original manuscripts by the presidents, there are books written by them, as well as printed material about them and their campaigns. There is also a section at the end about the presidency in the abstract, most notably a certified manuscript copy of the 12th Amend- ment of 1804, altering the manner of presidential elections. Within the catalogue, material is organized chronologically, president by president. While all but the most modern presidents are represented, the overwhelming emphasis here is on the first three. Highlights include a wonderful association copy of John Adams’ Letters; an unpublished Jefferson letter about the French Revolution; Washington’s appointment of James McHenry as the third Secretary of War; letters of Tobias Lear about Washington’s death and the debate over where to bury him; several books from Jefferson’s library; some key Abraham Lincoln items; and much more.

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FRONT COVER: 97. [Lincoln, Abraham]: The Rail Candidate. New York. 1860. REAR COVER: 33. Jefferson, Thomas: [Autograph Letter from Thomas Jefferson]. June 8, 1792. Washington’s Journal: The Extremely Rare First Edition

1. [Moreau, Jacob N., comp.]: [Washington, George]: MÉMOIRE CONTENANT LE PRÉCIS DES FAITS, AVEC LEURS PIECES JUSTIFICATIVES, POUR SERVIR DE RÉPONSE AUX OBSERVATIONS ENVOYÉES PAR LES MINISTRES D’ANGLETERRE, DANS LES COURS DE L’EUROPE. Paris. 1756. vi,198pp. Quarto. Half calf and marbled boards, rebacked with original spine laid down. Extremities rubbed. Minor foxing. Very good. A crucial document in the history of the French and Indian War. The obscure frontier clash between Virginia troops under George Washington and French troops under Lieut. Jumonville was the spark which ignited the international conflict between Great Britain and France. In the initial clash Washington’s forces wounded Jumonville, who was later killed by the Americans’ Indian allies. The French later surrounded Wash- ington at Fort Necessity and forced his surrender. The French seized Washington’s journal of the expedition and Braddock’s instructions to Washington, as well as Braddock’s letters to the British Ministry. These papers were sent to France to support the French claim that Washington murdered Jumonville. This memoir, which includes the first printing of Washington’s journal of 1754, although in translation, indicates that Jumonville was approaching Washington on a peaceful mission, but that Wash- ington distrusted him and ordered the party to be fired upon. The memoir also contains a survey of the alleged French rights to the region west of the Alleghenies. Streeter quotes Lawrence Wroth, in his JCB Library Report of 1945-46, as calling this memoir “One of the most important documents in American colonial history.” Extremely rare in this quarto first edition (not to be confused with the later duodecimo reprints). HOWES M787, “c.” WINSOR 5:573. WROTH, AMERICAN BOOKSHELF, pp.22, 40. SABIN 47511 (another ed). TPL 250 (another ed). $12,500.

The Earliest Published Print of George Washington

2. [West, Benjamin]: [Washington, George]: BICKERSTAFF’S BOS- TON ALMANACK, FOR THE YEAR OF OUR REDEMP- TION, 1778. BEING THE SECOND YEAR OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.... Danvers, Ma.: Printed by E. Russell, [1777]. [24]pp. 12mo. Dbd. Lightly foxed, minor soiling. Very good. Revolutionary-era Boston almanac, featuring portraits of generals George Washington and Horatio Gates on the front page – the “first known American print of George Washington” (Wick). Wick notes that it is likely that this image was made when Washington first arrived in Boston in 1775 or early 1776 to take command of the Continental Army. The first known use of this image is on a 1776 Salem printing of the Declaration of Independence. This is its second printed appearance. Due to the scarcity of visual material, it was reused several times, resurfacing again in Bickerstaff almanacs in the 1790s. This almanac also has woodcuts at the top of each calendar, showing a seasonal scene with the appropriate zodiac sign at the top. An early and important image of our first president. DRAKE 3274. EVANS 15705. WICK, GEORGE WASHINGTON AN AMERICAN ICON 1. $3000.

3. Washington, George Augustine: [Washington, George]: [TWO AU- TOGRAPH NOTES, SIGNED BY GEORGE AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON, REQUISITIONING SEVERAL ITEMS FOR GEORGE WASHINGTON’S USE]. [Morristown]. Feb. 12 and Apr. 18, 1780. [2]pp. Old fold lines. First document reinforced with tissue along folds on verso. Second document with minor paper loss, affecting one letter of text. Both lightly soiled. Good. Two brief notes written and signed by Major George Augustine Washington, nephew of General George Washington, ordering sundries for General Washington’s use while encamped at Morristown. Both are addressed to Colonel James Abeel, Deputy Quar- termaster General for Washington’s forces. The first, dated Feb. 12, 1780, reads: “Sir, You will be pleased to furnish a pair of small hand irons for His Excellency’s use.” The second, dated April 18, 1780, reads: “Sir, You will be pleased if you have any wooden bowls to send two by the Bearer each to contain about 1 gallon for His Excellency’s use.” Each note is docketed on the verso in Colonel Abeel’s neat hand. A rare glimpse into the domestic side of life in George Washington’s camp. $1250.

Washington’s Plan for Success of the United States

4. [Massachusetts Newspaper]: [Washington, George]: THE CONTI- NENTAL JOURNAL, AND WEEKLY ADVERTISER. No. 387. Boston. July 11, 1783. 4pp. Folio. Old folds. Very minor loss at some folds. Light soiling and wear. Very good. The Continental Journal... was a weekly Boston paper published by John Gill from 1776 to 1785. This issue includes the text of George Washington’s lengthy letter to Gov- ernor John Hancock, relating his resignation from the army and return to private life. In his letter Washington lays out what he thinks the key elements are for the enduring success of the United States, being: 1st. An indissolvable union of the states under one federal head. 2d. A sacred regard to public justice. 3d. The adoption of a proper peace establishment, and, 4th. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition among the people of the United States, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies, to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity, and in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community. Fully half the paper is devoted to this missive. $1500. A Key Treaty Between the United States and an Indian Tribe, Negotiated by Washington Himself

5. Washington, George: BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS A TREATY OF PEACE AND FRIENDSHIP BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE CREEK NATION, WAS MADE AND CONCLUDED ON THE SEVENTH DAY OF THE PRESENT MONTH OF AUGUST...[caption title]. [New York: Childs and Swain, 1790]. Broadside, 20½ x 16¼ inches, framed to 29 x 24 inches. Neat repairs at edges and along vertical central fold. Minor losses along central fold, affecting a few letters of text. Very minor soiling. Very good, and elegantly framed. The Thomas W. Streeter copy. A rare broadside printing of the first treaty made by the fledgling United States, declaring friendship and amity with the Creek Nation, and likely printed for limited distribution among the federal administration. Following the American Revolution the United States was free to turn its attention from the British to other conflicts within its borders. One of these was with the Creek Indian Nation in the South, where hostilities had periodically arisen between the Indians and Georgia settlers. Spain, a Creek ally, urged the Indians to negotiate a treaty, lest Spain be pulled into a wider conflict with the United States. This treaty is the result of that negotiation. “The Creeks were friendly with the English through the American Revolution and afterwards in June 1784, entered into the Treaty of Pensacola with the Spaniards. One of the problems to which Washington devoted himself on becoming President was our relations with the Creeks, and after one mission to them had failed, another under Col. Marinus Willett succeeded in getting the Creek leader, Alexander McGillivray, to New York, where this treaty of 7 August 1790 was signed. The treaty is of considerable importance as it marks the first legal relationship between the United States and the Creeks. Its effect, though, was short-lived, for Creek and Spanish opposition prevented its ratification” – Streeter. This was the third Indian treaty signed by Washington, preceded only by agreements with the Wyandots and the Six Nations, both concluded at Fort Harmar on Jan. 7, 1789. Because of the difficulty that Washington had up to this point with his emissaries negotiating with the Creeks, he oversaw the negotiations for this treaty himself. Thus, this is the first treaty negotiated by a president of the United States with the native peoples. The treaty calls for the handing over of any U.S. prisoners or Negroes held by the Creeks; clarifies a boundary between the U.S. and the Creek Nation; and declares that any person who enters Creek territory with the intention to settle, forfeits the protection of the United States and shall be subject to Creek punishment. Additionally, its sets forth provisions for disciplining citizens of each nation in the event that a crime is committed, and indicates that the U.S. will “from time to time furnish gratuitously the said nation with useful domestic animals” in order to convert the Creeks from a life of savage hunter-gatherers into civilized farmers. Secretary of War Henry Knox signed here in type on behalf of the United States, while Alexander McGillivray signed for the Creek Nation – comprised of the Cusetahs, Little Tallisee, Big Tallisee, Tuckabatchy, Natchez, Cowetas, Broken Arrow, Coosades, and Alabama Oakfoys. The names of all the “Kings, Chiefs and Warriors” who signed on behalf of these various tribes appear at the foot of the broadside. The ratification ceremony took place in Federal Hall with an exchange of gifts and hand- shakes, and the Pennsylvania Packet described the compact in its Aug. 18th issue as a “highly interesting, solemn and dignified transaction.” Although this treaty never took full effect, Francis Paul Prucha has written that “this first foray of President Wash- ington into treaty making was a significant beginning. He had felt his way toward a fixed procedure for sharing his responsibilities with the Senate, and he had persuaded the powerful Creek Nation to come to his seat of government for treaty negotiations. He was now more confident in dealing with other tribes that called for his attention.” This copy from the library of Thomas W. Streeter. ESTC notes only three copies, at the American Antiquarian Society, the Huntington, and the Pennsylvania Historical Society. A rare and important document. EVANS 22989. STREETER SALE 2:1087. NAIP w015336. SABIN 96603. Francis Paul Prucha, American Indian Treaties: The History of a Political Anomaly (1994), p.84. $30,000.

The Original Appointment of James McHenry as the Third Secretary of War

6. Washington, George: McHenry, James: [ORIGINAL MANU- SCRIPT APPOINTMENT DOCUMENT NAMING JAMES McHENRY AS SECRETARY OF WAR, SIGNED BY GEORGE WASHINGTON AS PRESIDENT AND BY TIMOTHY PICKERING AS SECRETARY OF STATE, AND WITH THE SEAL OF THE UNITED STATES. WITH THE OATH AD- MINISTERED TO McHENRY BY ASSOCIATE SUPREME COURT JUSTICE SAMUEL CHASE WRITTEN IN MANU- SCRIPT IN McHENRY’S HAND ON THE VERSO, AND SIGNED BY McHENRY AND CHASE]. Philadelphia. January 27, 1796. [1]p. manuscript document on a vellum sheet, 10¾ x 14½ inches. Small splits at old fold lines, but with no loss of text. Recto a bit faded. Very good. A most important document in early American military history and in the history of George Washington’s administration, this is the official manuscript appointing James McHenry as the third Secretary of War of the United States. In the document Wash- ington states that he appoints McHenry, “reposing special trust and confidence in [his] patriotism, integrity, and abilities....” The appointment was the culmination of a close decades-long friendship between Washington and McHenry. The document is signed by Washington in the lower right, and is also signed by Timothy Pickering as Secretary of State. McHenry succeeded Pickering as Secretary of War. They were both preceded by Henry Knox, the first Secretary of War of the United States. Such original documents making appointments to George Washington’s cabinet and signed by Wash- ington himself are incredibly rare. In the spring of 1778, James McHenry, who was born in Ireland but emigrated to America in 1771 and studied medicine with the famed Dr. Benjamin Rush, was appointed senior surgeon of the so-called “Flying Hospital” at Valley Forge. Soon thereafter he was named a private secretary to George Washington, joining Alexander Hamilton in that role. It was the beginning of a long and fruitful friendship between Washington and McHenry. In the 1780s and 1790s, McHenry was quite active in Maryland politics, and advised and assisted Washington in filling several political appointments. McHenry served as Secretary of War from 1796 to 1800. He administered a reorganization of the army to make it more combat ready, created comprehensive rules and regulations for army life, and made the secretary the department’s sole authority on financial matters. In this appointment document Washington notes that McHenry is to serve in his position “during the pleasure of the President of the United States.” It was President John Adams’ displeasure with McHenry’s performance, largely based on accusations of personal disloyalty and developing out of Adams’ growing rift with Alexander Hamilton, that led Adams to demand McHenry’s resignation in May 1800. This document is dated January 27, 1796; and the verso, which contains the text of McHenry’s oath, is dated February 8, 1796, the day he was sworn in as Secretary of War. McHenry has written his oath on the verso of the appointment and has signed it. It is additionally signed by Associate Supreme Court Justice Samuel Chase, the man who administered the oath to McHenry. It is an ironic coincidence of Federal era politics that less than a decade earlier McHenry had defeated Chase for a seat in the Maryland State Assembly. James McHenry (1753-1816) was born in Ballymena, County Antrim, Ireland and educated in Dublin. He emigrated to America in 1771 and studied medicine with Dr. Benjamin Rush in Philadelphia. McHenry volunteered for military service on behalf of the colonies when hostilities with England broke out in 1775, and was assigned to a hospital in Cambridge, Massachusetts. In August 1776 he was named surgeon to the 5th Pennsylvania Battalion, and was captured at Fort Washington on Manhattan in November 1776, along with 2,000 other American troops. He was paroled two months later, but was effectively under “house arrest” in Philadelphia and Baltimore until he was formally exchanged for British prisoners in March 1778. McHenry was then named senior surgeon of the “Flying Hospital” at Valley Forge, and quickly made a secretary to George Washington. It was at this time that he forged close friendships with Washington and with Alexander Hamilton that lasted for decades. McHenry served as Washington’s assistant for two and a half years, without rank or pay, until he was transferred to Lafayette’s forces as aide-de-camp in August 1780. He was made a major, and was at Yorktown in October 1781, before leaving the army in December of that year. McHenry was a founding member of the Society of the Cincinnati in 1783. McHenry was politically active in his home state of Maryland for much of the 1780s and 1790s. He served intermittently as a local justice of the peace, held a seat in the Maryland State Senate from 1781 to 1786 and again from 1791 to 1796, and in the Maryland Assembly from 1789 to 1791. He represented Maryland in the Confederation Congress in 1783-86, and also at the Constitutional Convention in the summer of 1787, where he kept extensive notes that serve as a valuable record of the debates on the creation of the U.S. Constitution. A staunch Federalist, McHenry was intimately involved in helping George Washington fill political patronage positions, and in 1796 was selected by Washington as the nation’s third Secretary of War. He worked to reorganize the army in the late 1790s, and Fort McHenry in Baltimore is named for him. Disputes with John Adams led him to resign his post as Secretary of War in 1800, and he retired to his estate, Fayetteville, outside Baltimore. McHenry published a Baltimore directory in 1807. ANB 15, pp.80-82. DAB XII, pp.62-63. $90,000. Washington Writes His Nephew on Western Lands: “The rise in the prices of land...is almost incredible.”

7. Washington, George: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM GEORGE WASHINGTON TO MAJOR GEORGE LEWIS, RE- GARDING THE SALE OF SOME LAND IN KENTUCKY]. Philadelphia. March 8, 1796. [1]p., plus integral address leaf. Folio. Silked on inside of sheet. Leaves separating at central fold; later paper tipped along fold. Old fold lines, with minor loss, not affecting text. Minor soiling. In Washing- ton’s fine, clear hand and highly legible. Very good. In a red crushed morocco slipcase, spine gilt. President George Washington writes to his nephew, George Lewis, regarding the sale of some land owned by the President in Kentucky. In the late 18th century land speculation in Kentucky was rampant. This was due in part to the fact that the United States, heavily in debt, paid its soldiers with land on the frontier; Washington himself was, in fact, paid with a land grant. In his letter Washington mentions the incredible prices for which land is being bought and sold, and asks his nephew to oversee the affair of selling his tracts. Major George Washington Lewis had served as part of the Commander-in-Chief Guard during the American Revolution. He was subsequently promoted to the rank of major during the Whiskey Rebellion, when he raised a troop of volunteer cavalry to help quell the disgruntled farmers of western Pennsylvania. Washington writes: Dear Sir, I send you the enclosed advertisement, that you may perceive thereby, I have restrained myself from selling the land I hold on Green River in Ken- tucky, until the first of September, that all who are disposed to purchase may have notice thereof. Between this and then, I would thank you to give me, from time to time, and by duplicates (to guard against miscarriages) such information as you may be able to obtain, of what it will likely sell for, on the terms it is offered. Let this information extend to other tracts also; as your opportunities of acquiring this information is superior to mine, from the knowledge and acquaintance you have with the classes of people who buy either for actual settlement, or the purposes of speculation. The rise in the prices of land in Kentucky, according to the accounts, given of it by people from that state, is almost incredible; and possibly are a little exaggerated; but that it is considerable there can be no doubt. Col. Marshall writes me that he had paid the tax on my land in Kentucky; which supercedes the necessity for you to do it. He has signed the letter, “Your affect. friend & uncle, Go. Washington,” and added a post script: “Always put the letters you may write to me in to the Post Office, as far preferable to any private conveyances.” A nice letter by our Founding Father, showing that no one was immune from being caught up in the excitement of Kentucky land speculation. $35,000.

Where to Bury Our Nation’s Founder: His Grieving Widow Writes President Adams

8. [Washington, Martha]: [Washington, George]: Lear, Tobias: [TWO LETTERS WRITTEN BY TOBIAS LEAR TO PRESIDENT JOHN ADAMS, ONE AS A DRAFT FOR MARTHA WASH- INGTON, REGARDING GEORGE AND MARTHA WASHINGTON’S POSSIBLE BURIAL IN THE CAPITOL BUILDING]. Mount Vernon. Dec. 31, 1799 and Jan. 1, 1800. [3]pp. total. Quarto. Old fold lines. Each letter with a later paper strip on right margin of verso (evidently where each was once tipped into an album). Fine. In a half morocco box, with two cloth chemises. Two remarkable letters in the hand of Tobias Lear, George Washington’s personal secretary at the end of his life and executor of his estate, written to President John Adams concerning George Washington’s final resting place. The first is the draft of a letter from Martha Washington, evidently composed by Lear, while the second is a letter from Lear to Adams. Washington died at Mount Vernon on Dec. 14, 1799 after a brief illness, and was buried there on the 18th. It was not until the following day that news reached Con- gress, sitting in Philadelphia. A movement was immediately begun to propose that Washington be buried in the yet-to-be built new Capitol building in the District of Columbia, and on Dec. 23, John Marshall reported several resolutions from both the House and Senate requesting this to President Adams. It fell to Adams to make the delicate request to the grieving widow, which he did in a letter of Dec. 24th, probably received by her on the 28th or 29th. Washington’s will, however, requested that he be buried at his beloved Mount Vernon. Martha Washington wished to be buried with her husband when her time came, and was concerned about the prospect for that even- tuality if the General’s body was interred in the Capitol building. Not surprisingly, as these documents reveal, Martha Washington turned to Tobias Lear to assist her in drafting a reply. Lear (1762-1816) is best known for the time he spent as General Washington’s personal secretary (1786-93 and 1798-99). He formed a close relationship with Washington and his family – he was married successively to two of Washington’s nieces. Upon Washington’s death, Lear was the executor of Washington’s estate and spent nearly two years sorting out the General’s affairs. He was someone Martha Washington could trust to address the difficult question put to her, balancing her husband’s stated wishes, the will of the country as expressed by Adams, and her own feelings as a grieving spouse. The second letter is Lear’s retained copy of an accompanying explanatory letter from Lear to Adams, elaborating on the sentiments expressed in Mrs. Washington’s letter. The first document, a letter to President Adams dated Dec. 31, 1799, was likely written by Lear, and revised in consultation with Mrs. Washington; it is a working draft with numerous deletions and corrections, and various phrases crossed out in favor of others. It conveys her profound sense of loss, even while it expresses her gratitude for all the “tributes of respect & veneration” which Adams and others have paid to her husband’s memory. Though she seems reluctant, she implies that perhaps Washington would have wanted to be buried in the Capitol as a final act of public service. Items which have been struck out in the manuscript are here indicated in brackets: Sir, While I feel with [the] keenest anguish, the late dispensation of Divine Providence, I cannot be insensible to the [respectful] mournful [and respectful] tributes of respect & veneration which are paid to the memory of my dear de- ceased Husband. And as his best services and anxious wishes were always [employed in promotion] devoted to the welfare and happiness of his country; [it affords] to know that they were truly appreciated and gratefully remembered affords me [the higher service of consolation] no inconsiderable consolation. Taught by the great example, which I have so long had before me, never to oppose my private wishes to the public will, I must consent to the request made by Congress, which you have had the goodness to transmit to me. And in doing this, I need not, – I cannot say what a sacrifice of individual feeling I make to a sense of public duty. With [grateful unfeigned thanks for] grateful acknowledgements and unfeigned thanks for the personal respect and evidence of condolence expressed by Congress and yourself [and with unfeigned thanks for your expression of condolence] I remain, very respectfully, Sir, yr. mo. obd. most hu. sr. M. Washington. Lear’s accompanying letter to Adams, here present in his retained draft, is dated Jan. 1, 1800. It emphasizes that Mrs. Washington’s greatest concern is that she be interred with her husband. Lear feels confident that this is possible and reiterates his assurances to President Adams: Sir, I have received, by the hands of Mr. Shaw, the letter which you did me the honor to write on the 24th of December; and have communicated to the Family at this place, your kind assurances of regard and sympathy; for which they request you will accept their grateful and respectful acknowledgements. For the feelings which you have had the goodness to express for my loss, I am truly grateful; and it shall be the pride of my life to shew that I was not unworthy of the confidence and affection of my revered and beloved friend. After a severe struggle, Mrs. Washington has yielded to the request made by Congress, as you will find from her letter. Having passed upwards of forty years with the Partner of her Heart, it required more than common fortitude to consent to an act which, possibly, might deprive her of almost the only consolation she has had since his decease – namely, that her remains would be deposited in the same tomb with his. Knowing her feelings on this occasion, I have ventured to give her the firmest assurance of my belief that the removal of the General’s body would not deprive her of this consolation, which is so dear to a mind afflicted like hers. And I trust I shall not be disappointed in this belief. My best respects attend Mrs. Adams, with the sincerest wish that you both enjoy many returns of this day, with as much health and uninterrupted happiness as can fall the lot of Mortals. With the highest respect, I have the honor Tobias Lear. Adams and Congress did indeed accept the principle that Martha Washington could be buried with her husband in the Capitol, and plans proceeded for a mausoleum in the form of a pyramid, with a base one hundred feet square. In the fall of 1800 the House passed a bill appropriating $200,000 for the project, but the idea had now become a political football between mainly northern Federalists who favored the idea, and Repub- licans who paid lip service to honoring Washington but questioned both the expense and the glorification of one individual, no matter how revered. The appropriation finally squeaked through the Senate by one vote in March 1801. The new Jefferson administration then proceeded to do nothing about it, and the project died. Not definitely, however. The idea was revived at various points, especially around the centenary of Washington’s birth in 1832, when there was again a spirited debate and discussions with the Washington family. The matter was finally settled once and for all by the interment of Washington in the new tomb at Mount Vernon in 1837. A remarkable pair of letters, from those closest to George Washington, immediately after his death, deciding the final resting place of our first president and Founding Father. Kenneth R. Bowling, ed., Establishing Congress (Columbus, 2005). See the excellent essay by Rubil Morales-Vazquez, “Redeeming a Sacred Pledge: The Plans to Bury George Washington in the Nation’s Capitol,” pp.148-89. $85,000.

“First in war – first in peace – first in the hearts of his countrymen”

9. [Washington, George]: [Lee, Henry]: A FUNERAL ORATION ON THE DEATH OF GEORGE WASHINGTON LATE PRESI- DENT & COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA...DELIVERED AT THE REQUEST OF CONGRESS...TO WHICH IS SUB- JOINED, AN EULOGY: BY JUDGE MINOT. London. 1800. [4], 28pp. Half title. Printed self-wrappers, not stitched. Light soiling and toning of half title. Minor soiling internally, a bit heavier on final leaf. About very good. Untrimmed and partially unopened. In a half morocco clamshell case. Of the scores of funeral orations delivered on the occasion of George Washington’s death, that of Henry Lee (the official oration delivered in Congress) is the most famous and memorable. In it he coins and delivers the ringing phrase that Washington was “first in war – first in peace – and first in the hearts of his countrymen.” Reprinted many times in many versions, this is the first London printing of Lee’s oration. Lee, popularly known as “Light-Horse Harry” Lee, was personally summoned by Washington in 1776 to join the Continental Army, and he served Washington faithfully and well during the Revolution. Lee was a Federalist Representative from Virginia when Washington died in late 1799, and was assigned the task of drafting a congressional resolution commemorating the great leader. In that resolution, and a few days later in this address delivered to both houses of Congress in Philadelphia on Dec. 26, 1799, Lee pronounced his famous phrase, placing Washington firmly at the head of the pantheon of American leaders. Lee recalls Washington’s military service in the French and Indian War, recounts his many triumphs in the Revolution, and his service as president. He declares: ...the founder of our federate republic – our bulwark in war, our guide in peace, is no more...[but] his fame survives! bounded only by the limits of the earth, and by the extent of the human mind. He survives in our hearts, in the growing knowledge of our children, in the affection of the good throughout the world; and when our monuments shall be done away; when nations now existing shall be no more; when even our young and far-spreading empire shall have perished, still will our Washington’s glory unfaded shine, and die not, until love of virtue cease on earth, or earth itself sinks into chaos. Lee’s pronouncement that Washington is “first in war – first in peace – and first in the hearts of his countrymen” is second only to the idea of Washington as “father of his country” in the popular lexicon and mythology of Washington. Lee’s funeral oration is a fundamentally important document in the shaping of George Washington’s image in American culture, and in the apotheosis of Washington. Also included in this London printing is George Minot’s eulogy on Washington, delivered in Boston at the request of the town’s “Committee of Arrangements.” Minot’s speech, urging his fellow citizens to carry on following Washington’s example, is also highly regarded. STILLWELL, WASHINGTON EULOGIES 137. ANB 13, pp.372-74. SABIN 39749. ESTC T141505. $2000.

Music to Commemorate Washington

10. [Holden, Oliver]: [Washington, George]: SACRED DIRGES, HYMNS, AND ANTHEMS. COMMEMORATIVE OF THE DEATH OF GENERAL GEORGE WASHINGTON, THE GUARDIAN OF HIS COUNTRY, AND THE FRIEND OF MAN. Boston: Isaiah Thomas, [1800]. 24,[4]pp. Oblong quarto. Original blue printed wrappers, reinforced with modern paper. Minor soiling and chip- ping. Light toning and offsetting. Minor foxing. Very good. In an orange half morocco clamshell case, spine gilt. A series of musical scores lamenting the death of Washington, printed by the famous Massachusetts printer, Isaiah Thomas. Among the several works are “A Funeral Anthem,” “Mount Vernon,” “Anniversary Dirge,” and “Masonic Dirge.” An excellent Thomas item, particularly notable for its unusual format and musical engravings. “Very rare” – Sabin. This is the first issue, with the wrapper reading “30 cents by the Dozen.” SABIN 32475. EVANS 37635, 39106. BAL 17006. SONNECK & UPTON, p.366. $2500.

11. Marshall, John: [Washington, George]: THE LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON, COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF THE AMERI- CAN FORCES, DURING THE WAR WHICH ESTABLISHED THE INDEPENDENCE OF HIS COUNTRY, AND FIRST PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES...TO WHICH IS PREFIXED, AN INTRODUCTION, CONTAINING A COM- PENDIOUS VIEW OF THE COLONIES.... [with:] THE LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON. MAPS AND SUBSCRIBERS’ NAMES. Philadelphia. 1805-1807. Five text volumes and separate atlas volume of 22pp. of subscribers and ten maps (most double-page). Text volumes: Antique-style half calf and marbled boards, leather labels stamped in gilt. Neat early ownership signature on each titlepage. Quarto atlas: Bound in matching style. Titlepage backed, repairing small marginal losses. Two small old institu- tional ink stamps with deaccession notation (one on the verso of three maps, the other on the rear free endpaper). A very good set. The classic biography of Washington, here with the first issue quarto atlas and the second issue of the text. “After the able, accurate and comprehensive work of Chief Justice Marshall, it would be presumptuous to attempt a historical biography of Wash- ington” – Jared Sparks. Later American editions omitted the history of the colonies, which is the subject of the first volume. The atlas contains ten maps relating to the Revolution and twenty-two pages of subscribers’ names. HOWES M317, “aa.” SABIN 44788. LARNED 1561. $6500.

Lafayette Seeks Assistance in Editing Washington’s Papers

12. [Washington, George]: Lafayette, Gilbert, Marquis de: [AUTO- GRAPH LETTER IN FRENCH, SIGNED, FROM THE MAR- QUIS DE LAFAYETTE, REGARDING THE PUBLICATION OF WASHINGTON’S PAPERS BY JARED SPARKS]. Chateau La Grange [outside Paris]. July 14, 1833. [1]p. plus integral address leaf. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old fold lines. Small loss to address leaf from wax seal, not affecting address. Small closed tear to inner margin. Minor soiling. Very good. In a folio-sized red half morocco clamshell case, spine gilt. Letter written by the Marquis de Lafayette to Jean Louis Eugène Lerminier, a professor at the College de France in Paris, regarding Jared Sparks’s research on George Washington’s papers in France, and the translating and publication thereof. In his letter, Lafayette asks if Prof. Lerminier would oversee the work of translating Washington’s papers for a French edition of the book; Lerminier was a lawyer and legal scholar who took a professorship at the University in 1831. Marie-Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette (1757-1834), was a hero of the American Revolution, serving as a general under George Washington and working to increase French support for the American cause. After his return to France, he served as the head of the National Guard (1789-91), but had to flee after the Jacobins took control and began the bloody business that was the French Revo- lution. His son was sent to America, as a ward of George Washington, but Lafayette and the rest of his family spent five years in prison, until they were released by Napoleon Bonaparte in 1797. Lafayette then settled at Chateau La Grange, forty miles southeast of Paris, where he lived until his death. He returned to the United States only once, in 1824-25, where he toured each state and was greeted as a returning hero everywhere he went. A translation reads, in part: I come with confidence, my dear doctor, to talk with you about a matter that is very dear to me, since it regards the memory of my fraternal friend, Wash- ington. A distinguished writer from the United States, Mr. Sparks of Boston, had undertaken to put his papers in order and to publish his voluminous correspondence. All the archives of the central government, of the various states, of citizens, have been opened to him....He is a tireless and conscientious worker. While he was here I put him in touch with Mr. Guisot, who undertook to look after the translation of that correspondence of Washington and of the archives that relate to it. But then the July Revolution came, followed by the Ministry, and above all, the aversion and fear of the American doctrines – Mr. Guisot has doubtless forgotten Mr. Sparks and his obliging offers, and you will see by the enclosed letter that Mr. Sparks himself feels that Mr. Guisot is not the appropriate man to watch over the great monument to the American Revolution....Could you, my dear friend, take charge of this great undertaking, not to do the translations yourself – which would take too much of your time – but to oversee them, revise them, to reduce what seems to you too lengthy, in a word to be a supervisor of that French edition. The first volumes begin with the Seven Years’ War. They will then deal with the Revolution, the Convention, the Administration, and will discuss the long period of time when Washington played so great and fine a role. Sparks, a noted historian and biographer, first published his biography of Washington in twelve volumes from 1834 to 1837. It was later issued in abridged versions and reprinted many times. He also wrote biographies of Gouverneur Morris and Benjamin Franklin, and served as president of Harvard University (1849-53). A nice letter by Lafayette, illuminating his concern for the preservation of the memory of his good friend George Washington. This letter last sold for $4,950 at Christie’s in December 1989. $7500.

Original Watercolors of Mount Vernon

13. [Dale, John B.]: [Washington, George]: [TWO ORIGINAL INK DRAWINGS OF MOUNT VERNON, BY UNITED STATES NAVY LIEUTENANT JOHN B. DALE]. Mount Vernon, Va. 1842. Two ink drawings, as described below. Fine. An attractive duo of original ink drawings of George Washington’s home at Mount Vernon, made by United States Navy lieutenant John B. Dale. One of the drawings is dated February 16, 1842, within days of what would have been Washington’s 110th birthday. The drawings were likely created by Dale on a visit to Mount Vernon from nearby Washington, D.C., where he was stationed at the time and participating in the U.S. Coastal Survey. By the 1840s the estate, still in the hands of the Washington family, had fallen into disrepair and was not formally open to the public. Dale’s position as a naval officer from a prominent family would have helped gain him access, and his visit demonstrates the lasting appeal of Washington’s home. Lieutenant John B. Dale was born in Springfield, Massachusetts in 1814 and appointed a midshipman in the United States Navy in 1829. He was one of three artists assigned to the United States Exploring Expedition, the pioneering scientific exploration commanded by Charles Wilkes that lasted from 1838 to 1842. During that voyage Dale butted heads several times with the famously irascible Wilkes, and was sent home half-way through the expedition. Nonetheless, many of Dale’s drawings appear in the official published account of the expedition. He was married in 1840 and had two sons. From 1844 to 1846, Dale was a member of the crew of the U.S.S. Consti- tution (“Old Ironsides”) during its circumnavigation of the globe. He died in Lebanon in 1848, while on duty in the Mediterranean as part of the Lynch Expedition. Dale’s manuscript journal of his cruise aboard the Constitution is in the collection of the New England Historical Genealogical Society. The drawings are as follow, and are captioned in Dale’s hand:

1) “Washington’s Tomb. Mount Vernon 16th Feb. 1842.” Ink on a 4¾ x 6½-inch sheet. A very nice view of Washington’s Tomb, built in 1831 after the original burial vault had deteriorated. Washington chose the location himself, and Dale’s rendering shows the full tomb, with George and Martha Washington’s caskets visible inside. A plantation building is seen in the right distance, and the rear of a carriage is shown in the right foreground. 2) “Lodge at Mount Vernon.” Ink on a 4¾ x 6½-inch sheet. A fine drawing of one of the small, octagonal buildings on the grounds of Mount Vernon known as a “Gar- den House.” An attractive pair of ink drawings of Mount Vernon, by a talented artist who also participated in notable American naval expeditions. $5000. Extra-Illustrated with Original Manuscripts

14. [Washington, George]: Rush, Richard: WASHINGTON IN DO- MESTIC LIFE. FROM ORIGINAL LETTERS AND MANU- SCRIPTS. Philadelphia. 1857. 85pp. extra-illustrated with four plates and four manuscript letters. Narrow quarto. Green morocco, elaborately gilt, gilt inner dentelles, a.e.g. Internally quite clean. Near fine. A collection of letters from Washington regarding mostly personal or domestic matters, addressed to his private secretary, Tobias Lear, during Washington’s presidency, and later to a close friend. This copy is extra-illustrated with portraits of – and autograph letters signed by – the compiler, Richard Rush, and Tobias Lear. The two letters from Rush total three pages; the first concerns Rush’s use of the name “John Dickinson” in signing some letters, while the second is a two-page presentation of condolences to Dolley Madison upon the death of her illustrious husband, President James Madison. Two letters written by Tobias Lear make this volume particularly desirable. The first manuscript letter is from Lear to Charles Cox, the U.S. Chargé d’Affairs in Tunis, and was written aboard the ship Allegheny after Lear was told that all Americans would have to leave Algiers; it contains his warning to all U.S. consuls in the Mediterranean as to the events taking place (dated July 25, 1812). The second letter, dated August 6, 1789, congratulates Revolutionary War general Benjamin Lincoln on his new appointment as collector for the Port of Boston and reiterates his gratitude for his own “flattering and desirable situation [as George Washington’s secretary] which I owe to you.” Tobias Lear was Washington’s personal secretary from 1784 to 1799 and later served as President Thomas Jefferson’s peace envoy in the Mediterranean during the Barbary Wars, during which time he was responsible for concluding a peace that ended the first Barbary War. In a beautiful morocco binding from the famous New York Club Bindery, in fine condition, with wonderful autograph letters from the principals involved. SABIN 74278. $7500.

John Adams Files a Legal Complaint Against a Boston Bookbinder

15. Adams, John: [PARTIALLY PRINTED FORM, COMPLETED IN MANUSCRIPT AND ENDORSED BY JOHN ADAMS, OUTLINING A LEGAL COMPLAINT AGAINST A BOSTON BOOKBINDER]. Boston. April 5, 1774. [1]p., docketed on verso. Folio. Old folds. Separation at some folds, with repairs on verso. Lightly soiled. Good. In a half morocco and cloth clamshell case, cloth chemise. Legal document for a suit brought against William McAlpine, bookbinder, by the “Proprietors of the Presbyterian Church in Boston”; the form is completed in John Adams’ hand and endorsed by him on the verso. The Presbyterian Church in Boston, having submitted several books to William McAlpine for binding but never receiving them in return despite repeated entreaties, sued him via a specially appointed committee for the sum of £12,000. This document is addressed to the Sheriff of Suffolk County, demanding a bond of £100 from William McAlpine and remanding him for a court appearance on the third Tuesday of April, 1774. Adams has outlined the case thus: The Proprietors of the Presbyterian Church in Long Lane, in said Boston, who sue by Simon Elliot of Boston in said county, Tobacconist, William McNeil of said Boston Rope Maker, William Mackay of said Boston Merchant, Robert Wier of said Boston Distiller, and John McLean of said Boston Watchmaker, a Committee specially chosen and appointed for that Purpose, in a Plea of Detinue, for that on the first day of last January, at said Boston, the said Pro- prietors delivered to the said William McAlpine, their books, called the Sessions Books, and also their other books called their Books of Records, of Marriages, Baptisms, and Deaths, (which books called the Sessions Books were to the said Proprietors, of the value of two thousand pounds, and which Books of Records of Marriages, Baptisms, and Deaths, are to the said Proprietors of the value of ten thousand pounds) to be redelivered to the said Proprietors on demand; yet the said William McAlpine, tho often requested hath never redelivered any of the said books to the said Proprietors but unjustly withholds and detains them. Before the Declaration of Independence from Britain, Adams was a well-known lawyer whose most famous case was the defense of the British soldiers in the Boston Massacre, in 1770. Though he worried at the time about the effects the case might have on his reputation, it certainly had no long-lasting negative ramifications – this letter is dated mere months before Adams was chosen to represent Massachusetts in the First Con- tinental Congress, in September 1774. His reputation for fairness and equal-minded justice would see him through to the top ranks of the newly formed United States government. A wonderful piece of bibliographical history involving one of the greatest Founding Fathers. $6750.

Engravings of Adams

16. [Adams, John]: [GROUP OF SEVEN CONTEMPORARY EN- GRAVINGS OF JOHN ADAMS]. [Various places. ca. 1778-1799, as enumerated below]. Seven engravings, ranging from 5¼ x 3¾ to 8¾ x 6 inches, all inlaid into quarto sheets. Fine. A fine collection of seven contemporary engravings of John Adams, executed from the 1770s to the 1790s. A least one appears to be a proof sheet, and it bears no indication of publisher or engraver. The images capture Adams from the period of the Revolution through his presidency. They are as follow:

1) John Adams. [London]: Published by Cadell & Davies, Sept. 14, 1799. 6 x 4¼ inches. A stipple engraving by Harding after an original illustration by Taylor. 2) [John Adams]. [Np. nd]. 8¾ x 6 inches. Adams is depicted in an oval frame, with no artist or engraver noted. 3) John Adams. Gezant der Noord-Americasche Staaten, in de Vereenigde Nederlanden. [Np, The Hague? nd, ca. 1782]. 7½ x 4¾ inches. An image almost identical to the one immediately above, but with Adams in a rectangular frame, and captioned in Dutch. An olive branch in the lower right corner perhaps symbolizes the treaty Adams negotiated with the Dutch in 1782. 4) His Excellency John Adams. [London]: Published by J. Fielding, Sept. 1, 1783. 6½ x 4 inches. The engraving was executed after “an original portrait in the possession of Edmund Jennings, Esq.” 5) John Adams, L.L.D. Vice President of the United States of America. [Np. nd, ca. 1790]. 6½ x 4¼ inches. Engraved by Hall, after a painting by John Singleton Copley. 6) John Adams, President of the United States. [Np. nd, ca. 1797]. 5¾ x 4 inches. The only identifying mark is “Houston, Sculpt.” below the oval image of Adams. 7) John Adams. [Np. nd, ca. 1798]. 5 x 3¾ inches. Depicts Adams about the time of his presidency. $2000.

A Presentation Copy of the Greatest Rarity of Presidential Books: “I was very much pleased with the perusal...” – George Washington

17. [Adams, John]: LETTERS. [London. 1786]. [4],74pp., printed on thick paper. Half title only, as issued. Contemporary straight-grained red morocco with boards, spine, edges, and dentelles all elaborately gilt, a.e.g. Light shelf wear and rubbing, else fine. A presentation copy of a great rarity, the privately printed, true first edition of John Adams’ Twenty-six Letters..., in which the founder sets forth his views on the nature of the American Revolution, the qualities of the American character, and the potential of the United States after the Revolution. We are able to locate only six other copies of this rare, privately-printed edition. This is by far the greatest rarity of Presidential books, many times rarer than the privately printed edition of Thomas Jefferson’s Notes on the State of Virginia, and arguably more important as a political statement of one of the most important founders and second president. In many ways, John Adams’s Letters bears striking similarities to Jefferson’s Notes. They are both early and important works from founding fathers and future presidents of the United States. Jefferson’s Notes also had its origins in a series of queries from a prominent European, curious about the United States and the American character. Jefferson’s work was also privately published, appearing first in a French edition the year before Adams commissioned this printing of his Letters. Both Jefferson and Adams were initially intent on not having the work widely circulated, and Adams writes in the preface of the present work that “these papers are now printed, in order to preserve them; but by no means to be made public, for the present.” Both works would go on to be published and were very popular in their own day, though the privately printed editions are superlatively rare. The most important similarity between the two books, however, is in their content and in what they reveal about their authors. Both works show their authors attempting to describe the material qualities of their nation, its resources and potential for growth, and the characteristics of the “American.” Adams presented this copy to his cousin, Ward Nicholas Boylston (1749-1828), as indicated by a manuscript note on the half title reading: “Presented to W.N. Boylston by his affectionate friend the author.” This copy is beautifully bound in red straight- grained morocco, tooled in gilt on the boards and the spine, presumably bound by Boylston to signify it as a special copy. Born in Boston, Boylston spent some twenty- five years in London, engaged in various lines of trade, before returning to the United States in 1800 and settling in Princeton. He endowed a chair at Harvard in Rhetoric and Oratory, with the condition that John Quincy Adams would be installed as professor. John Adams arrived in the Netherlands in July 1780, sent there to explore the possibility of financial assistance from the Dutch Republic to the American cause. He quickly acquainted himself with several of the prominent citizens, including Hendrik Calkoen, a leader in Amsterdam’s legal community. Calkoen was sympathetic to the American cause and saw the American rebellion against the British as analogous to the Dutch revolt against Spanish rule. During a dinner with Adams on August 28, 1780, Calkoen questioned him about the American Revolution, their chances for success, and several other issues. The two men agreed that Calkoen would write his questions to Adams, and that the latter would reply. Three days later Calkoen wrote Adams a letter putting forth twenty-nine questions, to which Adams replied in a series of twenty-six letters written in October 1780. In the preface to the printed version of the letters, Adams explains that Calkoen read his responses to “a society of gentlemen of letters, about forty in number, who met sometimes in Amsterdam; and by its means just sentiments of American affairs began to spread in that country.” Adams continued his efforts at securing assistance from the Dutch, signing a treaty of amity and commerce, by which the Dutch recognized American independence (becoming only the second nation to do so, after France) and obtaining a loan of two million dollars. Adams’ responses to Calkoen cover a wide variety of topics, including the motiva- tions and sentiments that led to the American Revolution, discussions of American military strength, questions about finance, debt, and taxation, a consideration of domestic manufactures, and the desires of the colonists for peace. Interestingly, Adams down-played his expectations of America’s economic potential so as not to alarm Dutch merchants of the threat that an independent United States might pose to Dutch trading concerns. In the letters Adams also sought to encourage a sense of republican fraternalism with the Dutch. Despite the differences between the two nations, Adams noted that both the Netherlands and the United States shared a love of freedom and a hatred for despotism. Two years passed before Adams began to contemplate publishing his letters to Calkoen. In 1782 and again in 1783, Adams wrote to Edmund Jennings, expressing his desire to retrieve his letters to Calkoen for the purpose of having them “preserved.” It was not until October 1786, however, that Adams had this privately-printed edition of his letters to Calkoen published in London (the prefatory “advertisement” is dated October 12, 1786 at Grosvenor Square) under the simple half title, Letters. An edition printed “for the subscribers” and titled Twenty-six Letters, Upon Interesting Sub- jects... was later published without a date or place of publication identified. Most bibliog- raphers have dated this edition to London 1786, based on the date in the “advertisement,” but it seems likely that, as Evans asserts, this edition was printed in New York in 1789 by John Fenno, who published a third edition of the book that same year. The exact number of copies that Adams had printed of this private edition is unknown, but it was undoubtedly very few. We can locate six other copies of the work: at the Boston Athenaeum (George Washington’s copy), Princeton, the Massachusetts Historical Society, the British Library (inscribed by Adams to Brand Hollis), the American Antiquarian Society, and a copy in a private collection. Of these seven total copies, only three have clear provenance information: the present copy, the copy sent to George Washington, and the copy inscribed to Brand Hollis. It is likely that the copy at the Massachusetts Historical Society descended in the Adams family, and the copy at Princeton has had the upper portion of the half title clipped away, eliminat- ing presentation information. Upon receiving his copy of Adams’ Letters (forwarded to him by General Benjamin Lincoln), George Washington wrote Lincoln: There is good sense in the answers given by Mr. Adams to the questions of Dr. Calkoen, combined with an extensive knowledge of the interests and resources of this Country. If there be in some instances an exaggeration of our force, it is not a matter of wonder – but the tenor of the whole performance rather affords a subject for admiration that so much accuracy should have been discovered in representations, mostly drawn from recollection. Indeed I was very much pleased with the perusal and doubt not but the work must have been well cal- culated to answer the good purposes for which it was intended. A remarkably rare and significant work, in an excellent presentation copy. CATALOGUE OF THE WASHINGTON COLLECTION IN THE BOSTON ATHENAEUM, pp.2-3. OCLC 32080566. BRINLEY SALE 3931. The following references are all for later editions, not mentioning the present edition: HOWES A66. SABIN 252. CHURCH 1233. EVANS 21624. $275,000.

One of the Most Influential Constitutional Works

18. Adams, John: DÉFENSE DES CONSTITUTIONS AMÉRI- CAINES, OU DE LA NÉCESSITÉ D’UNE BALANCE DANS LES POUVOIRS D’UN GOUVERNEMENT LIBRE. Paris. 1792. Two volumes. [4],xxiv,547; [2],503pp. Half title in each volume. Bound in original wrappers of yellow printer’s wastepaper, with other wastepaper used as the inner wrapper; original printed paper labels. Wrappers lightly stained. An occasional fox mark, else internally pristine. A fine set, in original, completely unsophisticated condition, untrimmed and unopened. The first French edition, following London and Philadelphia editions of 1787, of one of the most important and widely read of the many writings of John Adams. This French edition was issued at a crucial moment in that country’s history, as the Revo- lution was moving in a more radical direction. In 1792 the revolutionaries in the French Assembly stripped King Louis XVI of his power and declared him a prisoner of the nation. They called together the “Convention,” initially created to draft a new constitution to replace that of 1791, but eventually becoming a provisional revolutionary government. This work by Adams, explaining and defending the principles of the American Constitution, would have been a timely and popular book indeed. At the time Adams wrote this work he was serving as the first United States ambassador in England, an uncomfortable position for a recent rebel, but he was ever ready to argue the American point of view. Here he forcibly states the principles on which he perceived the United States to be founded. The book was popular and went through numerous editions in the United States and London. Its issuance as the Federal Con- stitutional Convention was assembling added to its popularity and resulted in several American reprintings, and according to the DAB, “its timeliness gave it vogue.” Later, Adams’ detractors sought to find in it a hidden desire for a monarchy. A detailed exposition of Adams’ political principles. An absolutely beautiful set, in original, untouched condition. HOWES A60. SABIN 237. DAB I, p.76. $3500.

John Adams writes his son: “...get the character of a Man of Business. All depends upon this, in our country.”

19. Adams, John: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JOHN ADAMS TO HIS SON THOMAS, REGARDING THOMAS’ FUTURE PURSUITS]. Philadelphia. March 31, 1797. [2]pp. Quarto. Old fold lines. A few spots of foxing. Very good plus. An affectionate, fatherly letter from President John Adams to his son, Thomas, urging him to come to Philadelphia to take up business, lest he ever be mistaken for a “man of pleasure” and thereby his reputation irretrievably ruined. This letter was written shortly after Adams assumed the presidency. He writes: My dear son Thomas, I am very much concerned, lest you, as well as your brother, should think hard of me, for neglecting so long to write you: but the cares and engagements of life added to indifferent health, must plead my excuse. Mr. Murray is to take the place of your brother, and Mr. Dandridge is to be his private secretary. Your brother will go to Lisbon, and you, I hope will return to Philadelphia as soon as possible. My desire is that you would take an office, attend the courts, do business and get the character of a Man of Business. All depends upon this, in our country. If a man is once suspected to be a Man of Pleasure – or an idle man – or an inattentive man, he is lost. I shall desire to have you live that is board and lodge with me. Your mother I expect here by the latter end of April. And Congress are to meet by the middle of May. You may act as my secretary sometimes, or not, as you please. What is meant by the French Directory I know not. But I will discover if I can. I shall miss your letters and your brothers, which contained more satisfactory information than all the other letters from Europe. I will keep the peace with their High Mightinesses at Paris, if possible: but they seem to be disposed to assume too much. He adds, as a post script: “You say you want exercise on horseback. Come and live with me and we will ride out together.” Thomas Boylston Adams (1772-1832) was the third and youngest son of John and Abigail. He graduated Harvard in 1790 and accompanied his brother, John Quincy, serving as his secretary, on his first diplomatic mission to Europe in 1794. Living up to his father’s expectations (at least those put forth in this letter), he did return and practice law in Philadelphia in 1798. He subsequently spent a term in the state legislature and in 1811 was appointed chief justice of the circuit court of common pleas for the southern circuit of Massachusetts. The fatherly concern of the elder Adams was probably prompted by the behavior of his second son, Charles. Unlike his brilliant but cold older brother, John Quincy, Charles’ early promise and sunny personality faded into drink, compounded by bad investments and irresponsible behavior. By the time this letter was written in 1797 he was the troubled black sheep of the family, and when he died in 1800 at the age of thirty, he was not allowed burial in the family tomb. Clearly John Adams feared Thomas might go down the same road, and intended to keep a close eye on him. A fine letter from this Founding Father to his youngest son, showing both concern and solicitude. $27,500.

Handsome Engraving of John Adams

20. [Adams, John]: Savage, Edward: JOHN ADAMS, SECOND PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. [Philadelphia]. 1800. Mezzotint engraving, 14½ x 11 inches, matted to 20 x 16 inches. Minor toning and soiling. Very good. Edward Savage (1761-1817) is best known for his portrait of the Washington family, completed in 1795. He worked as a painter and engraver in Philadelphia until 1801, and was also proprietor of the Columbian Gallery, which opened in 1796. This portrait of Adams is the second state of the plate, in which the word “second” has been added to the title and with the attribution reading, “Painted by E. Savage in 1800.” Stauffer notes that this plate “may only have been published by Savage, and not engraved by him.” Still, a handsome and dignified portrait of America’s second president, from a painting by Savage. STAUFFER 2744. $3000.

John Adams on British Royal Prerogatives

21. [Adams, John]: THE INADMISSIBLE PRINCIPLES, OF THE KING OF ENGLAND’S PROCLAMATION, OF OCTOBER 16, 1807 – CONSIDERED. BY THE LATE PRESIDENT ADAMS. (ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED IN THE BOSTON PATRIOT). Boston: Printed by Everett & Munroe, 1809. 20pp. Original string-tied self-wrappers. Light tanning and foxing to outer leaves. Very good. The first separate publication of this essay by John Adams, commenting on the proclamation, issued by George III, that ordered the return of British naval personnel from overseas. Adams argues legally and philosophically against the justness of this command. In one example he uses American analogues for the sake of comparison: “The President of the United States has as legal authority to issue similar proclamations...But every American would say his compliance was voluntary....” A rare Adams work. SHAW & SHOEMAKER 16795. $1250. John Adams Writes Mercy Otis Warren

22. Adams, John: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JOHN ADAMS TO MERCY OTIS WARREN]. Quincy [Ma.]. Nov. 24, 1813. [2]pp. Quarto. Old fold lines. A few small spots of foxing, faint stain from wax seal. Very good. In a folio-sized half morocco and cloth clamshell box. A warm letter from former President John Adams to his dear friend and writer, Mercy Otis Warren, with whom he had been recently reconciled after their long falling out. Throughout the Revolutionary period, historian, poet, and dramatist Mercy Otis Warren actively corresponded on political matters with numerous leaders including Samuel Adams, John Hancock, Patrick Henry, Thomas Jefferson, George Washington, and especially John Adams, who became her literary mentor in those early years of unrest. In 1805 her literary career culminated with the publication of The History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution. The book’s sharp criti- cisms of Adams – that his passions and prejudices often debilitated his judgment and that he had demonstrated a distinct leaning toward monarchy during his sojourn in England – led to a heated correspondence and a breach in their friendship in 1807. After nearly five years Elbridge Gerry managed to effect a reconciliation between Mercy and Abigail and John. It was Mrs. Adams who sent word to Mercy on Sept. 15, 1813 that her daughter, Nabby, had died of breast cancer a month earlier. Adams’ opening salutation in this letter likely refers to condolences sent by Warren, and suggests that Nabby’s death prompted an invitation to visit her: I am very much obliged to you for your civilities to my wife, my son, Coll Smith and my granddaughters. My girls have long expressed an earnest desire to see Madam Warren, and have been highly gratified by their visit and very grateful for the kind hospitality, the social enjoyments and instructive conversations they experienced. I congratulate you Madam on the happy marriage of a granddaughter who once obliged us with a very short visit. I was delighted with her manners and accomplishments, and found her visit much too short. May every blessing attend her and all your family, in whose prosperity I take a constant interest. Adams moves beyond the opening exchange of family pleasantries to discuss Thomas McKean’s comments on Mrs. Warren’s late brother, the brilliant but erratic James Otis, Jr. at the 1765 Stamp Act Congress. “Governor M.Keans notice of your brother I thought worth preserving in your family. The oddity of the dialogue and the particular moment of its composition were the circumstances that made it rather an object of curiosity than use. I think however the traits of character are correct.” In a letter from McKean to Adams dated Aug. 20, 1813, McKean reminisces about the Stamp Act Congress that convened in New York on Oct. 7 to elect a president of that body: “In the Congress of 1765, there were several conspicuous characters. Mr. James Otis appeared to be the boldest and best speaker. I voted for him as our President, but Brigadier Ruggles succeeded by one vote, owing to the number of the committee from New York, as we voted individually” (The Works of John Adams, X, pp.60-62). Adams then moves on to further reflection on the rest of her family of ardent patriots: “I know not madam what your father [James Otis, Sr.], your husband [James Warren] or your brother would think of these times.” Adams, however, is reluctant to conjecture about what the future might hold for America. “A mighty effort of nature is in operation that no understanding below that Providence which superintends and directs it, can com- prehend. An entire separation, in government at least, between America and Europe seems to be commencing: but what will be its course when and how it will terminate; and what influence it will have upon Asia and Africa, no living man, I believe will pretend to foresee.” Nevertheless, Adams believes that he, Mercy, and their fellow patriots had long since laid the necessary groundwork for the political sanguinity of America, but whose fate no longer lay in their hands, due to advanced age. “We have acted our parts. The curtain will soon be drawn upon us. We must leave the future to that Providence which has protected us in the past. This sentiment of duty and interest I doubt not, Madam, will be approved by you; as I hope it is reallized [sic] with gratitude, and entire confidence and submission by your old friend and respectful humble servant.” A cordial letter to an old friend, showing a more mature and philosophical John Adams. Warren was eighty-five at the time – she was older than Adams – and she died less than a year later. $42,500.

Inscribed by Webster to John Adams’ Cousin, with John Adams’ Letter Lauding Webster as the Greatest Orator of the Time: “If there be an American who can read it without tears, I am not that American.”

23. Webster, Daniel: Adams, John: DISCOURSE, DELIVERED AT PLYMOUTH, DECEMBER 22, 1820, IN COMMEMORATION OF THE FIRST SETTLEMENT OF NEW-ENGLAND. Boston: Wells and Lilly, 1821. 104pp. Contemporary straight-grained red morocco with boards spine, edges, and dentelles all elaborately gilt. Scattered light foxing. Fine. [with:] [MANUSCRIPT LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JOHN ADAMS TO DANIEL WEBSTER]. Dec. 23, 1821. [2]pp. with integral address leaf. In a half morocco clamshell case, in two cloth chemises. A presentation copy, inscribed by Daniel Webster on the titlepage: “Mr. Webster desires Mr. Boylston’s acceptance of this, with his regards.” This copy is beautifully bound in red straight-grained morocco, tooled in gilt on the boards and the spine, presumably bound for Boylston to signify it as a special copy. Accompanying the pamphlet is a remarkable letter from John Adams, second president of the United States, congratulating Webster on the speech and lauding him as the greatest orator of the time. Webster presented the pamphlet to Ward Nicholas Boylston (1749-1828), member of a prominent Boston family and a cousin of John Adams. Born in Boston, Boylston spent some twenty-five years in London engaged in various lines of trade, before returning to the United States in 1800 and settling in Princeton. He endowed a chair at Harvard in Rhetoric and Oratory, with the condition that John Quincy Adams would be installed as professor. The long and laudatory oration celebrates the bicentennial of the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth in 1620 and the rise of the nation which grew from this seed. Webster’s primary theme is the American Revolution and the principles of American democracy. Addressed to “the true sons of New England,” it is a clear statement of Webster’s political stance, in which he frames his views as the proper successor to the New England founders, most particularly John Adams. This includes his determined opposition to slavery and its spread, just tested in the debates over the Missouri Com- promise in 1820. Discussing reaction to the Revolution, at one point he calls Edmund Burke “the most consummate orator of modern times.” But his greatest praise is re- served for John Adams, whom Webster calls “...one who has been attended through life by a great and fortunate genius...among the most able and zealous defenders of the violated rights of his country,” and other warm praises running for three pages. To John Adams, second president of the United States, one of the few surviving signers of the Declaration of Independence, and arguably the most important figure in the Revolution from Massachusetts, the speech rang true, and not only for its tow- ering praise of himself. He wrote a laudatory letter of thanks to Webster, the very letter which accompanies this pamphlet. The letter, dated Dec. 23, 1821, is in the hand of an unknown secretary (for reasons made clear in the letter), but signed by Adams in a shaky eighty-five-year-old hand. In it he praises Webster for his ability as an historian and orator, and for his stand on slavery. It is a remarkable passing of the torch from one great American leader to another. Adams writes: Thank you for your Discourse delivered at Plymouth on the termination of the second century of the landing of our Forefathers. Unable to read it from defect of sight, it was last night read to me by our friend Shaw. It is the effort of a great mind richly stored with every species of information. If there be an American who can read it without tears, I am not that American. It enters more perfectly into the genuine spirit of New England than any production I ever read. The observations on the Greeks and Romans, on colonization in general, on the West India Islands, on the past present and future in America of the Slave trade, are sagacious profound and affecting to a high degree. Mr. Burke is no longer entitled to the praise, “the most consummate orator of modern times.” What can I say of what regards myself – To my humble name exegisti monumentum aere marmore et audio perennieus [a slightly misspelled reference to Horace: “I have built a monument more lasting than marble or bronze”]. This oration will be read five hundred years hence, ought to be read at the end of every Century, and indeed at the end of every year. I am Sir with the profoundest esteem your most obedient humble servant, John Adams. A remarkable confluence of documents, bringing together New England’s two political giants. SABIN 102262. AMERICAN IMPRINTS 7609. $62,500.

Copy Presented by John Quincy Adams to His Cousin

24. Wirt, William: [Adams, John]: [Jefferson, Thomas]: A DIS- COURSE ON THE LIVES AND CHARACTERS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON AND JOHN ADAMS, WHO BOTH DIED ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1826. DELIVERED, AT THE RE- QUEST OF THE CITIZENS OF WASHINGTON, IN THE HALL OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES.... Washington. 1826. 69pp. In a sammelband with ten other titles. Contemporary calf, spine gilt, leather label. Extremities lightly rubbed; slight crack to top portion of hinge. Contemporary ownership inscriptions on several of the pamphlets. Light scattered foxing. Very good. A double eulogy for the two presidents, by the Attorney General of the United States. Includes highlights from the long careers of both men. This copy is notable for the inscription at the top of the titlepage, in the hand of Nicholas Ward Boylston, indicating that it was given to him by “his relation, J. Adams.” Boylston was the cousin of John Adams, and was close to his son, John Quincy, who gave him this pamphlet. This volume also contains a eulogy Discourse... for Jefferson and Adams by Daniel Webster, as well as several other sermons. Two of the other titles have Boylston family ownership inscriptions. AMERICAN IMPRINTS 27682. $1500. Jefferson’s Copy

25. [Jefferson, Thomas]: Sully, Maximilien de Bethune, duc de: MEMOIRES DE MAXIMILIEN DE BETHUNE, DUC DE SULLY, PRINCIPAL MINISTRE DE HENRI LE GRAND;... NOUVELLE EDITION.... Londres [but actually Paris]. 1767. Eight volumes. Half title in each volume. Frontispiece portrait in first and second volumes. Titlepages printed in red and black. 12mo. Contemporary French mottled calf, spines gilt in six compartments, gilt morocco labels. Bindings worn, a few joints cracked, spine ends of first volume chipped (with a one-inch piece missing from head of spine). Leaves V6 and V7 in second volume loosely laid in. An occasional minor fox mark, some light tanning. Overall, in good condition. Thomas Jefferson’s copy of the memoirs of the Duke de Sully, with Jefferson’s manuscript initial “T” written in front of the letter “I” (substituting for “J”) signature in each volume, and with his manuscript initial “I” written after the letter “T” signature in each volume (save for the final volume, which has no “T” signature). The front fly leaf of the third volume is signed in pencil by Thomas Jefferson Randolph (Thomas Jefferson’s grandson and the executor of his estate), the signature reading: “Th. J. Randolph / Edge Hill / Virginia.” Sarah N. Randolph (T.J. Randolph’s daughter and Thomas Jefferson’s great-granddaughter), also of Edge Hill, has also signed her name on a slip of paper laid into the third volume. This set was sold by Hammer Galleries in 1941 as part of the sale of books from William Randolph Hearst’s library. Sowerby notes that Sully’s Memoires... “are usually included in Jefferson’s lists of recommended historical reading.” Sowerby further notes that the first set that Jefferson owned, the set that was part of the library he sold the to the Library of Congress, was the 1778 edition, purchased from Frullé in September 1788 and noted as “8 vol. in 12, br. 16.” The present set was almost certainly purchased by Jefferson to replace the set sold to the Library of Congress in 1815. This set is listed in the 1829 auction catalogue of Jefferson’s library (item 75: eight volumes, 12mo.), but it was apparently kept by Thomas Jefferson Randolph. It is not surprising that Jefferson would recommend Sully’s memoirs as part of a course of historical reading, or that he would be sure to have a set at hand for himself – the two men shared several common notions. Maximilien de Bethune, duc de Sully (1560-1641) served King Henry IV of France in several capacities, as an army officer, engineer, Superintendent of Finances, and as a confidential advisor. As did Jefferson, Sully strongly favored agriculture over industry as an economic base, and encouraged its expansion. He also encouraged stock raising and forbade the destruction of forests. In order to facilitate trade, Sully encouraged internal improvements, sponsoring canals, roads, and bridges, and he abolished export fees on grains and wine. The first portion of Sully’s memoirs were originally published in 1638, and the work was translated into several languages and reprinted often. Jefferson owned thousands of books and compiled three substantial libraries in his lifetime, but books from his collection are relatively scarce on the market. To find a set of books that Jefferson thought of so highly, and with whose author he was in such agreement, is rare indeed. SOWERBY, JEFFERSON’S LIBRARY 199. $130,000.

The First Published Edition

26. [Jefferson, Thomas]: OBSERVATIONS SUR LA VIRGINIE, PAR M. J*** TRADUITES DE L’ANGLOIS. French translation by the Abbé André Morellet. Paris: Chez Barrois l’ainé, 1786. 4pp. errata. Folding letterpress table; folding engraved “Map of the country between Albermarle Sound and, Lake Erie, comprehending the whole of Virginia, Maryland, Dela- ware and Pennsylvania, with parts of several other of the United States” by Samuel Neale, uncolored and printed on two joined sheets (as issued). Half title. Contemporary French marbled calf, the covers bordered with single blind fillets, the flat spine divided into eight unequal compartments by gilt double fillets, red morocco label in the second compartment, the others variously tooled with small tools and floral tools, marbled endpapers. Minor wear at head and foot of spine. Very good. In a half mottled calf and cloth clamshell case, spine tooled and lettered in gilt. Provenance: Sam Harrison (inscription dated 1788); Jean Patterson (inscriptions in both French and English). The first edition of Notes... was printed privately for Jefferson in 1785 in an edition limited to 200 copies, which he distributed to personal friends. Initially Jefferson had resisted the idea of publishing the work so that it could reach a larger audience. However, the widespread interest the book aroused soon led to rumors that a pirated edition would appear, and to forestall this, regular published editions came out with his blessing in French (the present work, Observations... translated by the Abbe Morallet and published in Paris in 1786) and in English (London, 1787) soon followed by an American edition (Philadelphia, 1788). The work ultimately went through several dozen editions before his death, and remains in print today. This is the only book- length work published during Jefferson’s lifetime and is a cornerstone of any collection of printed Americana. The first private edition is virtually unobtainable, making this edition not only the first published edition, but also the first which is even remotely obtainable. The map, here in its first state, is an important document in its own right and was engraved by Samuel J. Neale in London from a drawing produced (at the urging of Morallet) by Jefferson himself specifically for this edition. “The Abbe engaged me to make a map...It is on a single sheet 23 inches square, and very closely written...tho’ it is on the scale of only an inch to twenty miles...I answer for the exactness of the re- duction. I have supplied some new places. Tho’ the first object which induced me to undertake it was to make a map for my book, I soon extended my view to the making as good a map of those countries as my materials would admit” – Jefferson, in a letter to Edward Bancroft. Coolie Verner goes into the details of the production of the map: Neale completed the initial engraving on Dec. 21, 1786 and immediately despatched the printing plate with proofs to Paris. Unfortunately, a problem with the original drawing meant that there were numerous errors in the printing plate. Jefferson corrected a proof which was given, together with the printing plate, to Parisian engraver Guillaume Delahaye. The engraver corrected the errors and was able to deliver 250 proofs to Jefferson on March 24, 1787. This first impression was printed on thick paper and was handcolored in outline. The paper was too thick to allow for the map to be folded, and copies were eventually offered for sale as individual maps – this much is known from correspondence and contemporary advertisements, but no examples of this impression are currently known to exist. After Delahaye completed his work he delivered the printing plate to publisher Barrois. Jefferson asked Barrois to arrange for the printing of 200 copies of the map on thinner paper so that it could be inserted in copies of the private edition of his Notes.... Two hundred copies of the second impression were printed in April 1787, on two joined sheets and handcolored in outline. The present third impression of the first state was printed for Barrois for inclusion in Ob- servations...: it was limited to about 1,150 copies, on two joined sheets like the second impression, but uncolored. The printing plate subsequently returned to London where John Stockdale added his imprint to the foot of the plate and printed the second issue in two impressions: the first of 1,025 examples in July 1787 (on a single sheet of light- weight paper, handcolored in outline); and the second in March 1788 in an impression of about 300 uncolored copies. Jefferson originally wrote Notes... in response to a series of queries sent to him by French diplomat François Barbé-Marbois, composing them after the defeat of the British at Yorktown in 1781. On the urging of their mutual friend, distinguished French soldier and scientist the Marquis de Chastellux, he later expanded his responses into a series of twenty-three essays on every aspect of his native state; geography, land- forms, products, agriculture, climate, population, armed forces, Indians, towns, laws, religion, manners, and history. Notes... is vastly informative, but it was also a mirror of Jefferson’s tastes and personality. J.M. Edelstein noted: “Jefferson wrote about things which interested him deeply and about which he knew a great deal; the Notes, therefore, throws a fascinating light on his tastes, curiosities, and political and social opinions.” CLARK I:262. DEGREES OF LATITUDE 72 (state 1). HOWES J78. SABIN 35895. SOWERBY, JEFFERSON’S LIBRARY 4167. STEPHENSON & McKEE, VIRGINIA IN MAPS, p.92. VAIL 746. Coolie Verner, “Mr. Jefferson’s Map” in Imago Mundi XIV (1959). $67,500.

The American Ambassador to the American Farmer

27. Jefferson, Thomas: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO HIS FRIEND, CRÈVECOEUR, RELAYING THE LATEST NEWS FROM AMERICA]. Paris. Aug. 26, 1786. [1]p. Quarto. A few light stains. Small stitching marks and a few small tears in left margin, where letter had been bound into an album. Very good. In a folio-sized half morocco and cloth slipcase. An important letter written by Thomas Jefferson to his good friend, J. Hector St. John de Crèvecoeur, discussing the latest news from the United States, primarily focused on commerce and trade. The French-born Crèvecoeur became a naturalized citizen of New York in 1765 and is famous for his Letters from an American Farmer. He left France in 1780 after having been imprisoned by the British as a spy, but returned in 1783 as French consul to New York. Jefferson lodged next door to him in 1784 while en route to take up his commission as Minister to France, and the two became fast friends. Jefferson’s letter, written from Paris during his stay as Minister to France, opens with news that Thomas Barclay had been sent to Morocco to negotiate a treaty of peace. For the sum of $30,000, Barclay was able to conclude a treaty on June 26 with the Emperor of Morocco that entailed no annual tribute or ransom; American ships were also to receive favored nation status. Jefferson next relays tidbits from the American newspapers he has received, including some word of Indian incursions. His letter reads: Dear Sir, I have duly received the honour of your letter of the 20th inst. Mr. Barclay has been long gone to Morocco, with which power he was by his last letter about signing a treaty of peace. This must apologize for your not having heard from him. If you will inform me to whom (in Paris) the 55#-16s can be paid I will order it to be paid. I have letters & papers from America to July 16 – they inform us of the deaths of Generals Greene, McDougal & Williamson. Also that Genl. Sullivan is President of N. Hampshire. S. Adams is no longer president of the Senate of Massachusetts. I cannot conceive the reason of this. The Creeks have made a formidable invasion of Georgia. Some scattered In- dians have done mischief at Kentucke; they are however disavowed by their tribes. The Commercial Convention is likely to take effect & will prepare an article for giving Congress a power over our Commerce. It was vital that control over commercial issues be centralized and taken out of the hands of the individual states. The essential weakness of the American position at the time was summed up in a letter from the Duke of Dorset to the commissioners which dated back to March 26, 1785. The Duke enquired whether the commissioners were merely commissioned by Congress or had received separate powers from the respective states; he then asked what engagements they could enter into which could not be rendered fruitless and ineffectual by any state. The futility of enacting mercantilist legislation within a confederated polity was also demonstrated with regard to the navigation laws, as is borne out by Jefferson’s closing piece of news: “John Collins is Governor of Rhode Island, Huntingdon of Con- necticut. N. Hampshire & Massachusetts have suspended their navign. acts.” In 1784 northern legislatures began penalizing British shipping by laying additional duties upon goods imported in British ships. New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and New York doubled tariffs on goods arriving in British ships while Rhode Island tripled them. The steep duties encouraged British shippers to go to nearby tariff-free states and use them as bases for distributing European goods and for obtaining American produce. The readiness of Connecticut to receive British vessels without subjecting them to penalties forced Rhode Island to suspend its act, or else lose trade to its western neighbor. New Hampshire likewise moved to suspend its law until New York and Connecticut should adopt similar acts. Massachusetts repealed its law in 1786 because, as Governor Bowdoin explained, other states, refusing to cooperate, had tried to use it to their own advantage. A significant letter, written in Jefferson’s fine, clear hand, to another famous com- mentator on America. PAPERS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON 10:300-301. $35,000. Jefferson’s Greatest Work

28. Jefferson, Thomas: NOTES ON THE STATE OF VIRGINIA. London: Printed for John Stockdale, 1787. [4],382pp. plus partially colored folding map and folding table. Contemporary calf, expertly rebacked in matching style and retaining contemporary gilt label. Corners a bit worn. Bookplate on front pastedown. Small separations at a few of the map crossfolds, some offsetting on the map. Internally very clean. A handsome copy. In a cloth chemise and slipcase, leather label. The first English edition of Jefferson’s famous work. This is the only book-length work by Jefferson to be published in his lifetime, and has been called “one of America’s first permanent literary and intellectual landmarks.” It was largely written in 1781 and first published in Paris, in French, in 1785. Written in the form of answers to questions about Virginia, the book supplies a description of the geography, with an abundance of supporting material and unusual information. As J.M. Edelstein notes: “Jefferson wrote about things which interested him deeply and about which he knew a great deal; the Notes, therefore, throws a fascinating light on his tastes, curiosities, and political and social opinions.” The handsome map which accompanies this edition (but is often lacking), based on the Fry and (Peter) Jefferson map, was not issued with the Paris editions. The story of the creation of this book and its publishing history is an interesting one. It is told fully by Millicent Sowerby in her catalogue of Jefferson’s library, where it occupies some thirty pages in small type. This copy bears the contemporary ownership signature of Francis Maseres on the front free endpaper. Maseres (1731-1824) was a longtime Baron of the Exchequer, and a noted jurist and mathematician. He was attorney-general of Quebec in the late 1760s and wrote frequently on issues concerning British colonies in North America, and on the rights of British subjects in the colonies. A fine association copy. HOWES J78. SABIN 35895. VAIL 760. CLARK I:262. SOWERBY, JEFFERSON’S LIBRARY 4167. ADAMS, THE EYE OF THOMAS JEFFERSON 57. $57,500.

First American Edition

29. Jefferson, Thomas: NOTES ON THE STATE OF VIRGINIA. Philadelphia: Prichard and Hall, 1788. [4],244pp. plus folding table. Contem- porary calf boards, rebacked in modern calf, spine gilt. Early bookplates on front pastedown. Closed tear in leaf T, repaired with tape. Lower left corner of folding table torn away, but with no loss of text; closed split along one fold. Foxing and age-toning. A sound copy. The first American edition. This is the only book-length work by Jefferson to be published in his lifetime. It has been called “one of America’s first permanent literary and intellectual landmarks.” The book was largely written in 1781 and first printed in Paris in 1785, in French, for private distribution. In 1786, Jefferson consented to a regularly published French edition; the first English edition appeared in London in 1787, and this first American edition in 1788. Written in the form of answers to questions about Virginia, it supplied a description of the geography, and develops an abundance of supporting material and unusual information. As J.M. Edelstein notes: “Jefferson wrote about things which interested him deeply and about which he knew a great deal; the Notes, therefore, throws a fascinating light on his tastes, curiosities, and political and social opinions.” This copy bears the very early bookplate of the “Frederick-Town Library” (likely of Frederick, Maryland) noting it as book number 69 in that collection; and also of the “Phenix Library.” HOWES J78, “aa.” SOWERBY, JEFFERSON’S LIBRARY 4167. SABIN 35897 (erroneously calling for 204pp.). $8500.

Jefferson’s Celebrated Report on Weights and Measures

30. Jefferson, Thomas: REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE, ON THE SUBJECT OF ESTABLISHING A UNIFORMITY IN THE WEIGHTS, MEASURES AND COINS OF THE UNITED STATES.... New York: Printed by F. Childs and J. Swaine, 1790. 49pp. Dbd. Very good. In a half morocco box. The first edition, fourth issue, of Thomas Jefferson’s most famous report as Secretary of State, on the uniformity of a system of weights and measures. This report, the influence of which is still felt in the daily lives of all Americans, is a primary document in the establishment of the federal government and in the implementation of Jefferson’s ideas concerning science and government. This issue of the report is the one Jefferson kept in his own library, and represents the final version produced under his supervision. Jefferson had long pondered the difficulties of establishing uniform weights and measures, and the desirability of doing so. Colonial America had struggled with a multiplicity of measures borrowed from Europe, few of them based on rational systems. Jefferson felt that commerce would be greatly aided by having a single standard, that politically it would serve to bind the nation together as a unit with similar measures, and that invention would be encouraged by uniformity in standards. He also felt strongly that a decimal-based system would make transactions easier for less educated persons, and thus be more democratic. As the editors of the Jefferson Papers put it, “Jefferson’s report on weights and measures is an almost perfect embodiment of his dual allegiance to Newtonian physics and to Lockean concepts of government.” Jefferson had considered the problems of standard currency as early as 1782. In 1784 he wrote a pamphlet on the topic, entitled Notes on the Establishment of a Money Unit, incorporated as an appendix with the privately printed first edition of Notes on the State of Virginia. He and Madison corresponded frequently on the larger issue of weights, measures, and standards from 1785 on. It was a topic he was eager to take on when the House of Representatives asked him to prepare a report on the problem on Jan. 15, 1790. Working with Tench Coxe, William Rittenhouse, and James Madi- son, he developed the concept of a single, integrated system based on decimal calcu- lation. According to the editors of the Jefferson Papers, it was “...a thoroughly radical departure: indeed it is doubtful whether a reformation of similar extent, in comprehensive fullness and explicitness, has ever been similarly reduced to the brevity of two small sheets of paper [in the manuscript draft].” All of these proposals are discussed at length in the Jefferson Papers. The Report was delivered to the House of Representatives on July 13, 1790, and immediately ordered to be printed. The first three impressions were printed in a folio format, the different issues stemming from corrections made while in press. The final version was the set by Childs & Swaine in this octavo, forty-nine-page format, and it is this version that Jefferson chose to retain in his own library. Rink locates six copies of this impression of the Report, including Jefferson’s own at the Library of Congress. Four copies are located of the other three impressions. This copy is signed on the titlepage by “Mr. Meredith,” almost certainly Samuel Meredith, first treasurer of the United States (from 1789 to 1801). While Jefferson’s full recommendations were never implemented, much of his report was adopted, and his ideas on decimal measures form the basis for American standards of currency and other basic measures. This report remains one of the clearest expres- sions of his extraordinary ability to conceive of ways for government to rationally order the world, and remains his most celebrated written contribution as Secretary of State. As the editors of the Jefferson Papers put it, this was the plan one would have expected “of the pen that produced such revolutionary documents as the Declaration of Inde- pendence and the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom.” EVANS 22997. RINK 877. PAPERS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON XVI, pp.602-75. SOWERBY, JEFFERSON’S LIBRARY 3760. $20,000.

George Cabot’s Copy of Jefferson’s Landmark Cod and Whale Fisheries Report

31. Jefferson, Thomas: REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE, ON THE SUBJECT OF THE COD AND WHALE FISHERIES, MADE CONFORMABLY TO AN ORDER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.... Philadelphia: Printed by Francis Childs and John Swaine, 1791. 28pp. Folio. Half antique calf and marbled boards, spine gilt, leather label. Upper margin of titlepage bit tanned, else internally crisp. A very good, wide-margined copy. This copy was once owned by George Cabot (1752-1823), senator from Massachusetts and Federalist sage, who worked early in life in the family business trading codfish, rum, and iron with Spain’s southern colonies. His ownership signature appears on the titlepage. The House issue of this landmark state paper, one of the most important reports made by Jefferson as the first Secretary of State, ranking in importance with his weights and measures report and commerce report. It is important on two levels: first, as the best statistical report on the history and state of the American fisheries and whaling industry; and second, as a partisan political document, in opposition to Alexander Hamilton. Jefferson had long been interested in the American whaling industry, and while still in France, he had compiled a considerable amount of material relating to it. Both the whale and cod fisheries suffered severely during the Revolution, and a combination of taxes and government policy hindered their recovery. Leaders of both industries petitioned the state of Massachusetts for redress, who in turn petitioned the federal Congress, who asked Jefferson to investigate. This he did in his usual thorough fashion, aided considerably by Tench Coxe of the Treasury Department. The issue had originally been raised during the first session of Congress, but was delayed because of the long debates over Hamilton’s financial proposals. This allowed Jefferson more time to gather both statistical and firsthand information, and added to the quality of the report. Justifiably, it is usually considered “the best picture of the whaling industry before the Revolution.” Jefferson’s report, however, was more than a gathering of facts. More importantly, it was an advocacy of strong support by the federal government for the threatened industries. An official of the British government had actually proposed to the citizens of Nantucket that they remove en masse to Milford Haven and resume whaling from there with the protection of the British navy. Jefferson recognized that the cod and whaling industries could be highly profitable for the young nation, and that they could also serve as a school for seamen which would lay the basis for American naval power. Likewise, the attendant industries of ship building and equipage would serve as the basis for American strength in years to come. All of this would, in time, challenge the naval supremacy of England, intent on domination of the seas, and so this was an important step in the anti-British, pro-French stance of which Jefferson was the leading advocate, while Hamilton was the leader of pro-British forces. In ascribing many of the difficulties of the American fisheries to foreign interference, Jefferson was pointing his finger squarely at the British. Jefferson’s report was the impetus for the revival of the American fishery and whaling industries, ultimately with the results he predicted. Within a generation, the American thrust into the Pacific was carried out by American whalers from Nantucket and New Bedford, and American commerce rose along the trade in preserved fish from the Grand Banks. As is the case with all the reports from the first Congress, this document is of considerable rarity. EVANS 23911. NAIP w029048. SABIN 24513. See PAPERS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON 19, pp.140-236 for text and an extended discussion of the report, its origins and effects. $10,000.

Signed by Thomas Jefferson

32. [United States Laws – First Congress]: [Jefferson, Thomas]: CON- GRESS OF THE UNITED STATES...AN ACT TO CONTINUE AN ACT, INTITULED, “AN ACT DECLARING THE AS- SENT OF CONGRESS TO CERTAIN ACTS OF THE STATES OF MARYLAND, GEORGIA, AND RHODE-ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS,”...[caption title]. [Philadelphia: Childs and Swaine, 1791]. Broadside, 15 x 9¼ inches. Docketed on verso in contemporary hands in two places. Signed in manuscript by Thomas Jefferson. Old folds, with neat expert repairs. Overall, about very good. In a cloth clamshell case, leather label. A very rare printing of an early United States law, signed in manuscript by Thomas Jefferson as Secretary of State. The document, which also carries the printed signatures of President George Washington, Vice President John Adams, and House Speaker Frederick Muhlenberg, was approved January 10, 1791. Individual acts and bills of the first Congress were routinely printed for public consumption. A provision was made, however, to print a few copies of each act on large paper for dissemination to the states, and to have each copy signed by Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson. The present copy is one of those large paper issues, bearing Jefferson’s manuscript signature beside his printed title. The law described extends to the end of the next session of Congress a law respecting acts of the Maryland, Georgia, and Rhode Island legislatures. Evans and NAIP together locate five copies of the present act, at the American Antiquarian Society, Philadelphia Public Library, Library of Congress, New York Public Library, and Rhode Island Historical Society. However, there is no mention of any of those copies being signed by Jefferson, and the dimensions given by NAIP are smaller than those of the present copy, indicating that those listed are not among the special copies signed by Jefferson for official transmittal. A very nice example of Thomas Jefferson’s signature on an Act of the first Congress. EVANS 23870. NAIP w014382. $17,500.

A Wonderful Jefferson Letter About the Constitution and the French Revolution: “There are heads among us itching for crowns... we shall sooner cut them off than gratify their itching.”

33. Jefferson, Thomas: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JEAN ANTOINE GAUTIER, RE- LATING HIS INTENSE DISTASTE FOR FEDERALIST PO- LITICAL PHILOSOPHY, HIS FAITH IN THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION, AND HIS SUPPORT OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION]. Philadelphia. June 8, 1792. [2]pp. manuscript letter on a folded folio sheet, the third page blank, and the fourth page with the address written in Jefferson’s hand and with further receipt docketing. Old folds. A bit of wear at the edges and the fold cross-sections. Very good. [See front cover of this catalogue for illustration] A very forceful, interesting, and remarkably candid letter from Thomas Jefferson revealing his intense distaste for Federalist policies and political sympathies, and illustrating the growing rift in the administration between Jefferson and Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton. Jefferson also relates his support for the American Constitution, and his hope for the success of the French Revolution. This letter was written to a French friend of Jefferson’s in Paris named Jean Antoine Gautier. Jefferson writes from Philadelphia, where he was serving as George Washington’s Secretary of State, and at a time when he was becoming more critical and distrustful of Alexander Hamilton’s policies. Just two weeks earlier, on May 23, Jefferson had written Washington a long letter criticizing Hamilton’s policies and political philosophy. In that letter Jefferson condemned Hamilton’s plan for increasing the federal debt, arguing that it would lead to a heavy tax burden, a reliance on bank bills, a corrupt legislature, and sectional strife. Even more significantly, Jefferson argued that it would steer the American government toward a monarchical system on the British model, instead of the representative system enshrined in the Constitution. In the present letter to his French friend, Jefferson continues his condemnation of Hamilton, and what he considered to be the pro-British, pro-monarchical, anti- republican forces in the American government. Most forcefully he writes that “there are heads among us itching for crowns, coronets, and mitres. But I hope we shall sooner cut them off than gratify their itching.” Jefferson’s phrase is even more ringing and bold when one considers that the French revolutionary government had just a few months earlier adopted the guillotine as the official instrument of executing political enemies. Jefferson then moves to a defense of the American constitution, writing that “our constitution is a wise one, and I hope we shall be able to adhere to it.” Earlier in the letter, in encouraging Gautier and the young lawmakers of the French Legislative Assembly, Jefferson writes that he “wish[es] them all possible success, and I hope they will issue in a free & a good government. If your first assay is unsuccessful as ours was, make a second as we did. When you have got what is good, hold it fast as we do.” In the first paragraph in the letter, Jefferson asks Gautier to help him procure a watch from the famed French watchmaker, Romilly. The watch was for Jefferson’s friend and political ally, William B. Giles, and was to be the same as a Romilly watch that Gautier had helped acquire for Jefferson himself. Jefferson requests of Gautier: “be so good as to get M. Romilly to make exactly such another watch as he made for me before, only adding a second hand on the eccentric plan, because this will not require a single additional wheel.” Jefferson then instructs Gautier to draw on his account with the London banking firm of Donald & Burton to pay for the watch. He further asks Gautier to send the watch to Thomas Pinckney, the American Minister Plenipotentiary in London, who would then send it on to Jefferson, thereby helping Jefferson avoid paying English duties. The cost of the watch for Giles would ultimately come to £37- 10. This is the copy of the letter received by Gautier. The text of the letter as recorded in The Papers of Thomas Jefferson is taken from Jefferson’s retained copy, now at the Library of Congress. That copy appears to have significant loss of text, as the tran- scription in the printed Jefferson Papers notes missing words and phrases, and hypoth- esizes an “estimated one or two pages missing.” In fact, thanks to the present copy of Jefferson’s letter, we now have the complete text, and know that only a few lines are missing from the copy at the Library of Congress. A fine Jefferson letter, pithily encapsulating his political philosophy and vibrantly illustrating the growing rift between Federalists and Republicans, a schism that would lead Jefferson to inform Washington that he planned to resign as Secretary of State a little more than a year after he wrote this letter. PAPERS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON 24, pp.42; 25; 317-318 (ref). $145,000.

Jefferson’s Commerce Report, His Last as Secretary of State

34. [Jefferson, Thomas]: REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE, ON THE PRIVILEGES AND RESTRICTIONS OF THE COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES. Philadelphia: Printed for Childs and Swaine, 1793. 20pp. Dbd. A bit tanned. Old, partially clipped inscription in top margin of titlepage. Else very good. In a half morocco and cloth box. This important report on the commerce of the United States was the last report made by Thomas Jefferson as Secretary of State, transmitted to the House of Representa- tives on Dec. 16, 1793, just two weeks before his resignation from the Cabinet and retirement to Virginia. Jefferson had long delayed making the report as he gathered more information. With his resignation already announced, effective at the end of the year, he submitted the document at the end of the Congressional session. According to Jefferson’s biographer, Dumas Malone: The paper embodied his thoughts over a long period about commerce and the economic development of the country...this was not the work of a mere theorist or inexperienced provincial, for its author had more direct contact with the problems of international trade than any other American in public life...Com- merce loomed large in his mind...he now recognized the need for manufacturing in the future economy of the country. His report is notably well balanced and distinctly national in spirit. Jefferson had gathered statistics on trade since the beginning of his tenure as Secretary, at times with the aid of James Madison and Tench Coxe. He used these to describe in detail the imports and exports of the country, and its balance of trade with its major trading partners in Europe. “While considerably briefer than Hamilton’s famous reports on banking and manufacturing, his paper can be properly compared to these as a source of factual information” – Malone. In the balance, Jefferson let the facts speak for themselves. The greatest enemies of American commerce were the interests of Great Britain and the restrictions Britain had placed on American trade to itself and its remaining colonies after the Revolution. Jefferson urged that the U.S. protect its own trade by placing restrictive tariffs on British products and negotiating trade treaties with other European powers, especially the French. He also suggested that American manufacturing would result in less dependence on foreign goods. Malone points out that in this regard, Jefferson and Hamilton were much closer in their beliefs than is usually thought. The Jefferson commerce report was the last of only seven published reports he made as Secretary of State in the slightly over four years he held the post. The others are the Weights and Measures Report, the Cod and Whale Fisheries Report, the coinage reports of 1790 and 1793, the Indian lands report of 1792, and the message relative to France and Great Britain of 1793. The present document touched not only on the important areas of commerce, but also on Jefferson’s vision of the United States. V.G. Setser called it “the farewell declaration of his policy,” and Malone says, “...his report on commerce was abundantly justified on broad grounds of statesmanship.” From his partially clipped signature at the top of the titlepage, this can be identified as the copy belonging to the distinguished New York jurist, Chancellor James Kent. Kent has noted that it was given to him by “F. Bailey,” probably the printer, Francis Bailey. Malone, JEFFERSON III, pp.154-60. EVANS 26339. $15,000.

Jefferson Writes to the Designer of the Great Seal

35. Jefferson, Thomas: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO WILLIAM BARTON, REGARD- ING A LETTER MEANT FOR BARTON AND AN ALMA- NAC SENT TO THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCI- ETY]. [Philadelphia]. March 26, 1793. [1]p. letter on a quarto sheet, folded for mailing so that the text of the letter and the address information, both in Jefferson’s hand, are on the same side of the sheet. Wax seal on verso. Near fine. An interesting autograph letter, signed, from Thomas Jefferson to William Barton, lawyer, scholar, and co-designer of the Great Seal of the United States. Significantly, the letter highlights Jefferson’s lifelong interest in and involvement with books, his position as a focal point of the intellectual and scientific community in Philadelphia, his ongoing relationship with European scholars, and his association with the Ameri- can Philosophical Society, of which Jefferson was a president and William Barton a member. The origin of the letter is in the election of the Swiss philologist, Johann Rodolph von Valltravers, to the American Philosophical Society in 1792. As a token of his appreciation, Valltravers sent the Society a copy of his recently published almanac, Le Vrai Calendrier Perpetual.... Valltravers evidently sent the almanac, and a letter meant for William Barton, through the offices of Charles William Frederick Dumas, a Swiss national resident in the Netherlands who was apparently acting as a “secret” agent for the United States (see Dumas’ letter to Jefferson of November 30, 1792 published in The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, volume 24). Valltravers’ letter for William Barton and the almanac meant for the Philosophical Society were eventually delivered to Jefferson in Philadelphia, who wrote the present letter to William Barton to update him on the situation. Jefferson writes (in full): Th. Jefferson presents his compliments to Mr. Barton and informs him that the letter addressed to him was left at the house of Th. J. during his absence, he knows not by whom. A box was left at the same time for the Philosophical Society, which he presented at the last meeting. It contains a paste-board almanac only, somewhat in the style of those Mr. Barton may have seen. The society desired Mr. Peale to take it & keep it in his museum. The last line is a reference to the already famed and influential Philadelphia museum of Charles Willson Peale, which was opened to the public in 1786. A copy of this letter is not in the Library of Congress’ Thomas Jefferson papers collection, and it was previously unknown to the published edition of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson. $12,500. Only American Edition to Contain a Map

36. Jefferson, Thomas: NOTES ON THE STATE OF VIRGINIA. Philadelphia: Printed for Mathew Carey..., 1794. [4],336pp. plus folding table and folding map. An extra folding plate bound in as frontispiece (see below). Contemporary tree calf, spine gilt, leather label. Minor staining to boards. Cor- ner of titlepage torn, with loss of the S in “NOTES.” Minor staining to last leaf, otherwise internally clean. Some minor tearing along folds of map; two other tears skillfully repaired with tissue. Overall, about very good. The second American edition of Jefferson’s famous work, and the first American edition to contain a map. This is the only book-length work by Jefferson to be published in his lifetime, and has been called “one of America’s first permanent literary and intellectual landmarks.” It was largely written in 1781 and first published in Paris, in French, in 1785, then published in English in London in 1787. Written in the form of answers to questions about Virginia, the book supplies a description of the geography, with an abundance of supporting material and unusual information. As J.M. Edelstein notes: “Jefferson wrote about things which interested him deeply and about which he knew a great deal; the Notes, therefore, throws a fascinating light on his tastes, curiosities, and political and social opinions.” The map which accompanies this edition was executed by Samuel Lewis and depicts Virginia in considerable detail. The story of the creation of this book and its publishing history is an interesting one. It is told fully by Millicent Sowerby in her catalogue of Jefferson’s library, where it occupies some thirty pages in small type. This edition includes appendices containing Charles Thomson’s notes on Jefferson’s original text, his “Draught of a Fundamental Consti- tution for the Commonwealth of Virginia” and “An Act for Establishing Religious Freedom.” The table describes Indian tribes of Virginia. A nice copy of this important work, complete with map. HOWES J78. SABIN 35898. CLARK I:262. SOWERBY, JEFFERSON’S LIBRARY 4167. ADAMS, THE EYE OF THOMAS JEFFERSON 57. EVANS 27162. $8500.

The First Edition of Jefferson’s Manual of Senate Procedure

37. Jefferson, Thomas: A MANUAL OF PARLIAMENTARY PRAC- TICE. FOR THE USE OF THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. Washington. 1801. [199]pp. 12mo. 19th-century marbled boards, later printed paper label. Faint rubbing. Contemporary faded ink ownership inscription on rear pastedown, minor tanning. Very good. In a half morocco and cloth box. The first edition of Jefferson’s ...Manual..., one of only three books he published in his lifetime (the others are Notes on the State of Virginia, and his defense of his policy on the New Orleans batture, published in 1812). When Jefferson became vice president in 1797, he also became presiding officer of the U.S. Senate. He decided to compile a manual of legislative procedure as a guide for him and for future presiding officers, and also with an eye to minimizing senators’ criticism of rulings from the chair. The Virginia polymath sets forth rules of order and procedure – probably more dictating to the legislature than would be tolerated from a president these days. The work is comprehensive, covering everything from daily order to rules, quorums, motions, bills, conferences, treaties, impeachment, and much, much more. For example, in order to bring some decorum to debates, Jefferson instructs that “no one is to disturb another in his speech by hissing, coughing, spitting, speaking or whispering to another” (“Order in Debate” section). Sabin is in error in calling for an edition issued in 1800. There is another edition that was issued in 1801 consisting of 188,[4] pages, and a second edition of 1812. SHAW & SHOEMAKER 719. SABIN 35887. $7500.

With One of the Engraved Portraits of Jefferson

38. Jefferson, Thomas: SPEECH OF THOMAS JEFFERSON, PRESI- DENT OF THE UNITED STATES, DELIVERED AT HIS IN- STALMENT, MARCH 4, 1801, AT THE CITY OF WASHING- TON. Philadelphia: Printed by Cochran & M’Laughlin for Mathew Carey, 1801. 24pp. plus frontispiece portrait. 12mo. Dbd. Light offsetting on titlepage. Very minor scattered foxing. Very good. Jefferson’s famous first inaugural address. There are numerous printings of the text, all contemporary, and it seems impossible to establish any priority to the first published appearance of the famed “We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.” With a portrait of Jefferson, engraved by Benjamin Tanner. SHAW & SHOEMAKER 730. SABIN 35916. STAUFFER 3094. CUNNINGHAM, THE IMAGE OF THOMAS JEFFERSON, Fig. 16. $2500.

Jefferson’s Invention of a Better Plow

39. [Jefferson, Thomas]: DESCRIPTION D’UNE OREILLE DE CHARRUE, OFFRANT LE MOINS DE RESISTANCE POS- SIBLE, ET DONT L’EXECUTION EST AUSSI FACILE QUE CERTAINE. [Contained in:] ANNALES DU MUSEUM NA- TIONAL D’HISTOIRE NATURELLE. Quatrieme cahier. Paris. 1802. pp.322-331 plus plate. Original blue printed paper wrappers. A few chips to spine. Minor soiling. Light dampstaining to inner upper corner of each plate. Very good. Untrimmed. In a half morocco and cloth clamshell case. Thomas Jefferson’s article on the design of his moldboard plow, one of his most important and enduring contributions to agricultural technology. First published in 1799 in the Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, the article was reprinted in this French publication in 1802. The accompanying plate shows the illustration of figures for constructing the plow. Jefferson, who had an abiding interest in the technological improvement of farming and agriculture, determined to build a plow that would glide through the earth with as little resistance as possible. He built his first moldboard plow in 1794, and after several years of use, was convinced of its ease of use and construction, resulting in this article. Its publication here, during his presidency, illustrates Jefferson’s ongoing ties to France stemming from his service as U.S. ambassador. $2500.

Jefferson’s 1807 State of the Union Message

40. [Jefferson, Thomas]: CHRONICLE EXTRA. PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE. CHRONICLE OFFICE, NOV. 2, 1807...CIRCUM- STANCES, FELLOW-CITIZENS, WHICH SERIOUSLY THREATENED THE PEACE OF THE COUNTRY...[caption title and first lines of text]. [Boston: Printed by Adams and Rhoades], 1807. Broadside, 17 x 9 inches. Printed in three columns. Early horizontal fold, very light offsetting of title in lower margin, two faint fox-marks. Else fine, untrimmed. Broadside printing of Thomas Jefferson’s seventh State of the Union address, delivered weeks before his signing into law the Embargo Act of 1807. While the Embargo is not mentioned explicitly, the circumstances surrounding it are discussed, particularly with regard to relations with Great Britain and the recent Chesapeake incident. Jefferson also addresses military appropriations and fortifications, conflicts and diplo- macy with Indians on the different frontiers, and the Burr Conspiracy. Originally accompanying the Nov. 2, 1807 issue of Adams and Rhoades’ Independent Chronicle of Boston. Signed in print by Jefferson, Oct. 27, 1807. Not in Shaw & Shoemaker. Listed, but not located, by OCLC. Very rare. $5000.

Jefferson Refuses a Demand “for certain services performed”

41. Jefferson, Thomas: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED (“TH JEFFERSON”), FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JAMES L. EDWARDS OF BOSTON, SEPTEMBER 5, 1811, REFUSING DEMANDS FOR PAYMENT FROM A NEWSPAPER PUB- LISHER]. Monticello. Sept. 5, [1811]. [1½]pp. on a single leaf, with separate leaf folded as cover, addressed and franked with Jefferson’s signature. Pen and ink on paper. Quarto. Clean, partial split along one fold, old 1/16-inch archival repairs to three corners, else fine. Cover leaf with modest soiling, traces of seal. An interesting Jefferson letter in which he rebuffs a request for payment of a thousand dollars by the editor of the Savannah Republican newspaper. He stridently objects to the payment demand, and seeks to defend his honor and reputation in setting his correspondent straight. Jefferson subscribed to a number of newspapers while he was president, including the Savannah Republican. He cancelled almost all of these subscriptions, including that for the ...Republican, when he left office at the beginning of 1809, taking care to pay all his outstanding bills. It appears from this letter that Norman McLean, one-time editor of the ...Republican, promised his successor, James Edwards, that he would pay Edwards money he owed him once he collected $1000 owed McLean by Jefferson. Edwards wrote to Jefferson on Aug. 20, 1811 asking for the money that Jefferson owed McLean. In the present letter Jefferson stridently objects to the request and insists that his account with McLean is settled. A review of Jefferson’s memorandum and account books corroborates Jefferson’s claim. McLean was seemingly trying to forestall Edwards’ requests for payment by claiming that Jefferson still owed him money, and that he would pay Edwards when he was paid by Jefferson. Jefferson writes: Sir, Your letter of August 20th has truly surprised me. In that it is said that, for certain services performed by Mr. James Lyon and Mr. Samuel Morse, formerly editors of the Savannah Republican, I promised them the sum of 1000 D. This, Sir, is totally unfounded. I never promised to any printer on earth the sum of 1000 D., nor any other sum, for certain services performed, or for any services which that expression would imply. I have had no accounts with printers but for their newspapers, for which I have paid always the ordinary price and no more. I have occasionally joined in moderate contributions to printers, as I have done to other descriptions of persons, distressed or persecuted, not by promise, but the actual payment of what I contributed. When Mr. Morse went to Savannah, he called on me and told me he meant to publish a paper there, for which I subscribed, and paid him the year in advance. I continued to take it from his successors, Everett & McLean, and Everett & Evans, and paid for it at different epochs up to December 31, 1808, when I withdrew my subscrip- tion. You say McLean informed you ‘he had some expectation of getting the money, as he had received a letter from me on the subject.’ If such a letter exists under my name, it is a forgery. I never wrote but a single letter to him; that was of the 28th of January, 1810, and was on the subject of the last payment made for his newspaper, and on no other subject; and I have two receipts of his, (the last dated March 9, 1809) of payments for his paper, both stating to be in full of all demands, and a letter of the 17th of April, 1810, in reply to mine, manifestly showing he had no demand against me of any other nature. The promise is said to have been made to Morse & Lyon. Were Mr. Morse living, I should appeal to him with confidence, as I believe him to have been a very honest man. Mr. Lyon I suppose to be living, and will, I am sure, acquit me of any such transaction as that alleged. The truth, then, being that I never made the promise suggested, nor any one of a like nature to any printer or other person whatever, every principle of justice and of self-respect requires that I should not listen to any such demand. Jefferson sent James Lyon a copy of the letter the same day: “You will perceive at once its swindling object. My confidence in your character leaves me without a doubt of your honest aid in repelling this base and bold attempt to fix on me practices to which no honors or powers in this world would ever have induced me to stoop. I have solicited none, intrigued for none.” Jefferson died severely in debt, and he was plagued by money problems throughout his life. He was no doubt sensitive to the problem of his outstanding accounts and, as this letter shows, overly sensitive to demands for money which he did not owe. An evocative letter. WRITINGS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON (1907) XIII, pp.82-84. $45,000.

Jefferson Comments on a New Torpedo

42. Jefferson, Thomas: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO ENGLEHART CRUSE, REPLY- ING TO CRUSE’S LETTER REGARDING A DEVICE FOR BLOWING UP SHIPS]. Monticello. July 23, 1813. [1]p., plus integral address leaf. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Reinforced or repaired at old folds, mostly with tissue. Minor loss at some folds, affecting a few letters of text. Some paper loss to address leaf, not affecting text. Lightly dampstained. Still quite legible. Good. Letter written by Thomas Jefferson during his retirement, in response to Englehart Cruse, who had sent him a letter and drawing regarding an invention for blowing up ships. As a well-known public figure, and an inventor and innovator himself, Jefferson was a likely target for many men pursuing hopeful new inventions and ideas. Englehart Cruse had a history of steam inventions, including applying in 1790 for one of the first patents, for his steam-powered mill (the first of its kind) in Baltimore. Jefferson writes, self-deprecatingly, that he is hardly an authority on this area and thus can offer no firm opinion on the feasibility of Cruse’s invention. He thanks him, nonetheless, for sending the idea along. Sir, I received duly your favor of the 3d and in it the description of your appa- ratus for blowing up ships, which I have considered and now re-inclose. My inland situation has made me the least of all men a judge of anything nautical. Mr. Fulton communicated to me the plan of his floating torpedo, which appeared to me plausible. I should think the same of yours, could I permit myself to form a judgment in a case wherein I am so ignorant. Not meddling at all now in the affairs of the government I return to you the paper because it would go better from yourself; and because too it is possible you may wish to obtain a patent for the invention, in which case it must go from yourself in the ordinary form. With my thanks for its communication, accept assurances of my respects. An interesting letter from our third president. $20,000.

The Copy Presented to Thomas Jefferson

43. Drake, Daniel: [Jefferson, Thomas]: NATURAL AND STATISTI- CAL VIEW, OR PICTURE OF CINCINNATI IN THE MIAMI COUNTRY, ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS. WITH AN APPEN- DIX, CONTAINING OBSERVATIONS ON THE LATE EARTHQUAKES, THE AURORA BOREALIS, AND SOUTH- WEST WIND. Cincinnati. 1815. 251,[4]pp. plus two folding maps. Con- temporary tree calf, spine elaborately gilt, black leather label. A presentation binding, as this book was issued either in boards or in a plain sheep edition binding. Scattered foxing, else a fine copy. With a presentation inscription, as given below. In a half morocco and cloth box. One of the most notable and important early Ohio books, by one of Cincinnati’s most famous residents, in a remarkable copy inscribed on the front fly leaf: “For the hon- orable Thomas Jefferson with the respects of his very obedt. servt. Dan. Drake.” The book, modeled on Jefferson’s own Notes on the State of Virginia, covers the geography, antiquities, topography, medical conditions, and government of southern Ohio. “The work is almost entirely original, and has been drawn upon largely by all subsequent writers on the subject” – Thomson. The maps are a plan of Cincinnati and a map of Miami county. The author, Dr. Daniel Drake, was one of the first great physicians in the West. He was involved in the founding of numerous Ohio and Kentucky institutions and wrote a number of important works, especially medical, on the area. This book, issued when he was thirty, was the first to achieve national notice. Despite the imprint date of 1815, a delay in obtaining the maps, which were engraved in Philadelphia while the book was printed in Cincinnati, delayed issue until Feb. 16, 1816. One of Drake’s good friends was Josiah Meigs, the commissioner of the General Land Office and an acquaintance of Jefferson. Drake asked Meigs to send Jefferson this presentation copy, and on March 1, 1816, Meigs wrote to Jefferson: “My friend Dr. Daniel Drake of Cincinnati, Ohio, has requested me to transmit to you a Copy of his work, entitled ‘Picture of Cincinnati.’ I presume it will gratify you as an elegant and valuable work.” Meigs also described Drake as “a sincere and faithful friend of our free Institutions,” signaling that Drake was a good Republican. On April 7, 1816, Jefferson wrote to Meigs: I have referred [sic] asking the favor of you to return my thanks to Dr. Drake for the copy of his account of the state of Ohio which he has been so kind as to send me until I could have time to peruse it. I have done this with great pleasure and may now express my gratification on this able addition to the knowledge we possess of our different states; and I may say with truth that were all of them as well delineated as that which is the subject of this volume, we should be more accurately and scientifically known to the rest of the world. With my thanks for this mark of attention be pleased to accept the assurance of my great esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson. This volume would have come into Jefferson’s hands after the sale of his main collection to the Library of Congress in 1815, and so became part of his third and final library. Hence it does not figure in Sowerby’s catalogue of Jefferson’s library, and was one of the group of books widely dispersed after Jefferson’s death a decade later. It does not have Jefferson’s usual marks of ownership of his initials next to the signature letters; he may have assumed the presentation was identification enough. A wonderful association copy of a significant book. HOWES D465, “aa.” SABIN 20822. STREETER SALE 1355. THOMSON 346. Emmet F. Horine, Daniel Drake, Pioneer Physician of the Midwest (Philadelphia, 1961), pp.116-17 (citing Meigs and Jefferson letters). $75,000. The Catalogue of Jefferson’s Library

44. [Jefferson, Thomas]: CATALOGUE OF THE LIBRARY OF THE UNITED STATES. TO WHICH IS ANNEXED A COPIOUS INDEX, ALPHABETICALLY ARRANGED. Washington: Printed by Jonathan Elliot, 1815. [7],170,xxxii pp. Quarto. Antique-style calf, leather label, gilt. Very minor age-toning and dampstains, one leaf repaired and remargined. A very good copy. This is the famed catalogue of Thomas Jefferson’s library as sent to Washington to replace the library consumed by the conflagration of the Capitol in 1814. Jefferson sold the United States his personal library in 1815 for $23,950, an amount estimated to be half the auction value of the books. Jefferson was the intellectual pillar of the new republic, and it was fitting that the library that represented the greatest American political mind should become, in the end, America’s library. “The Catalogue of the Library of the United States was prepared by George Watterson, the newly appointed Librarian of Congress, and printed for Congress by Jonathan Elliot in November, 1815. In it each entry was numbered, not serially, but with the number corresponding with Jefferson’s shelf-mark. This number was also inserted in the bookplate, purchased from William Elliot in October 1815, and pasted into each volume. The manuscript catalogue written by Jefferson and submitted to Congress for the purposes of the sale (through Samuel Harrison Smith) in 1814, seems to have been the ‘fair copy of the Catalogue of my library’ which he had made in 1812. This was later taken away by George Watterson and has now disappeared...[Another] catalogue was originally written by Jefferson in 1783, and is so dated by him on the fly-leaf; it was added to and supplemented continuously until the time of the negotiations for the sale in 1814" – Sowerby. The present catalogue differs dramatically in arrangement from Jefferson’s original system of classification. Jefferson had organized his library according to a system derived from Book 2 of Francis Bacon’s Advancement of Learning. Beginning with Bacon’s three categories of knowledge (memory, reason, and imagination), Jefferson devised forty- four classes or “chapters.” Within chapters, the books were arranged sometimes ana- lytically, sometimes chronologically, or both, and were subjected to further classification by size. While this method served Jefferson well and offered illuminating intellectual bridges between diverse fields, Watterson recognized the difficulty the average patron might have in accessing the books for which he might be searching. To remedy this problem, in the present catalogue Watterson arranged the catalogue alphabetically within each chapter by first word of the title without being prejudiced towards definite and indefinite articles. Both Watterson and Jefferson realized the imperfections of this new system, but once in place it proved too large a task to rectify it. Though many institutions possess copies of the catalogue, it is extremely rare in the market. Until the Eliot-Shattuck copy appeared at Sotheby’s in 1999, no copy had appeared at auction in Britain or the United States since 1943. The Eliot-Shattuck copy resold at the Breslaur sale in April 2005 for $57,600. The first printed record of Jefferson’s library, the foundation of the Library of Congress, and the best available source for understanding the mind which shaped the democratic tradition in the United States. SOWERBY, JEFFERSON’S LIBRARY, p. ix; V, pp.216-18. SOTHEBY’S SALE 7332 (June 22, 1999), lot 70. SABIN 15564. SHAW & SHOEMAKER 36250. $45,000.

45. [Jefferson, Thomas]: [Tiebout, Cornelius]: JEFFERSON. DEDIE AU GENERAL LAFAYETTE [caption title]. [Paris: N. Bettoni, nd, ca. 1825]. Stipple engraving, 11¾ x 9¼ inches. Trimmed at the bottom edge to make the sheet more symmetrical, but costing two short lines of text giving imprint information. Light foxing. Very good. Archivally matted. A scarce and influential engraving of Thomas Jefferson, and an image whose iconog- raphy can be traced back to the important Rembrandt Peale portrait of Jefferson made in 1800. Peale painted his portrait of Jefferson in Philadelphia in 1800, and it was quickly copied by American and French engravers. The best of the American prints was a stipple engraving done by Cornelius Tiebout and published by Mathew Carey in 1801. The image found its way to France, where a stipple engraved copy entitled “Thomas Jefferson President des Etats Unis de l’Amerique an 1801" was published by Auguste Desnoyers in 1801. Cunningham writes: “Desnoyers’s engraving became the major source for the image of Jefferson that was known in France” (p.53). The present stipple engraving is a copy of Desnoyers’ image, engraved by Dequevauvillier and published by Nicolo Bettoni in Paris. Though undated, it is dedicated to the Marquis de Lafayette, and was probably published to coincide with Lafayette’s grand tour of the United States in 1824-25, or to commemorate Jefferson’s death in 1826. The present copy has been trimmed along the bottom edge, costing the words “par son tres respectueux et reconnaissant admirateur le Typographe N. Bettoni.” A handsome Jefferson image. CUNNINGHAM, THE IMAGE OF THOMAS JEFFERSON IN THE PUBLIC EYE, pp.45-46; 51-53; figure 27 and catalogue entry 23. BUSH, THE LIFE PORTRAITS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON, p.40. $1000.

46. Jefferson, Thomas: THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS JEFFER- SON. COLLECTED AND EDITED BY PAUL LEICESTER FORD. New York: G.P. Putnam’s, 1892-1899. Ten volumes. Half morocco and cloth. Slight rubbing, but overall a fine set. The first scholarly edition of the works of Jefferson, compiled and edited by the noted historian, bibliophile, and Americanist, Paul Leicester Ford. One of 750 copies, this set is lettered “H” instead of numbered, with “presentation copy” written under it in Ford’s hand. On the front fly leaf of the first volume the work is inscribed: “Richmond and Mabel, with love of their brother, Paul Leicester Ford, Day of Publication, De- cember 13, 1892.” Later inscriptions on the same leaf inscribe the work to Ford’s great- nephew, noted historian Ulrich Phillips, and still later to Phillips’ grandson. An ex- emplary set, seldom found in good condition, with interesting associative inscriptions. $3500. What Connecticut Owes the Confederation

47. [Madison, James, et al]: ADDRESS AND RECOMMENDA- TIONS TO THE STATES, BY THE UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED. Philadelphia, Printed; Hartford, Reprinted: Hudson & Goodwin, 1783. 50,[31]pp. plus folding table. Quarto. Gathered signatures, stitched as issued. Stitching loose. Heavily tanned and dampstained throughout. Moderate edge wear, worse on final two leaves. Good. In a half morocco and cloth box. The first Hartford printing of this important report by a committee consisting of Madison, Hamilton, and Oliver Ellsworth, issued the same year as the Philadelphia first printing. The report deals with raising national revenue and other important issues facing the new nation. Appended are some relevant state papers: a letter from Franklin and his treaty of Vergennes; Adams’ contract with the Netherlands regarding loans; and material relating to the Newburgh Address, including the petition of the officers, extracts from Washington’s reply, and related resolutions of Congress. The final unpaginated thirty-one pages of this edition relate specifically to receipts and expen- ditures of Connecticut, with most of the text a town-by-town listing of balances due the national treasury from various Connecticut localities. HOWES A76, “aa.” EVANS 18226. NAIP w015154. $2750.

The Florida Frontier Immediately After the Louisiana Purchase

48. Madison, James: [MANUSCRIPT LETTER, SIGNED, FROM SECRETARY OF STATE JAMES MADISON TO ACTING GOVERNOR OF MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY, CATO WEST, REGARDING THE SO-CALLED KEMPER RAIDS INTO THE TERRITORY, AND GIVING WEST THE AUTHORITY TO USE THE MILITIA TO STOP THE RAIDS]. [Washington, D.C.]. November 12, 1804. [2]pp. manuscript letter on a folded folio sheet. Docketed on the third page. Old folds, with some slight separation at folds. Near fine. In a half morocco and cloth folding box, spine gilt. An important letter written in the midst of an early American diplomatic incident. This letter addresses the Spanish demand for the United States to act to apprehend and punish the Kemper brothers, who were leading raids from American territory in Mis- sissippi into Spanish West Florida in 1804. The Louisiana Purchase of the previous year brought a huge amount of territory under the control of the United States, but it excluded the area known as East and West Florida, which remained under Spanish control. West Florida stretched as far west as the Mississippi River, and the area had been the scene of Anglo-American agitation against Spanish authority for decades. Though not blatant in its intentions, the Jefferson administration clearly coveted the Floridas. Filibustering expeditions into the region, therefore, put the United States in a delicate situation – it had to respect Spain’s territorial authority, while at the same time it could not help but look with some favor at activities that drew the area into the American orbit. The text of this letter from James Madison is in a secretarial hand, signed at the end by Madison in his own hand. The Kemper brothers (Nathanl, Reuben, and Samuel) owned land in both the Feliciana District of Spanish West Florida, and in Pinckneyville, Mississippi. Begin- ning in June 1804, their gang crossed the border between Mississippi and West Florida several times, as they agitated for the proclamation of an independent West Florida Republic. They claimed that their goal was to overthrow the Spanish colonial regime and invite the American government to take over the area. They conducted several raids into West Florida, burning buildings, injuring residents, and stealing slaves and other property, each time retreating back into American territory in Mississippi. Needless to say, these actions alarmed Spanish authorities, and the issue was taken up by Carlos Martinez de Yrujo, the Spanish minister to the United States. Yrujo wrote to both Secretary of State James Madison and Mississippi territorial governor William C. Claiborne, complaining about the filibustering raids and demanding the arrest of the Kemper brothers and their cohorts. In a letter to Madison of October 22, 1804, Yrujo complained that the Kempers and their associates “entered under arms into Spanish territory, seized several local officials, published a proclamation with the aim of inciting the Spaniards to revolt against their sovereign, and endeavored to overpower Baton Rouge by a sudden assault.” Yrujo asked the Jefferson administration to “prosecute and punish” the perpetrators. Madison responds in this letter to Cato West by authorizing him to employ the militia in pursuit of the Kempers. Cato West was the newly-appointed acting governor of Mississippi Territory. West had resided in Mississippi for several years, and in 1789 received a large land grant from the Spanish authorities. He held a variety of posts in the territory’s political, militia, and justice systems. In 1797 he was appointed to the territorial Committee of Safety; in 1798 he was made a lieutenant colonel in the territorial militia; and in 1800 he was a representative to the first territorial legislature. Up until October 1, 1804, West was secretary of Mississippi Territory, serving under William Claiborne, who as governor of Louisiana Territory was also governor of Mississippi Territory. On October 2, 1804, Thomas Jefferson named Claiborne governor of the Territory of Orleans, and Cato West became acting governor of Mississippi Territory, a position he held until May 10, 1805. This letter had originally been addressed to William Claiborne as governor of the territory, and the text initially began: “I have received your several letters dated 16, 23, and 25th Sept. two of the 21st of the same, also those dated 3, 5 and 8th October last.” This sentence has been crossed out in this copy of the letter, reflecting Cato West’s ascension to the position of acting governor of Mississippi Territory. Claiborne’s letter to Madison of September 23 relates directly to Spanish complaints regarding the Kemper raids into West Florida, and the Spanish request that Claiborne arrest the Kemper brothers. The text of the letter reads: The Marquis de Casa Yrujo has stated to me that he has seen some letters from very respectable persons at New Orleans, which confirm the report of a criminal attempt made by Nathaniel Kemper and other American citizens, who had effectually entered with an armed force into the Territory possessed by his Catholic Majesty, arrested several Alcaldes, published a proclamation the object of which was to execute the Spaniards there against their Sovereign who had endeavoured to obtain possession of Baton Rouge by a coup de main; and that being driven back from thence they have taken refuge within the territories of the U. States. It is evident that if these hostile acts began in and proceeded from our territory or were committed by any citizens of the U.S. or if the armed force is embodied or maintained therein with a design to resume the attempt that the laws of the U.S. have been violated and the offenders ought consequently to be brought to justice. It is moreover the President’s express direction that every means in your power, consistent with the duties of your office be promptly used, if there be occasion to prevent the carrying on of any expedition or enterprise from the territory of the U.S. or against those possessed by Spain and as far as may be necessary he gives you authority for this purpose to make use of the militia. An important letter regarding American activities along the borderlands with Spain in the Floridas, signed by James Madison as Secretary of State. THE PAPERS OF JAMES MADISON, SECRETARY OF STATE SERIES, Vol. 8, p.281 (the present letter); p.83 (Claiborne letter of Sept. 23, 1804 to Madison); and pp.203-4 (Yrujo letter of Oct. 22, 1804 to Madison). Andrew McMichael, “The Kemper ‘Rebellion’: Filibustering and Resident Anglo Ameri- can Loyalty in Spanish West Florida” in Louisiana History, Vol. 43, No. 2 (Spring 2002), pp.133-65. $6500.

Madison’s State of the Union Message of 1810

49. [Madison, James]: FROM THE OFFICE OF THE MERCAN- TILE ADVERTISER, THURSDAY DEC. 6, 1810. PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE...THE EMBARRASSMENTS WHICH HAVE PREVAILED IN OUR FOREIGN RELATIONS ...[caption title and lines of text]. [New York]. 1810. Broadside, 16½ x 8 inches. Printed in three columns. Contemporary manuscript docketing on verso. Remnants of wax seal in upper margin. Early horizontal folds. Light bleed- through of ink and soiling on verso to recto. Small hole near title, with no loss to text. Overall very good. Matted. Broadside printing of James Madison’s 1810 State of the Union address, with substantial discussion of the reopening of American commerce to France and Great Britain and the subsequent diplomatic strains with both of those nations. Madison also addresses issues relating to problems with the Spanish in West Florida, peace with the Barbary States, Indian relations, military fortification, and Americans engaging in illegal slave trafficking, and he proposes the establishment of a national university and a new national military academy. Preceding the text of the address is printed a note from the Mercantile Advertiser’s enervated Washington correspondent: “I write in great haste – The Express has just arrived, with the message delivered this morning at 12 o’clock. I am sorry, extremely sorry to say, one express on this route was left by this one considerably hurt in a fall from his horse, and one horse has been killed through excessive fatigue & the horrid roads.” Unrecorded, with no separate copies of this extra located on OCLC. Very rare. $3000.

The Secretary of State Aids in Scientific Communications

50. Madison, James: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES MADISON TO ANDREW ELLICOTT, REGARDING COMMUNICATIONS WITH THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF FRANCE]. Washington. Nov. 22, 1810. [1]p. Quarto. Old fold lines, else quite fine. President James Madison replies to Andrew Ellicott, who has asked to continue to forward correspondence for the National Institute of France through the Department of State with letters for the American minister in France. Ellicott was a member of the National Institute of France, elected in 1808, pursuing an active interest in as- tronomy in his retirement. Madison assures him here that his letters are of great import and he will happily send them along with the State Department’s correspondence to France. He writes: Dear Sir, I have read your letter of the 14th; and shall consider any aid in fa- cilitating your intercourse with the National Institute at Paris, as too much due to the object of it, not to be readily afforded. Your letters forwarded within to me or to the Dept. of State will be always attended to, in making up the communications to our Minister at that place. With my friendly wishes accept assurances of my respect, & esteem. Andrew Ellicott (1754-1820) was a surveyor and mathematician, responsible for sur- veying the District of Columbia and designing parts of Washington City, as well as several other significant federal projects. Ellicott worked closely with the federal government for most of his career, and was offered a position as Surveyor General by Jefferson in 1801, though he refused the position, preferring fieldwork to life behind a desk. He served as a teacher and mentor to Meriwether Lewis in preparation for the Lewis and Clark expedition in 1803, and President Madison appointed him teacher of mathematics at West Point in 1813. A nice letter from President Madison to one of early America’s leading scientists. $6000.

51. Madison, James: Madison, Dolley: [JAMES MADISON’S RE- TAINED COPY, WRITTEN ALMOST COMPLETELY IN DOLLEY MADISON’S HAND, OF A LETTER TO PRESI- DENT JAMES MONROE, REGARDING THE FINANCIAL CLAIMS OF JAMES LEANDER CATHCART FOR HIS SER- VICES TO THE UNITED STATES, AND HIS BEING PASSED OVER FOR CERTAIN POSITIONS]. [Montpelier, Va.]. December 23, 1823. [1]p. manuscript letter on a quarto sheet. Backed on tissue, repairing vertical and horizontal splits. Stain at upper edge. Very good. In a half morocco box. A nice letter from former President James Madison to current President James Monroe, regarding the dire financial situation of James Cathcart, who had long served in the diplomatic corps of the United States, as consul to Tripoli, and other posts in the Barbary states, Portugal, and Spain. Madison appeals to Monroe to see if government employment can be found for Cathcart, in order to alleviate the financial circumstances of his family. The letter is written almost entirely in Dolley Madison’s hand, though there are three additional words and two instances of corrections that are written by James Madison himself. It is not uncommon to find Madison’s file copies of his letters in the hand of Dolley Madison or of a secretary. This is especially the case as Madison grew older and his rheumatism worsened. This letter is known to the Papers of James Madison project at the University of Virginia, though it has not yet been published by them. The copy sent to Monroe, which is written entirely in Madison’s hand, is in the Library of Congress. Madison writes President Monroe: A most distressing picture has been presented to me of the condition of Mr. Cathcart & his numerous family in the hope that as his official services which have had such a termination were rendered whilst the administration was in my hands, I might be induced to say something in his behalf. It is impossible to learn his actual distress & alarming prospects without sympathy; but aware as I am that I can add nothing to your knowledge of his case & that your kind feelings receive from it every proper impulse, I fear that I risk impropriety, even in what I yield to the appeal made to mine. He seems to think he had hard fare in being overlooked in several instances, where vacancies have been filled by competitors without some of his pretensions, & no wise in need of what he is craveing [sic] for a starving family. Regard- ing these jealousies as the offspring & evidence of his great distress they may be some apology for expressing a hope that some occasion compatible with the public interest & the just claims of others may ere long justify a rescue of the individual in question from the cloud which overwhelms him. James Leander Cathcart (1767-1843) began his adventures early, immigrating to America from Ireland as a child, and at the age of twelve joining the crew of an American privateer in the Revolutionary War. Captured by the British, Cathcart was held for three years on prison ships in Wallabout Bay before escaping and joining the merchant service. In 1785, Barbary pirates captured the schooner Maria, on which Cathcart was sailing, and took him and twenty others as slaves to Algiers, where Cathcart spent the next eleven years in bondage. During his captivity, however, Cathcart’s good fortune, cleverness, and facility for language (he had learned Span- ish and French from fellow prisoners in Wallabout Bay and quickly picked up Arabic and Turkish in Algiers) eventually brought him into relatively comfortable circumstances and positions of responsibility, including that of chief Christian secretary to the Dey and Regency of Algiers in 1792. In that capacity, Cathcart helped the United States envoy Joseph Donaldson negotiate with the Dey for peace and release of the American prisoners, which was finally secured in 1796. In 1796, on a ship he purchased with earnings from his various clerkships, Cathcart sailed to Philadelphia with the rest of the surviving crew of the Maria, dispatches of U.S. consul Joel Barlow, and a letter from the Dey to President Washington. The following year Cathcart was appointed consul at Tripoli, and in 1798 he was named special diplomatic agent to Tunis, where he traveled with William Eaton to negotiate with the new Pasha. It was at Cathcart’s suggestion that Eaton espoused the cause of the exiled Pasha during the First Barbary War, leading to Eaton’s famous adventure from Tripoli to Tunis. Cathcart continued to receive consular appointments to the different Barbary states, but having incurred the ire of their various rulers, he was no longer received by them and was reassigned to Madeira in 1807 and Cadiz in 1815. From 1818 to 1820, Cathcart served as naval agent for the protection of live oak timber in Florida, and his final years were spent working for the U.S. Treasury in Washington. In 1820, Cathcart formally applied for compensation for his past diplomatic services to the United States, most of them having been supervised by James Madison as Secretary of State (1801-9) or as president (1809-17). It is no doubt due to this relationship that Cathcart appealed to Madison, which prompted the present letter from Madison to President James Monroe. $2500.

Madison Writes the First Man to Assemble a Set of Signers of the Declaration, About His Family

52. Madison, James: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES MADISON TO REV. WILLIAM SPRAGUE, REGARD- ING MADISON’S FAMILIAL RELATIONSHIP WITH BISHOP JAMES MADISON OF VIRGINIA, AND THANKING SPRAGUE FOR SENDING HIM A COPY OF HIS FORTH- COMING BOOK]. Montpelier. December 12, 1828. [1]p. manuscript letter on a 5½ x 7¾-inch sheet. Two vertical folds, one horizontal fold. Fine. In a folding cloth box, leather label. An interesting autograph letter, signed, from the nation’s fourth president, and the chief architect of the United States Constitution. In this letter James Madison responds to a request from the Reverend William Sprague of December 5th, for an example of the autograph of Bishop James Madison of Virginia. Sprague, who assembled a huge collection of autographs and historical documents, was under the impression that Bishop Madison (1749-1812), the first bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Virginia and president of the College of William & Mary, was the former president’s father. In this letter in reply Madison sends Sprague an example of Bishop Madison’s signature (not present here) and clarifies his relationship with the famed clergyman, informing him that the two were distant cousins. Madison also thanks Sprague for promising to send him a copy of his new book, Letters from Europe, in 1828..., and assures him that he need not pay postage, as Madison’s presidential franking privileges would apply. The text of the letter reads: Dear Sir I have duly received your letter of the 5th. You have been misinformed with respect to the relation of blood between Bishop Madison & myself. It was rather a distant one; his father & mine, being but cousins. In friendship & affection we were closely allied and I feel a pleasure in furnishing the autograph you request, as of one whose memory ought ever to be associated with that of the wise & good. I thank you, sir, for your intention to favour me with a copy of your observations during your tour in Europe now in the press. It will come thro’ the mail, under the privileged exemption to which you allude. Be pleased to accept Sir, a renewed expression of my esteem and my friendly salutations. James Madison. Revered William Sprague (1795-1876), a Congregational and Presbyterian clergyman, was educated at Yale and Princeton Theological Seminary. He ministered in Massa- chusetts and Albany, New York, spending some forty years at the latter parish. He published a large number of his sermons and discourses, and late in his career published his nine-volume opus, Annals of the American Pulpit. Early in his career Sprague was given a large portion of George Washington’s original correspondence that had been used in Jared Sparks’ publication of Washington’s writings. This became the core of a collection that numbered thousands of historical autographs, sermons, and pamphlets. It is believed that Sprague was the first person ever to assemble a complete set of the autographs of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. He would also assemble a collection of autographs of members of the 1787 Constitutional Convention, and of presidents, vice presidents, and cabinet members, all of which would have made his correspondence with James Madison of great interest to him. ANB 20, pp.501-2. $4500.

53. Madison, James: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES MADISON TO VICE PRESIDENT MARTIN VAN BUREN, THANKING HIM FOR SENDING A COPY OF AN- DREW JACKSON’S STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS, AND COMMENTING ON OUTSTANDING ISSUES IN UNITED STATES RELATIONS WITH FRANCE]. Montpelier, Va. January 22, 1836. [1]p. manuscript on a folded folio sheet. Signed by James Madison on the address leaf above his “free” franking stamp, addressed in the hand of Dolley Madison, docketed in Martin Van Buren’s hand. Old folds. Early repair to a closed tear beside Madison’s name on address leaf. Some staining. Remnant of wax seal. About very good. In a half morocco and cloth box, spine gilt. A brief letter, uniting a past president of the United States with a future one, and one Secretary of State with another. Most interestingly, the letter contains a remark from Madison regarding current United States relations with France, and American attempts to secure reparations from France for depredations against American shipping dating back to the period when Madison was Secretary of State. James Madison (1751-1836) was the fourth president of the United States, and the nation’s fifth Secretary of State, serving in that position from 1801 to 1809. Martin Van Buren (1782-1862) was vice president of the United States when he received this letter from Madison. He was the nation’s tenth Secretary of State (1829-31) and was elected president in 1836, serving a full four-year term in office. The text of the letter is completely in James Madison’s hand, and he has also signed his name on the address leaf, beside his “free” frank stamp. The letter is addressed in Dolley Madison’s hand, “The Vice President of the U. States. Washington,” and Martin Van Buren has docketed the letter himself. The text of the letter reads: “J. Madison, with his best respects to Mr. Van Buren, thanks him for the copy of the President’s late special message and the documents accompanying it. He wishes he could have found in the posture of the controversy with France less of a remaining cloud over the desired issue to it. Montpellier [sic] January 22, 1836.” Though not explicitly stated, it was certainly a copy of Andrew Jackson’s recent State of the Union Address, delivered on December 7, 1835, that Van Buren sent Madison. Jackson spent most of the foreign policy portion of his address discussing United States relations with France – specifically the outstanding issue of twenty-five million francs in reparations from France for depredations against American shipping during the so-called Quasi War of the late 1790s, and into the administration of Thomas Jefferson, in which James Madison was Secretary of State. An 1831 treaty between the United States and France should have settled the matter to the satisfaction of the United States, but the French delayed making payment for several years, and Jackson used his message to criticize them for it. It is unclear whether Madison’s cryptic remark to Van Buren on the issue, “he wishes he could have found in the posture of the controversy with France less of a remaining cloud over the desire issue to it,” was meant as a criticism of France for not proceeding with the reparations in a timely fashion, or as a jab at the Jackson administration’s handling of the matter. Madison died a few months later. $3500.

First Publication of Madison’s Notes on the Constitutional Convention

54. Madison, James: THE PAPERS OF JAMES MADISON, PUR- CHASED BY ORDER OF CONGRESS; BEING HIS CORRE- SPONDENCE AND REPORTS OF DEBATES DURING THE CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATION AND HIS RE- PORTS OF DEBATES IN THE FEDERAL CONVENTION; NOW PUBLISHED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS... UNDER THE SUPERINTENDENCE OF HENRY D. GILPIN. Mobile, Al.: Allston Mygatt, 1842. Three volumes. lii,582,xxi; xxiii,[579]- 1242; xvi,[1241]-1624,clxviii pp. plus facsimiles. Half title in each volume. Contemporary speckled sheep, morocco labels, gilt. Hinges cracked but held firmly by cords. Contemporary ownership signatures on front pastedowns. Inter- nally tight; some light, scattered foxing, mostly in margins. A very good set. Third printing overall and the first southern one, following the very scarce Washington 1840 edition and a New York printing of 1841. In financial straits in his old age, Madison sold many of his papers to the Library of Congress, including his famous notes on the Federal Convention. This collection constitutes the first printing of Madison’s notes on the Constitutional Convention, which he insisted on keeping secret until after his death. They have become one of the key texts in modern constitutional debates over the intentions of the founders. The papers were published under the auspices of Henry D. Gilpin, who at the time was Attorney General of the United States. The first thirty pages of text in the first volume prints Thomas Jefferson’s notes on the debate over the Declaration of Independence. SABIN 43716. COHEN 2849 (note). $1500.

Rare Broadside Printing of a Motion by James Monroe Concerning Jurisdiction in the As Yet Unformed Northwest Territory

55. [Northwest Territory]: Monroe, James: THE GRAND COMMIT- TEE, CONSISTING OF...TO WHOM WAS REFERRED A MOTION OF MR. MONROE FOR REPEALING THOSE ACTS OF CONGRESS WHICH RECOMMEND TO THE STATES THUS CIRCUMSTANCED, THE CESSION OF VA- CANT AND UNAPPROPRIATED TERRITORY, TO THE UNITED STATES, SO FAR AS THEY RESPECT THE JURIS- DICTION OF THE SAME.... [Annapolis: John Dunlap, ca. December 1783 to March 1784]. Broadsheet, 14 x 8¼ inches. Contemporary manuscript docketing on verso: “Cessions of Jurisdict.n / Conn.r [?] Laws for Mr. Pinkney.” Minor staining. Very good. In a blue half morocco and cloth box, cloth chemise. While Thomas Jefferson is credited with drafting the Ordinance of 1784 which effectively first created the Northwest Territory, not all the Founding Fathers were convinced of the efficacy of ceding the western lands. James Monroe, at the time a young and rising member of the Virginia delegation to the Congress of Confederation (the name of the Continental Congress following the Articles of Confederation), feared that Virginia’s cession of western lands would have unintended consequences. With this motion, Monroe appeals to Congress to reconsider the question of jurisdiction, arguing that if both soil and jurisdiction were ceded, that a diversity of interests would be created in the territories which would disrupt the confederation. The dating of this motion is not known. Evans lists this broadside twice in his bibliography of American imprints, ascribing the date to 1785 and 1786, respectively. The text of the motion, however, suggests that it was issued prior to the Ordinance of 1784. As Monroe joined the Congress of Confederation in 1783, the dating of the motion and printing of the broadside can be narrowed to between December 20, 1783 and March 1, 1784. The form and printing of the motion is consistent with similar broadsides printed by Dunlap, the official printer to the Congress then in session in Annapolis. There is, however, no mention of this motion in the Journals of Congress from that period. The motion begins with reference to the two previous Congressional resolutions concerning the cession of western lands (September 6, 1780 and October 10, 1780), as well as subsequent cessions by New York, Virginia, and Massachusetts. The motion continues with a definition of the geographic area referred to: “That by such cessions, all the territory lying between a meridian line to be drawn twenty miles westward of the most westerly bent of the river or strait of Niagara, the western boundary of the state of Pennsylvania, the rivers Ohio, the Mississippi and the lakes, is subject to division, and entitled to admission into the confederacy upon the principles aforesaid.” That the land is still “subject to division” would suggest this motion to have been made prior to Thomas Jefferson’s Ordinance of 1784, which divided the Northwest Territory into ten states. Monroe’s motion next addresses the reason for his petition, i.e. “to enquire what the objects are that are sought to be obtained by such cessions.” The text continues: Heretofore they appear to have been two – 1st. the diminution of the larger states in their power and resources, by lessening the extent of their territory – 2d. the possession of the right of soil for the purpose of a revenue. But when it is considered that the limits which these cessions have given to such states, have contracted them to an equality with the other members of the union, it is supposed that this object, if it ever had any foundation for it, is already fully obtained; and for the purpose of a revenue, the committee apprehend that a cession of soil, independent of that of jurisdiction, will be equally advantageous to the United States; the circumstances which would apply to the settlers on the territory ceded westward of the Ohio, in their distance from the states to which it belonged, cannot, to those eastward of it; and the soil, it is presumed, under the government of one of the old states, whose laws, constitution and rights in the confederacy, are already established and known, will be as valuable, and sell as high, as it would under a new state. The committee are therefore of opinion, that further cessions of jurisdiction, even upon the principles which have heretofore influenced the United States, are unnecessary. It should therefore form a principal object with the United States to make, so far as it depends on them, such division of the territory within their bounds, as shall create and preserve this similarity of interest in every state. A similarity of interests in states, depends on a similarity in their circumstances, in their respective resources, their commercial and political relation to other powers. The committee consider it as unnecessary to examine these principles of relation in their application to all the territory within the government of the United States; but from an attentive view of those parts which bound upon the Atlantic ocean, and those which bound and depend upon the western waters, separated by a [cone or; words struck through in manuscript] ridge of mountains, which traverse from south to north these states, they are led to believe, from pursuing them in their different directions, that in some respects a different kind of arrangement and accom- modation will be necessary to promote those interests which particularly belong to each. If therefore the United States should admit a separation of said territory, so as to commit that lying on each side to a separate line of sates, they are of opinion it would create such a diversity of interests as would exceedingly embarrass the federal councils, and impede and obstruct all their operations. If then the separation above suggested, will create this diversity of interest, it necessarily follows, that the preservation of the states in the jurisdiction they now hold, will prevent it; and this in the opinion of the committee, will be the case. The concern which many of the old states now have in the western country, in the extent of territory within their respective jurisdictions depending on the western waters, in common with those which shall be erected beyond the Ohio, forms in their opinion, that similarity in their circumstances, necessary to bind the several parts of the confederacy together by the same tie of one common interest: The United States should therefore consider it as a fortunate circumstance that such states hold these bounds, and should in no event suffer them to be contracted or diminished...Resolved, That the resolutions of the 6th September, and 10th October, 1780, recommending it to the states holding vacant and unappropriated territory, to make liberal surrenders thereof to the United States, for their common benefit, so far as they respect the jurisdiction of the same, be repealed; and that it be recommended to the states thus circumstanced, to make liberal surrenders as aforesaid, of soil only, retaining to themselves the right of jurisdiction. Monroe’s motion apparently died in committee and was further put to rest by Jefferson’s Ordinance of 1784, which created a national domain from the ceded lands, dividing the region into ten separate states, and laying the groundwork for the Northwest Territory. Monroe, however, would continue to press his case, and would travel to the western lands in 1785 to see the region first-hand. Upon his return, he would petition Congress, using similar arguments as above, for a revision of the Ordinance of 1785, to change the division of the territory into as few as three but no more than five states. (That motion was considered on July 7, 1786 and seems to be the cause of the bibliographical confusion over the date and place of printing of this broadside.) The passage of the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 would put the issue to rest, formally establishing the Northwest Territory, and codifying the process for the creation of new states westward. The broadside is rare, with but three copies located by OCLC (Library of Congress, Yale, and John Carter Brown) and with a fourth copy at the American Antiquarian Society. NAIP adds copies at Massachusetts Historical Society and NYPL. EVANS 19313 (incorrectly ascribing the date to 1785), 20067 (incorrectly ascribing the date to 1786). $9000.

Monroe Weighs His Chances of Being Elected in 1816

56. Monroe, James: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES MONROE TO CHARLES EVERETT REGARDING THE LIKELIHOOD OF HIS ELECTION TO THE PRESI- DENCY]. Washington. Dec. 16, 1815. 3pp. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Expertly silked; minor loss to head and foot of each leaf, repaired. Very good. In a folio-sized green half morocco and cloth clamshell case, spine gilt. A detailed letter written by James Monroe to his neighbor, friend, and family physician, Charles Everett, discussing his candidacy for the presidency and opining that Virginia should stay out of any debate on the subject. Monroe was loathe to be seen as the “Virginia” candidate, as many people felt that the state had heretofore had too much influence on the national government, a view supported by the fact that every president thus far, save John Adams, was from Virginia (the so-called “Virginia Dynasty”). New York, now the most populous of the states, felt it was their turn to have a candidate in the president’s office, and Monroe feared that two of his fiercest critics, Senator William Branch Giles and Representative Wilson Cary Nicholas (both Virginians), might conspire with the New York delegation to form an anti-Monroe coalition. His greatest rival for the nomination, however, was William H. Crawford, senator from Georgia. Ultimately, Crawford stepped back from the nomination, clearing the way for Monroe, and served as Monroe’s Secretary of the Treasury. Another possible rival was Daniel D. Tompkins, governor of New York and Monroe’s eventual vice president. Monroe refers to Tompkins in the letter, saying some very unflattering things about his character; at the same time, it becomes clear that having the New Yorker on the ticket was a way of placating northern interests even if Monroe personally detested him. At the time of his election, Monroe was serving as Secretary of State in President Madison’s administration, and he felt that his public service ought to speak for itself. He writes: “My public life ought to speak for itself, and for the last five or 6 years, if the war thru which the country has passed, and the burdens I have borne, are not sufficient proofs, in connection with all that preceded, of my claim to public confidence, nothing will be.” Monroe expresses his doubts about the quality of character of the members of the New York coalition, but indicates that their underhandedness may lend an advantage toward securing the presidential nomination. After the election of the present Executive Incumbent [Tompkins], there was no remedy but in public opinion, and that was sure to be more effectual, in the case that my nearest friends manifested no sensibility to it. An attack on him by them, would give consequence to which neither his talents or any other circumstance in his favor, merited. His re-election according to the mass of the state, followed of course, if by some overt act, he did not bring public indigna- tion on him, which his silent, underhand, night-moving practice render’d improbable. The stand gave to him & his associates immense advantages in the procuring of their object, and it has, doubtless, been turned to all the account of which it was susceptible. The trip of [William Branch] Giles to the East, and of others in other states to different parts of the nation, were harmonious cooperatory movements to the same end. All that they have been able to do is done, but yet in a manner not to be seen. “I have no doubt that promises have been made that Virga. would not only take no part in my favor, but abstain from participation in the coming vote heretofore practic’d....My own opinion always has been that, after the advantage they had gained, there was no remedy but in public opinion, or in other words, that no attack ought to be made on [Wilson Cary] Nicholas, with a view to prevent his re-election. I think that his disposition would have done injury in other states, not by any might he has there, or any where, but as appearing to be an act of persecution, on acct. of his hostility to me. Mr. [Henry] Tazewell [Senator from Virginia and friend of Monroe] was in New York this summer, and held a congress, which comprised some of my friends there. He said that he was personally friendly to me, had always been, &cc....I have always confided in him, and shd. be very sorry to suspect that his projected trip was to promote unfriendly purposes to me. Yet it may be. The danger is of making enemies, of friends, or affording, under public patronage, opportunities to enemies to do harm. I give you the above hint, in profound confidence, to be mention’d to no one. My private opinion is that the proposed arrangement is so contemplated by the Richmond parties for the purpose of intrigue, yet that Tazewell wd. not answer their views, that heretofore dissat- isfied in some things. Monroe closes with a restatement of his opinion that he should be elected by his obvious public merits or not at all: Dr. Bible of Georgia assur’d me that Georgia has long since made up her mind in my favor; that Mr. [William H.] Crawford knows & approves it; the same is stated of Kentucky & Tennessee, in relation to persons of merit in each. I take no part, nor will I, as is well known, being resolv’d, if the nation does elect me, that the election shall be due to it, without the slightest movement of my own. Others here can give you better intelligence than I can, of the general sentiment. My opinion is that Virga. ought to take no prominent part in the business. Mr. Nelson inform’d me lately that some persons at Richmond thought of holding a caucus there to lead public opinion in my favor. This surely can not be thought of by my friends. If the idea has occur’d, I suspect it origi- nated with my enemies, in the hope, be the result what it might, of injuring me. If for example the whole assembly met, & declared in my favor, it would give offence to & alienate other states. If a small vote was given, much noise took place, & confusion, it would operate against me by showing that my support in Virga. was futile. Virga. had therefore better do nothing of the kind, but act after others, & according to her judgment and interest. An interesting and insightful letter into the intricacies of Monroe’s campaign for and election to the presidency. DANIEL PRESTON, A COMPREHENSIVE CATALOGUE OF THE CORRESPONDENCE AND PAPERS OF JAMES MONROE (Westport, Ct.: Greenwood Press, 2001). $12,500. From the Library of James Monroe

57. [Monroe, James]: Lanjuinais, Le Comte: CONSTITUTIONS DE LA NATION-FRANCAISE, AVEC UN ESSAI DE TRAITE HISTORIQUE ET POLITIQUE SUR LA CHARTE, ET UN RECUEIL DE PIECES CORRELATIVES.... Paris. 1819. Two volumes. viii,320,194; [4],565,[1]pp. Contemporary tree calf, rebacked, original spines laid down. Bookplates on front pastedown and fly leaf. Light scattered foxing, some light dampstaining. Very good. In a half morocco clamshell case, cloth chemises. An account of France’s political transformation through the revolutionary period and the succeeding government of Napoleon Bonaparte, containing texts of various acts and constitutional charters. This copy notably bears the bookplate of James Monroe on the front pastedown of each volume. This is a set which would have been of particular interest to Monroe, an unabashed Francophile. He served as ambassador to France 1794-96, then as special envoy to negotiate the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, and later as Secretary of State for most of the Madison administration. During his term as president (during which time this book was published) an important commercial treaty was negotiated with France. According to the catalogue of Monroe’s library reconstructed in 1967 by Gordon W. Jones, French books comprised nearly one third of his library, which, according to Monroe’s own estimate, approached nearly 3,000 volumes. Based on Monroe’s own manuscript catalogue (the library sold at auction in 1849), and a small group of books retained by his descendants, Jones was able to identify a total of some 450 titles, many in multiple volumes – enough to suggest that Monroe’s estimate was not exaggerated. Only a tiny portion of Monroe’s extensive library has been preserved intact, and copies from the library rarely turn up on the market. As of 1967, the Monroe Memorial Library at Fredericksburg housed some twenty-eight titles in fifty volumes. These are known to have belonged to Monroe because they descended through the family; most, according to Jones, do not have Monroe’s bookplate. Only two other books belonging to Monroe are located by Jones, both in the Alderman Library at the University of Virginia. Doubtless other works are scattered throughout various other public and private collections, but the general lack of a bookplate makes these nearly impossible to identify. All of which makes this work, complete with Monroe’s bookplate in both volumes, a welcome artifact that exemplifies Monroe’s library and evokes Thomas Jefferson’s influence on Monroe as a book collector. It is even possible that Monroe purchased this book during his time in office, as he held the presidency from 1817 to 1825. Several books from Monroe’s library have appeared recently at auction. His copy of Necker’s De ‘Administration des Finances de la France, 1784, complete in three volumes with his bookplate, sold for $18,750 at Christie’s on Dec. 3, 2007, while a single volume of a seven-volume set of Linnaeus, also with his bookplate, sold for $12,500 at Christie’s on June 12, 2008. Gordon W. Jones, The Library of James Monroe (Charlottesville, 1967). $12,500.

First Newspaper Printing of the Monroe Doctrine

58. [Monroe, James]: NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER. PRESI- DENT’S MESSAGE.... Washington. Dec. 4, 1823. 4pp. in National Intel- ligencer Vol. 24, No. 3526. Folio. Dbd. Old folds and some light wrinkling. Very good. The second printing and first newspaper appearance of one of the most important foreign policy statements of the United States government. In this message to Con- gress, Monroe asserts that the Americas cannot be the subject of colonization by European powers, and that any European intervention in the Americas will be considered a “manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States.” Mon- roe delivered the Doctrine in his State of the Union message on Dec. 2, 1823, and it was first printed as a National Intelligencer Extra the same day. We are aware of only four copies of that printing, the Streeter copy (his sale, lot 1734, $3500 in 1967), now in the Scheide Library; a copy in the Gilder-Lehrman Collection; and two other copies, whereabouts unknown. This is the second printing, in a regular issue of the National Intelligencer for Dec. 4. This printing seems to be from the same setting of type, with a slight rearrangement of the columns. It appears on page 4 of the issue and is suitable for broadside display. STREETER SALE 1734 (ref). GROLIER AMERICAN 100, 33. $3500.

Monroe’s “Rule” on Political Arm Twisting

59. Monroe, James: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES MONROE TO LEWIS W. MINOR, REGARDING MINOR’S DESIRE TO SECURE A PUBLIC OFFICE]. Oak Hill, Va. July 13, 1830. [2]pp., plus integral address leaf. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old folds. Some separation and loss at folds, affecting a few letters of text; tear to address leaf, affecting address. Light soiling and toning. Good. James Madison writes to Lewis W. Minor, the son of an old friend, responding to Minor’s request for Madison’s assistance in gaining a public appointment. This letter was written only a year before Monroe’s death, during his retirement. Monroe’s presidency (1817-25) has been characterized as the Era of Good Feelings, due in part to his balanced approach to appointments and political decisions; that quality is conveyed here in his post-presidency “rule” about recommending friends for political office. He writes: Dear Sir, I should have answered yours of the 7th sooner, but the state of Mr. Hay’s health, who had just reached home from Washington, prevented me. He is indeed to a very low state and his ultimate recovery uncertain. There is no service that I can render you, according to the rule which I have observed, since my retirement, and have applied to many friends, that I shall most willingly render. I can make no direct application to any department, but will give a letter to a friend in Washington in your favor, which he will show to the head of the dept., & will have the same effect. By your letter, you intend to attend the professorship next winter, and to enter the duties of the office after graduation. Do you propose to apply for the office you mention, after that period, or at an earlier one? I will give you the letter, whenever you desire it, and I only wish to know your views in that respect. Your father was one of my oldest, warmest, and most estimable friends. I take deep interest in the welfare of his family, and am happy to hear of the good conduct & success of his offspring. Lewis Minor’s father was John Minor, whose name appears frequently in the catalogue of Monroe’s correspondence. Monroe has also signed his free frank on the integral address leaf. $4250.

J.Q. Adams on Harvard Politics

60. Adams, John Quincy: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JOHN QUINCY ADAMS TO WARD NICHOLAS BOYLSTON, DISCUSSING THE BOYLSTON PRIZE AT HARVARD AND UNIVERSITY POLITICS]. Washington. May 24, 1819. [3]pp. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old fold lines. Minor soiling to third page, but generally quite clean. Very good plus. A fine and lengthy letter written by Secretary of State John Quincy Adams to his father’s cousin and close friend, Ward Nicholas Boylston, on awarding the Boylston prize just founded by him, and discussing candidates for a Harvard professorship. Adams graduated from Harvard and was himself a professor of rhetoric there between diplomatic assignments. He writes: I have observed with pleasure and gratitude your persevering efforts of benefi- cence to the University at Cambridge, and have heard of the Institution of your Prizes for Elocution, which cannot but be attended with effects. Its operation by experience may perhaps suggest some rules for the distribution of the Prizes, which, if you should conclude to make the Institution permanent, you may think it advisable to prescribe. Would it not for instance be useful to direct, that if one of the undergraduates should obtain one of the first prizes, he should not upon a succeeding year be admitted as a competitor to speak in the same language? And would it not be proper to enlarge the circle of languages in which the pieces may be spoken – at least by admitting the French? From the experience which I have had of the defects most common among the young orators, I think it should be prescribed as an inflexible rule that no prompting should be allowed; and that whatever merit any of the speakers might display, no prize should be given in any case where a failure of memory should be perceptible. Adams goes on to discuss his ideas regarding the Professorship of Rhetoric and Oratory, specifically that the candidate be well qualified for the office, not just “for any quality required by the place...the corporation of Harvard University, though including some of the best men in the world, is and for many years has been more of a Caucus Club than a literary and scientific society...When they have a place to fill their question is not, Who is fit for the place, but Who is to be provided for? and their whole range of candidates is a Parson or a Partizan or both.” A fine, lengthy letter, written out in Adams’ distinctive hand. $14,500.

Presentation from One Adams President to Another

61. Adams, John Quincy: THE DUPLICATE LETTERS, THE FISH- ERIES AND THE MISSISSIPPI. DOCUMENTS RELATING TO TRANSACTIONS AT THE NEGOTIATION OF GHENT .... Washington. 1822. 256,3pp. Early 20th-century full red morocco, spine gilt. Boards a bit discolored. Foxing and age toning. Very good, untrimmed. A copy with a fascinating provenance, given from a son to his father, from one Ameri- can president to another. A pencil inscription on the front fly leaf of this volume in the hand of Adams’ cousin, Ward Nicholas Boylston, reads: “Hon. John Adams from his dutiful and affectionate son John Quincy Adams.” Below that, in ink (again in Boylston’s hand) is a further inscription reading: “And by the Hon’ble. John Adams presented to Ward Nicholas Boylston Jany 7th 1823.” Ward Nicholas Boylston (1749- 1828) was a cousin of John Adams. Born in Boston, Boylston spent some twenty-five years in London, engaged in various lines of trade, before returning to the United States in 1800 and settling in Princeton. He endowed a chair at Harvard in Rhetoric and Oratory, with the condition that John Quincy Adams would be installed as professor. This volume descended in the Boylston family until recently coming to the market. The text brings together the correspondence and reports of the negotiations conducted by John Quincy Adams with the British to resolve the War of 1812. As ever, Adams was very sensitive to criticism, and this exhaustively defends his work. It appeared when Adams was Secretary of State, four years before the death of the elder Adams. SABIN 276. SHAW & SHOEMAKER 7740. $12,500.

Rare State of the Union Address

62. Adams, John Quincy: PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE. NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER...EXTRA. TUESDAY, DECEMBER 6, 1825. Washington: National Intelligencer, 1825. 23 x 19 inches. Several hundred lines of text printed in five-column format. Minor creasing, occasional foxing. Very good. An impressive copy of a rare piece. Expertly matted, and protected with a mylar sheet. Adams’ first State of the Union address. Before becoming president, Adams was the chief architect of the Monroe Doctrine, and it is with joy that he states that a treaty of “Commerce and Navigation” has been entered into with the Colombian Republic. This treaty was the first between the United States and any Latin American government. Among other interesting topics discussed are compensation rates for War of Independence veterans, the contribution of West Point to the militia, and the establishment of a uniform system of weights and measures. Adams attempts to prod Congress into establishing a national university on land bequeathed by Washington for that purpose. Of particular note is Adams’ summation of the progress being made on the construction of a marble monument within the capital, under which Washington’s family had granted their consent to lay the first president’s remains. This broadside printing was issued by the National Intelligencer, the newspaper of record in Washington. It would later be printed in the newspaper. AMERICAN IMPRINTS 23021 (only the Huntington copy). $2750.

John Quincy Adams Denies Ever Being a Mason

63. Adams, John Quincy: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JOHN QUINCY ADAMS TO OLIVER HEARTWELL, DENYING ANY CONNECTION WITH THE FREEMASONS AND DISCUSSING THE MURDER OF WILLIAM MORGAN]. Washington. April 19, 1828. [1]p. Quarto. Old fold lines. Minor foxing and offsetting. Very good. A fine statement of principles by then President John Quincy Adams to Canandaigua, New York citizen Oliver Heartwell concerning the murder of anti-Masonic leader William Morgan – replying to Heartwell’s enquiry about Adams’ own associations with the Freemasons, but also stating his views on American justice. In his letter Adams denies any association with the Masons, but asks Heartwell not to publish his letter, lest it contribute to the uproar surrounding Morgan’s disappearance and probable death. William Morgan (1774-1826?) was a stonemason who settled in western New York. “In May 1825 Morgan was admitted to the Leroy Lodge of the Freemasons and became a Royal Arch Mason. Later in 1825 or in early 1826, the Masons of Batavia, including Morgan, petitioned the Grand Lodge of New York State to establish a chapter in their town, and a list of proposed members was drawn up. A leader in the petition drive named Ganson, who operated a saloon in Batavia where Morgan maintained a circle of friends, felt, along with other leading Masons, that owing to Morgan’s lower-class friends and his reputation for drunkenness he should not be included. Thus a second petition was drawn up without his name and submitted to the state lodge. When the charter was approved and returned to Batavia, Morgan determined that his name had been excluded and so he turned on the fraternity. The Masons believed that he entered into a plan with David C. Miller of Batavia to republish an eighteenth-century English Antimasonic tract, Jachin and Boaz, to create a sensation and make money. The result was Illustrations of Masonry, for which Morgan registered copyright in August 1826. It was said that he had come to believe that the bane of civil institutions was Masonry and that he owed it to his country to expose its dangers” – ANB. Morgan was arrested for nonpayment of debts and petty theft on Sept. 11, and taken to the Canandaigua jail to answer the charge. “Six men entered the Canandaigua jail and abducted Morgan...According to the most plausible account of what then happened, Morgan’s abductors took him to Fort Niagara, a state post near Lewiston, New York, and had him incarcerated in the blockhouse or powder magazine there. From that point on he was never reliably seen again” – ANB. His death created a firestorm of anti-Masonic feeling, which, in turn, led to the formation of the Anti-Masonic Party. On an interesting side note, Morgan’s wife later became one of the wives of Mormon leader Joseph Smith. Adams writes: Sir, In answer to your enquiry in your letter of the 31st ulto. I state that I am not, never was, and never shall be a Free Mason. I give you this answer in the spirit of friendly return to the kindness with which you have made the enquiry. But unwilling to contribute in any manner to that excitement, produced by the mysterious abduction, and too probable murder of William Morgan, I request you not to give publicity to this letter. The deep and solemn feeling which pervades the community on this occasion is founded on the purest principles of human virtue and of human rights. In the just and lawful pursuit of a signal vindication of the laws of nature and of the land, violated in his person, which has been undertaken, and is yet in progress, with the authority and cooperation of your Legislature, I hope and trust that the fellow-citizens of the sufferer will temper with the Spirit of Justice the reparation of her wrongs, and in the inflic- tion of every penalty, carefully abstain from visiting upon the innocent the mis- deeds of the guilty. A fine letter from the President, weighing in on this interesting episode in history. $6250.

A Bookseller Gives Andrew Jackson Some Books

64. Jackson, Andrew: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM ANDREW JACKSON TO PHILADELPHIA BOOKSELLER MATHEW CAREY, THANKING HIM FOR A GIFT OF SEV- ERAL BOOKS]. Nashville. Aug. 3, 1818. [1]p. Quarto. Old fold lines. Contemporary paper strip along left edge on verso. Minor toning. Very good. Andrew Jackson writes to Philadelphia publisher and bookseller Mathew Carey, thanking him for a gift of some books; written from Nashville, after Jackson’s return from the Seminole campaign. Jackson has addressed his letter from Headquarters, Depart- ment of the South, writing: Dr. Sir, I reached this place on the 29th of June last, in bad health, where I had the pleasure to receive the books you had the goodness & liberality to present to me. Ill health added to a press of publick business that crowded on me at the close of the campaign, has hitherto prevented me, from acknowledging the receipt of this real mark of your personal respect & esteem for me. These books are an invaluable addition to my small liberary [sic], and when leisure occurs will afford me much edification & amusement & a lively & gratefull recollection of the donor. Accept my dr. sir for this gratefull present my sincere thanks.... As a former lawyer, Congressman, and judge, Jackson had a decent library, though mostly comprised of law and history books and political pamphlets. Jackson remained commander of the Southern Division of the army until 1821, when he resigned his commission and became governor of Florida. This letter is marked as “Rec’d Aug. 21,” likely in Carey’s hand. $9500.

65. Jackson, Andrew: FIRST MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT JACKSON TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. Washington. 1830. Broadside, 25½ x 19¾ inches, printed on silk and mounted on paper. Some scattered tears and slight silk loss, mainly in the margins, but with a few text tears. Expertly matted, and protected with a mylar sheet. A very striking broadside, evidently intended for presentation to members of Congress, as it bears the printed inscription: “Respectfully inscribed to the Twenty-First Con- gress...By the Publisher.” The text is Jackson’s first State of the Union Message, of Dec. 8, 1829, and printed in January 1830. Any early broadsides printed on silk are very rare. $1000.

66. Van Buren, Martin: [PARTIALLY PRINTED DOCUMENT, COMPLETED IN MANUSCRIPT AND SIGNED BY PRESI- DENT MARTIN VAN BUREN, ISSUING A PARDON]. Wash- ington. July 6, 1837. [1]p., with eight lines of text. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old folds, with some separation. Very good. Printed document, completed in manuscript, signed by President Martin Van Buren, issuing a presidential pardon to William Beall. $1000.

67. Van Buren, Martin: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM MARTIN VAN BUREN TO JOHN GOFORTH OF NORRIS- TOWN, PENNSYLVANIA]. Lindenwald [Kinderhook, N.Y.]. Feb. 10, 1851. [1]p., plus autograph envelope. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old folds. Envelope with light wear and soiling. Near fine. A brief note written by Martin Van Buren to John Goforth, sent from his estate, reading: “Dear Sir, I comply with your request with much pleasure & am with best wishes for your welfare, very respectfully yours, M. Van Buren.” Van Buren, at this time in his retirement, is perhaps responding to a dinner invitation or other engagement. The envelope is likewise in his hand and has his free frank signature. $1000.

Van Buren and the Election of 1856

68. Van Buren, Martin: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED (“M. VAN BUREN”), FROM MARTIN VAN BUREN TO HIS SON (PROBABLY JOHN VAN BUREN), ON THE FORTHCOM- ING PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1856]. Lindenwald [Kinderhook, N.Y.]. Oct. 7, 1856. [2]pp. on a single folded sheet of blank stationery. Old folds, minor wrinkling, slight soiling, but overall very good. In a quarto folding cloth case, leather label. An important and extremely interesting letter from the former president (1837-41), demonstrating his continued active interest in politics and the future of the Democratic party. Although Van Buren had bolted the party in 1848 to run as the Free Soil candidate, he supported the Compromise of 1850, and in 1852 supported the pro southern candidate, Franklin Pierce. He returned to the fold for the 1856 elections, supporting James Buchanan over John Fremont for the Republicans and over Millard Fillmore for the Know-Nothings. Writing here to one of his sons (probably John): ...I send you a paper [not present] out of which you may possibly pick fresh matter for your Chatham speech, where you will have a large and anxious audience. It is the rough draft of a letter I wrote to Ohio, but of which, upon reflection, I sent only what is on the first page. I have also written a short, impressive letter to Chicago for their meeting the 25th Inst. There is evidently an alarm spreading among the Democrats who were disposed to vote for Fremont.... The “alarm” referred to by Van Buren was probably caused by the threat of secession that a number of southerners had raised, in the event of a Republican victory. Van Buren lived to see the Union – and the Democratic Party – divided; he died in 1862. He was “one of the first professional party politicians, he played a major role in cre- ating a new concept of political parties and in forming the Democratic party” (ANB). $1500.

69. [Harrison, William Henry]: [MANUSCRIPT DOCUMENT SIGNED (“WM. H.. HARRISON/ AdC]”) BY WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON AS ANTHONY WAYNE’S AIDE-DE- CAMP, A “RETURN FOR PROVISIONS” FOR TWO DAYS’ RATION FOR THE BARGE CREW (SIX MEN AND ONE WOMAN), COMMENCING JUNE 19 AND ENDING JUNE 20, 1794]. Greenville [Northwest Territory]. June 19, 1794. [1]p. on leaf torn from larger sheet. With two engraved portraits. 4 x 8 inches. Right edge a bit ragged (without loss), slightly soiled, else very good. In a quarto folding cloth case, leather label. Young Harrison (1773-1841) was serving as aide-de-camp to General “Mad” Anthony Wayne in the Northwest Indian War. He became the ninth president of the United States, serving from March 4, 1841 to April 4, 1841. $1500.

Remarkable Letters by William Henry Harrison About the Imminent Tecumseh Revolt

70. Harrison, William Henry: [GROUP OF FOUR MANUSCRIPT LETTERS, SIGNED, FROM INDIANA TERRITORY GOVER- NOR WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON DESCRIBING IN- CREASINGLY HOSTILE ACTIVITIES BY SHAWNEE LEAD- ERS TECUMSEH AND THE PROPHET, AND WARNING OF IMMINENT ATTACKS ON AMERICAN SETTLEMENTS]. Vincennes, In. 1808-1810. Four manuscript letters, written on folded folio sheets, totaling [12]pp. Written on folded folio sheets. Neat splits along several folds, occasionally costing a small bit of paper but no text. Several small, neat tape repairs. One letter with a small hold from opening, but with no loss of text. In good condition overall, and very easily readable. In a half morocco and cloth clamshell case, cloth chemise. A fascinating and informative group of important manuscript letters, signed, by Indiana governor and future president of the United States, William Henry Harrison, discussing the state of relations with Indians on the frontier, and the growing power of the Shawnee leaders, Tecumseh and his brother, “the Prophet.” The four letters, written in a variety of clerical hands and signed by Harrison, are all addressed to the Secretary of War – the earliest to Henry Dearborn and the other three to William Eustis. William Henry Harrison (1773-1841) had a long and distinguished career in politics and military affairs, culminating with his election as president in 1840. In 1800 he was appointed the first governor of Indiana Territory, and as such he had to contend with several tribes of Indians, some friendly and others hostile. These relations were com- plicated due to the large number of American settlers pushing into Indiana in the first decade of the 19th century. Hostilities with some tribes, particularly the Shawnee and their leaders, Tecumseh and the Prophet, culminated in the Battle of Tippecanoe in 1811. Harrison led the victorious American forces, and it brought him to national attention and won him lasting fame (as well as a campaign slogan). Those growing hostilities are vividly described in this group of letters signed by Harrison. He relates to Washington news of growing Indian forces under the influence of Tecumseh and the Prophet, the state of readiness of the increasingly outnumbered local militias, Indian incursions into white settlements, the theft of property and other provocations, and the constant backdrop of imminent Indian attack. An interesting aspect of the letters is Harrison’s emphasis on the perceived power and influence of the Prophet, above and beyond that of Tecumseh. In the earliest letter, dated May 19, 1808, Harrison writes: The Shawnee imposter [the Prophet] has acquired such an ascendancy over the minds of the Indians that there can be little doubt of their pursuing any course which he may dictate to them, and that his views are already hostile to the United States is but too evident. I had a very considerable confidence in the Delawares and Miamis to resist his designs, but a late circumstance has convinced me that altho they may not be converts to his divine mission they are under the greatest apprehensions of his temporal power....I have lately conversed with an intelligent man who passed (a few weeks ago) through some of the villages of the Potawatomies that are under the Prophet’s influence. He says that they are constantly engaged in what they term religious duties. But that their prayers are always succeeded by or intermixed with warlike sports, shooting with the bow, throwing the Tomahawk or wielding the war club. This combination of religious and warlike exercise and the choice of weapons of their own manufacture sufficiently indicates the designs of their author. I most sincerely wish the President would think himself authorized to have him seized and conveyed to the interior of the United States until the present appearance of war is removed. Harrison gives other examples of the growing influence of the Prophet. He describes how the Shawnee leader seeks to persuade members of the other tribes to follow his will, but also resorts to shows of force by Tecumseh if the Pottawatomi, Ottawa, Chippewa, and others do not fall into line. The next letter was written a year later, and is dated May 3, 1809. William Eustis had succeeded Henry Dearborn as Secretary of War two months earlier, and Harrison sends him the latest intelligence he has gathered about the activities of the Shawnee leaders, and alarming news of their increasingly militant behavior: Mr. Dubois...arrived here a few days ago from Detroit via Fort Wayne. He is decidedly of opinion that the Prophet will attack our settlements. His opinion is formed from a variety of circumstances but principally from a communication made to Mr. LaFontaine by two chiefs his friends, the substance of which was that the Prophet and his followers had determined to commence hostilities as soon as they could be prepared & to ‘sweep all the white people from the Wabash and White River’ after which they intend to attack the Miamis....About eight days ago he had with him three hundred and fifty warriors well armed with rifles and tolerably supplied with ammunition. They have also bows & arrows, war clubs, and a kind of spear. I still think he will not dare to attack us but I am preparing the militia as well as circumstances and the two companies which I have ordered out are rapidly improving in discipline being daily exercised either by the Major who commands them or myself in the evolutions practiced by General Wayne’s army. The Prophet cannot keep the number of men which he now has embodied any length of time. As soon as they disperse I shall dismiss the two companies which I have had mustered agreeably to the instructions of Gen. Dearborn by a careful person selected for that purpose. Harrison also discusses a ploy being used by the Prophet, involving the purported scalping of an Indian woman to disguise the fact that he is raising his forces for use against the white settlements. Nearly a year passed until the third letter in this group, dated April 25, 1810. Harrison sends Eustis another alarming report of hostile Indian intentions, and informs Washington that he has strong evidence that the British in the area are supplying the Shawnee with arms: I have lately received information from sources which leave no room to doubt its correctness, that the Shawnee Prophet is again exciting the Indians to hostilities against the United States. A trader who is entirely to be depended on, & who has lately returned from the residence of the Prophet, assures me that he has at least 1000 souls under his immediate control (perhaps 350 or 400 men)....The friends of the French traders amongst the Indians have advised them to separate themselves from the Americans in this town, lest they should suffer in the attack, which they meditate against the latter. I have no doubt that the present hostile disposition of the Prophet & his votaries has been produced by British influence. It is certain that they have rec’d. a considerable supply of ammunition from that source. They refused to buy that which was offered them by the traders alleging that they had as much as they wanted, & when it was expended they could get more without paying for it....I have before done myself the honor to describe to you the exposed situation of this town & how susceptible it is of surprise by a very small force. The militia in the country are so scattered that they could not be collected in time enough to be of any service in repelling an attack. There are not more than a full company of American militia in the town, & the French for any military purpose are worth nothing ....The report of the Indians having meditated hostilities will do us great injury by retarding the settlement of the country. We lost several hundred families last spring, in consequence of the hostile appearances they exhibited. And I am persuaded that similar consequences will flow from those which are now manifested. And it will probably be eternally the case unless the rascally Prophet is driven from his present position or a Fort built somewhere on the Wabash....I beg leave to recommend this measure most earnestly to the President, as one from which the greatest advantages would arise both to the Territory & to the United States. The final letter in this group is dated July 11, 1810. Harrison describes the activities of scouting parties of hostile Indians, who have been stealing the horses of farmers and trying to goad the Americans into an attack. He warns Eustis that these actions are ratcheting up tensions in his Territory, and that it might cause American settlers to take matters into their own hands. He writes that a week ago “four canoes passed the Wea Village of Terre Hoite [sic] with four or five men in each.” Of these, one descended as far as a local Shaker settlement: They had left their canoes there and had gone to the meeting of the Shakers on Sunday. They returned late in the evening of that day & proceeded up the Wabash about one half mile where they left their canoes, cut a hole in her & in the night stole five horses. These fellows were all completely armed, had no skins to trade with, nor did they profess to have any other business than to visit the Shakers. That they were spies from the larger party I have not the least doubt....The people in the neighborhood from whence the horses were taken are so much alarmed that they have collected together for their defence. I have forbad their pursuit of the thieves because I know that it will produce blood shed. Indeed from the little pains which was taken to conceal the tracks of the horses I am convinced that pursuit was desired by the Indians & that a larger party was lying in ambush at some distance. I was informed some considerable time ago that this was one of the methods they intended to take to bring on the War....As long however as no blood is spilt I shall have hopes of bringing the Prophet to reason. But our people will not suffer their property to be taken & I dailey [sic] expect to hear of some Indians being killed in an attempt to take off horses, nor will this be the most disagreeable circumstance attending those depredations. An outstanding group of letters from William Henry Harrison, ably transmitting the increasing tensions, fears, and hostilities on the Indiana frontier that led to the Battle of Tippecanoe. $47,500.

A Future President Orders His Wine Supply

71. Harrison, William Henry: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON TO HIS WINE MER- CHANTS DURING THE WAR OF 1812]. Sackett’s Harbor, N.Y. Nov. 21, 1813. [1]p., plus integral address leaf. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old fold lines. Later paper along edge of address leaf; early repair to address leaf, repairing hole from wax seal. Minor soiling. Very good. William Henry Harrison writes to Messrs. Grattys, Philadelphia merchants, ordering his winter supply of wine to take back with him to the midwestern frontier. The letter was posted from Sackett’s Harbor, New York, and was written while Harrison was on his way to Philadelphia after the Battle of the Thames in October 1813, where he had won a decisive victory over the Native American coalition led by Tecumseh. Harrison retired his commission shortly thereafter and pursued a lengthy political career, winning his short-lived election to the presidency in 1841 at the age of sixty-eight. Winters in the Midwest can be quite cold, and in this letter Harrison makes clear to his merchants that he wishes to be well-supplied before the Ohio freezes over. He writes: Gentlemen, Will you be obliging as to send on to Philadelphia as soon as possible a quarter cask of best Madeira wine, one bottle of sherry & ten gallons of best French brandy directed to some of your friends there & subject to my order for which I will pay you on my arrival in Philadelphia, which will be in 10 or 12 days from this time. It is my wish to have the above articles at Pittsburgh upon my arrival there that I may take them with me down the river. If they are not sent off before I reach Philadelphia, it is probable that I shall not get them down the Ohio this winter. Be pleased to have the wine delivered in the double casks. $3500.

ITEM 72. Ceremonies for William Henry Harrison, the First President to Die in Office

72. [Harrison, William Henry]: ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE FU- NERAL OBSEQUIES OF THE LATE PRESIDENT HARRISON [caption title]. [New York. 1841]. Broadside, 16 x 13½ inches. Three small closed tears at edges. Minor soiling. Single contemporary manuscript correction. Very good plus. In a tan cloth folder, gilt leather label. Broadside printed in New York City outlining the combined preparations of the cities of New York and Brooklyn to commemorate the death of President William Henry Harrison. This broadside, printed in four columns, lists both the participants in the day’s procession, as well as the order and rules of operation which all participants are respectfully requested to follow. The broadside also gives instructions for where the participants shall assemble before the procession. The events will begin with a procession which culminates in a ceremony of prayer, funeral oration, and a benediction, closing with “the firing of a volley by the United States Troops on duty.” The whole is to be led by Grand Marshall Gen. Robert Bogardus. Harrison (1773-1841), who was successfully elected the ninth president of the United States, served out the term of just thirty-two days before becoming the first president to die in office. Harrison took the oath of office on March 4, 1841, delivering the longest inaugural speech in the country’s history; the lengthy address killed off the elderly Harrison, who delivered it in freezing rain, caught pneumonia, and never recovered. We can locate no recorded copies of this broadside, and only one auction record from twenty-five years ago. A nice piece of scarce New York printing and president- iana. $1500.

A Future President Declines a New Year’s Invitation from James Madison

73. Tyler, John: [AUTOGRAPH NOTE WRITTEN BY JOHN TYLER DECLINING AN INVITATION TO PRESIDENT JAMES MADISON’S NEW YEAR’S DINNER]. [Np, but likely Washington]. Jan. 1, 1817. [1]p. plus integral address leaf. Old fold lines. Mi- nor soiling. Small paper loss from wax seal, else fine. In a folio-sized black half morocco and blue silk clamshell case, spine gilt. Brief note penned by U.S. Congressman, later president, John Tyler, declining an invitation to the presidential New Year’s dinner. The note reads: “J. Tyler regrets, that owing to a previous engagement, he can not accept the President’s invitation to Dinner tomorrow. Jany. 1st, 1817.” It is addressed to “His Excellency The President.” As a fellow Virginian in the limited society of early Washington, it would make sense that Tyler would be invited to events at the Madison White House. Tyler was at this time serving in the U.S. House of Representatives. He would go on to be elected governor of Virginia, serve in the U.S. Senate, and eventually be elected vice president, only to become president by default in 1841 when President William H. Harrison died unex- pectedly. Madison’s party took place a few months before he left the White House. A polite note sent by a future president to a current commander in chief. $1250.

74. Tyler, John: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM VICE PRESIDENT JOHN TYLER TO DANIEL WEBSTER, REC- OMMENDING A CANDIDATE FOR DISTRICT ATTORNEY OF MISSISSIPPI]. [Washington]. March 11, 1841. [1]p., plus integral docketing leaf. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old fold lines. Near fine. Vice President John Tyler writes to Secretary of State Daniel Webster regarding an appointment for Mississippi lawyer Augustine L. Dabney to the position of state district attorney. Dabney was a Mississippi lawyer and judge who suggested that the state convention propose Tyler as the candidate for vice president, a move that would lead eventually to Tyler’s election to that office. He writes: Sir, Should a vacancy occur in the place of District Attorney of Mississippi, let me bespeak your favorable notice to the pretensions of Augustine L. Dabney, Esqr. of Raymond Mississippi. He is a man of fine intelligence and of the soundest morals. He migrated to Mississippi about six years ago from Virginia when I had the pleasure of practicing at the same bar with him, and interchang- ing the hospitalities of frequent intercourse. I endorse that no man will acquit himself of his duties more faithfully or honorably. I know nothing of the present incumbent, and am not to be understood as asking his removal. If however he has come into office over the head of another and in a spirit of proscription, even handed justice would seem to require his removal. Letters by Tyler as vice president are fairly scarce, given the brief period of time that he held that office (March 4 – April 4, 1841). A nice letter by the Vice President, recommending his supporter for a government position. $4750.

The Daughter of John Tyler Recalls Dolley Madison

75. Semple, Letitia Tyler: [Tyler, John]: [TWO AUTOGRAPH LET- TERS, SIGNED, FROM LETITIA TYLER SEMPLE TO MRS. EDWARD G. McCOLLEN OF PHILADELPHIA]. Washington, D.C. Nov. 2 & 7, 1893. 6; 2pp. on 4 sheets of unruled stationery. Very good. With two engraved portraits. In a half morocco box. Letitia Semple (1821-1910), the daughter of President John Tyler, writes in response to her correspondent’s inquiry regarding an article by Sally Robins, whom Semple knew at the “Eclectic Institute” during her tenure there as Principal: ...My acquaintance began with Mrs. Madison when she reached the age of sixty and I was twenty. For many years she had been the friend of my Father – the late President John Tyler. She was often a guest in the Presidential mansion & object of reverential and respectful consideration of the family. Through the bad management of her son (Madison Todd) she was reduced almost to absolute poverty. Being ill on one occasion, Dr. Thomas the President’s physician, was called, and having made his visit he came directly to the White House to tell my father of the poverty [underlined] of her position. Full of solicitude for her – her immediate wants were supplied & the President sent a message to Congress, recommending the purchase of the “Papers” of Mr. Madison. A bill was passed giving Mrs. Madison $20,000 for the valuable collections & she spent the rest of her life in comfort. My last communication from her was a note of invitation to spend an evening with herself & niece when I was passing through this city during President Pierce’s administration. I never saw her again but when she died myself & many other Va. ladies wore a badge of mourning for thirty days. – I give you this recollection of that much deserving & highly esteemed Lady in proof of my desire to accommodate your request.... P.S. My eyes are almost without light. I live in semi darkness. In her second note, Semple marvels at the interest some people have in her: “Why the literary world should be so interested in me as to seek me out & publish accounts of me is more than I can understand...now when old age & its infirmities are my com- panions....” $1250.

76. Polk, James K.: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES K. POLK TO AN UNIDENTIFIED RECIPIENT, ON PLANS AND ARRANGEMENTS FOR HIS YOUNGER BROTHER WILLIAM’S COLLEGE EDUCATION]. Columbia, Tn. Nov. 2, 1832. 4pp. on recto and verso of two leaves. Quarto. Horizontal folds nearly repaired, else very good. In a half green morocco drop box. A fine, candid letter from the future president, then serving in the House of Represen- tatives, showing his concern for his younger brother William’s education. Reading in part: The Monday after brother William started to Hillsborough, N.C. to school. He set out and will travel in company with Laura & her two children (brother Marshall’s widow & children) to Charlotte, & will then take the stage. I have written to Mr. Bingham to take charge of him in his school, and to instruct him in the studies preparatory to his admission into University – where if he does well, I intend that he shall graduate. In your letter to me at Washington last winter...you advise me to send him to that school, & if sent you kindly offered to exercise over him whilst there a superintending control & friendship....William is a well disposed boy, & is by no means deficient in point of intellect, but on the contrary may be considered a boy of very respectable talents; with proper application he may maintain a respectable standing at any institution. I am not aware that he is as yet addicted to any bad habits – except that of a very quiet disposition to extravagance in dress, in attending theaters – and other places of light amusements. I have written to Mr. Bingham that he must be restrained in this respect, and with a view more effectually to accomplish it I have not given him much money to start with...If he can be restrained from extravagance, by depriving him of the possession of much money at a time he may & I hope will become studious & make a steady respectable man. This thing is certain, that if he is not restrained in this respect, there is every prospect that he will be a spendthrift – and possibly become abandoned to other vices. He is addicted to no other bad habit – drinks I believe not a drop.... Polk was one of ten children, but had no children of his own. Here is writing of his young brother, William Hawkins Polk (1815-62), who was an American politician and a member of the United States House of Representatives for the 6th congressional district of Tennessee. He was the brother of President James Polk, who had represented the same district when he had served in the United States Congress. $4500.

77. Polk, James K.: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES K. POLK, DISCUSSING HIS RECOMMENDATION FOR THE POST OF RECEIVER FOR THE U.S. LAND OF- FICE IN LITTLE ROCK, ARKANSAS]. Washington. Dec. 7, 1832. [2]pp. Quarto. Old folds. A few spots of foxing, minor soiling on verso. Very good plus. James K. Polk, during his time as a U.S. Congressman, writes to a local Tennessee politician, discussing his efforts to have Col. Andrew Kincannon appointed to the post of Receiver for the U.S. Land Office in Little Rock. Colonel Archibald Yell, a good friend of Polk, was retiring from the position, and Polk tried to take this opportunity to help another of his friends into the post. He writes that though President Jackson hasn’t said for certain, he is almost certain that Kincannon will receive the appointment. In the end this proved untrue, and Benjamin Chambers succeeded Yell. Polk writes: Dear Sir, I have received your letter of the 21st Nov. enclosing the recommendation of the members of the Legislature and others in behalf of Col. Kincannon for the appointment which he solicits. I have handed it to the President, and took that occasion to express to the President personally the strong desire which I had that Col. K. should receive the appointment. He expressed a high opinion of Col. K. but did not say what he intended to do, or that he had made up his mind whom he would appoint. I think it probable however, indeed almost certain, that he will receive the appointment. Col. Yell’s resignation will not take effect until the 1st of January, and between this and that time I will loose no proper occasion to press still further upon him, Col. K’s claims. I will among other things propose a further recommendation in his behalf and have it signed by our delegation or as many of them as I can procure. P.S. Tell Col. Yell that I have seen his man, Heyward the commissioner of the general land affair, who says he has received a tolerably spicy letter from him, but that he took no ex- ceptions to its style and that he has never even mentioned the subject of the affair or Col. Y’s letter to the President. He laughs heartily at Y’s independence and says he expects he is a [illegible] fellow. He then asks after local candidates in the upcoming Lincoln County election. SOLD Polk Writes to His Greatest Supporter About the 1844 Presidential Campaign

78. Polk, James K.: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES K. POLK TO S.H. LAUGHLIN REGARDING THE NEWSPAPER, THE NASHVILLE UNION]. Columbia. Aug. 1, 1844. [2]pp., plus integral address leaf. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old fold lines. Small paper loss to verso from wax seal. Minor soiling. Very good plus. In a folio-sized tan half morocco and cloth folder. James K. Polk writes to Samuel H. Laughlin, editor of the political newspaper, The Nashville Union, which supported Polk, concerning the content of the paper just prior to the election of 1844. At this time Polk was hoping to secure the vice presidential nomination of the party – only to become the dark horse candidate for the presidency at the Democratic convention. Laughlin, a fellow Democrat, was Polk’s first choice for editor of the Union, a job at which he labored zealously on Polk’s behalf, both before and after Polk’s nomination. Polk, however, felt the paper lacked the fire and power that it needed, and asked former editor J. George Harris to assist Laughlin, much to the latter’s chagrin. In the present letter Polk writes to Laughlin expressing his wish that Laughlin invite Harris to assist him in editing the paper, which Harris has already agreed to do. The postscript to the letter indicates that Polk has discussed the arrangement with Heiss, one of the paper’s owners. Headed “Confidential,” the letter reads: My dear Sir: Your letter of the 29th is at hand. I had no doubt of your will- ingness to have aid in conducting the Union, without considering it as any – the slightest disparagement of yourself, for such surely is not intended. These are not ordinary times. We are in a storm, which will increase its violence every day until the contest is over. There must be an extraordinary portion of spirit and fire thrown into the Union. It should be such a paper as Medary’s Ohio Statesman is. The Whig press of Nashville should be promptly and most vigorously met at every point. To make it what it ought to be and must be if possible requires the aid of men that are men. I have written to Harris. He is willing if desired to lay hold with you, and to give not an occasional article merely, but his whole time. The Union from its location will be the most important paper in the whole country for the next 90 days. I hope therefore you will give Harris a candid invitation to come into it with his whole power. This he is ready to do, not as ostensible editor, but as a constant laborer & contributor. Let no etiquette or false delicacy prevent it. I thank you for taking the testimony of Misses Smith & Gribble, and must request that you will forward them to me without delay. I wish all the testimony I can get, that I may embody it. You can keep copies; or if you will send the originals to me by tomorrow’s mail I will have copies made & return the copies to you. I want the originals. There is no danger of their miscarriage by mail from Nashville to this place. P.S. I have written to Heiss advising him of the arrangement in contemplation, & urging him to allow more space for Editorial in his paper. He will do it. Though unhappy that Harris was asked to join him on the editorial staff, Laughlin was rewarded in the end with a position in Polk’s administration, being appointed recorder in the General Land Office. This letter does not appear in the eleven volumes of published correspondence of James K. Polk, though Laughlin’s letter of the 29th does. A nice piece of unpublished presidential correspondence, discussing the crucial run up to his election. $8500. Procession of Polk’s Victory

79. [Polk, James K.]: ILLUMINATION AND PROCESSION, IN HONOR OF THE GLORIOUS VICTORY ACHIEVED IN THE ELECTION OF JAS. K. POLK, ON TUESDAY EVENING, NOV. 26, 1844, IN THE CITY OF LANCASTER [caption title]. Lancaster, Pa. 1844. Broadside, approximately 19 x 14 inches. A few small tears at edges. Minor soiling. Lightly creased. Minor loss in center at folds. Very good. Scarce political broadside advertising a torchlight procession to be held in Lancaster, Pennsylvania to commemorate James K. Polk’s election to the presidency in 1844. It calls for a “general Illumination and Torch-light procession” and declares that it is “earnestly hoped that every man will come provided with his transparency or lantern.” These events were central to the politics of the day, and broadsides like this are highly evocative of the mid-19th-century political scene. The route of the procession is provided, as are the officiants and organizers. The broadside announces a twenty-six-gun salute at noon which will signal the commencement of the day’s festivities, noting that if the salute is not heard, it will indicate that the event has been postponed because of weather. Broadsides such as this are particularly scarce and desirable. No copies on OCLC. A nice piece from 19th-century presidential politics. $3750.

A Polk Campaign Newspaper

80. [Polk, James K.]: [Campaign Newspaper]: THE OHIO COON CATCHER. Columbus, Oh. 1844. Four issues (7, 8, 10, 12), each 4pp. Large folio. Dbd. Old folds, with some separation at folds. A few small tears; small repairs to issue 12. Light soiling and foxing. Good. Democratic Party campaign newspaper, supporting James K. Polk for president. Published by Samuel Medary, the editor and publisher of the Ohio Statesman, this paper published twelve issues, Aug. 7 to Nov. 16, 1844 – from the time of Polk’s nomination to his election. Medary, serving as the head of the Ohio delegation to the Demo- cratic National Convention, led the nomination of Polk as the party’s candidate. Full of anti-Whig and pro-Democrat sentiment and propaganda, the Coon Catcher promotes Polk’s candidacy with news items, political opinion, testimonials of reformed Whigs, poems, and cartoons. One notable illustration shows a woodcut of fat and healthy “Coon of 1840” opposite a lean and sickly “Coon of 1844.” The text around these two images reads, in part: “The coon of the present time is a different critter from what it was four years since. Then, plump and fat – now, it is leaner than any of Pharoah’s lean kine. Its attenuated frame, consumptive and haggard look, is caused by the re- sistless tide of democratic Polk juice, which is spreading itself with an invigorating effect upon the body politic.” The final issue contains the announcement of Polk’s election, with the returns from the polls. Fewer than twenty locations for issues in OCLC. $2000.

Zachary Taylor Gets a Promotion

81. Taylor, Zachary: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM ZACHARY TAYLOR TO GENERAL JONES, ACKNOWL- EDGING RECEIPT OF HIS COMMISSION AS A BREVET COLONEL]. Prairie du Chien. March 5, 1835. [1]p. Quarto. Repaired at two horizontal folds. Quite clean. Very good plus. Zachary Taylor writes from Fort Crawford, acknowledging receipt of a form commis- sioning him as a brevet colonel and returning that document to Adjutant General Roger Jones. He writes: “Sir, Your communication of the 26th of Janry. last accompanied by a commission for me as a Col. by brevet in the Ary of the U. States, and a blank form of an oath to be sworn and subscribed to, has this moment been rec’d. The latter has been complied with, and herewith enclosed.” It is signed: “Z. Taylor, Col. 1st Regt. U.S. Infy.” Taylor would eventually rise to the rank of brigadier general and be elected to the presidency, after becoming a national war hero during the Mexican-American War. $2500.

A Zachary Taylor Letter on the Seminole War

82. Taylor, Zachary: [MANUSCRIPT LETTER, SIGNED, FROM ZACHARY TAYLOR TO ADJUTANT GENERAL ROGER JONES, RELATING NEWS FROM THE FLORIDA FRONT DURING THE SECOND SEMINOLE WAR]. Fort Brooke, Fl. Feb. 18, 1839. 4pp. Quarto. Old folds, neatly repaired and reinforced with tissue. Minor toning. Very good. In a folding cloth slipcase. In May 1838, Zachary Taylor, then a general, took command of Army forces in Florida. That summer saw Indian attacks on white families in Tallahassee and Georgia. Taylor’s tactic was to drive the Indians out of northern Florida so that settlers could return to their homes, and to build a series of posts in the region to guard against future attacks. In this letter he outlines this plan to United States Adjutant General Roger Jones. Though a proven Indian fighter, Taylor respected the Indians and strove to treat them fairly. “He scrupulously honored agreements with the American Indians who assisted him and with those who surrendered to be transported to the West. In keeping with promises made to the American Indians, he refused to return runaway slaves without absolute proof of ownership, and through his efforts several hundred blacks accompanied Seminoles to their new homes in present-day Oklahoma” – ANB. Since the United States acquired Florida from the Spanish in 1821, the forced relocation of the Seminole Indians – who had been allied with Great Britain during the American Revolution – had become an ever-intensifying problem. The war also marked the height of tension between the U.S. and the Black Seminoles, and also the historical peak of the African-Seminole alliance. This second of the three protracted conflicts between the U.S. and the Seminole tribe – which, in total, extended nearly half a century, from 1817 to 1858 – was the longest and most expensive of the Indian Wars. The detachments...employed in cutting the road between [Ft. Brooke and Ft. Mellon] were visited by me, as well as the column under Col. Davenport engaged in assisting in the construction of the works on this road, and in securing and examining the country on the head waters of the Withlacoochee, Pease Creek, and as low down as Tohopkaliga and the Kissimmee.

He goes on to describe the fortifications built, as well as the countryside: The extent of this line is some greater than I had believed being 120 miles. About one half of this distance is rolling sandy pine barren with numerous small lakes on either side of the road of good water, but very difficult for wagons, owing to the yielding nature of the sand....If these posts prove sufficiently healthy to justify their occupation during the summer, I have no doubt they will be found highly important in keeping the Indians to the South, and preventing their passing up in the direction of the settlements. Taylor outlines the movement and positioning of his troops: These several movements were predicated upon information derived from the Indian guides who stated the hostiles to be in considerable force on two islands in the everglades. On the night of the 14th [word] was received approving my plan for the military occupation of the country with small posts. Deeming it of the highest importance that this plan should be carried into immediate execution in order to afford protection to the inhabitants who had left their homes, and who wished to return and cultivate their lands during the ensuing summer, I at once abandoned my contemplated expedition south....Every day’s experience convinces me that this plan is the only effectual means of giving protection to our citizens, and ultimately terminating this war – as when the vicinity of the rear line is filled up by settlers, the garrisons in that quarter can be withdrawn and thrown in advance, and this gradually force the Indians to surrender or exterminate them. My only regret now is that this plan had not been adopted at the commencement of the campaign. Some runaway negroes together with a few Indians have of late infested the neighbourhood of Forts King and Micanopy, besides the two men recently killed near these posts, and heretofore reported, I have now to inform you that two Militia men were fired at and severely wounded near the same place....I have the satisfaction to report that Capt. Winder with his own and Capt. L.J. Bealls Comp. succeeded in capturing another party of Indians (18, among whom are seven warriors) they were surprized in a hammock and made not the least resistance, much credit is due Capt. Winder and his command for their untiring perseverance in pursuing these Indians, as this is the second party this officer has caught within a short time making in all 33 of whom 11 are warriors....Col. Twiggs states from the best information he can come at, that the Indians have abandoned the Okefenoke swamp, and gone to the St. Johns and Ocklawaha; likewise that the soldier of Capt. Munroe’s Cpy. was murdered by runaway Negroes, who left the Okefenoke with the hostiles. A wonderful early Florida letter, signed by a future U.S. president. ANB (online). $7500.

83. [Taylor, Zachary]: GEN. TAYLOR’S LETTERS!! FOR REFER- ENCE, BY ALL THE POLITICAL PARTIES DURING THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN [caption title]. [Np. ca. 1848]. Broad- side, 20 x 25 inches. Old fold lines. Scattered light soiling, heaviest at bottom left corner. Very good. A broadside from the Taylor presidential campaign which collects twenty-four letters written by Taylor, mostly from his Mexican War headquarters near Monterey, Mexico, chosen to highlight his wisdom and non-partisanship as he campaigned for president of the United States. Correspondents include Henry Clay, Massachusetts governor Levi Lincoln, Kentucky governor William Owsley, and others. One example serves well to illustrate the content of the whole: “...I have to say, that I am not a party candidate, and if elected shall not be the president of a party, but the president of the whole people.” $1250.

84. Taylor, Zachary: [AUTOGRAPH SENTIMENT, SIGNED, FROM GENERAL ZACHARY TAYLOR]. [Np. probably 1848]. [1]p. Fine. In a blue cloth chemise. This note reads: “Very respectfully / Sir / Your obt. Servt. / Z. Taylor, Majr Genl. / U.S. Army.” This was almost certainly written some time in 1848, when Taylor, a war hero because of his leadership in the Mexican War, was a candidate for president. He ceased to use his Army rank after his election; several similar notes to autograph collectors during the campaign can be found in auction records. With an engraved portrait by H.W. Smith. $1500.

85. Fillmore, Millard: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM MILLARD FILLMORE TO DANIEL WEBSTER RECOM- MENDING JAMES THOMPSON AS CONSUL TO SCOT- LAND]. Washington. Aug. 28, 1841. [1]p. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old folds, a few spots of foxing. Near fine. Letter written by Congressman Millard Fillmore to Secretary of State Daniel Webster, recommending James Thompson for the position of U.S. Consul at Glasgow. Fillmore was serving as a Congressman from New York at the time. He was elected vice president with Zachary Taylor, and assumed the office of the presidency when Taylor died in 1850, just one year into his term. $1500.

86. Fillmore, Millard: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM MILLARD FILLMORE TO JOSEPH GALEO REGARDING A WEST POINT APPOINTMENT]. Washington. March 20, 1852. [1]p. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old folds, else fine. President Millard Fillmore writes to Joseph Galeo noting the acceptance of Francis L. Campbell to West Point as a cadet, upon Galeo’s recommendation. Fillmore writes: “My dear Sir, Finding among the numerous applicants for cadetships at West Point the name of Francis L. Campbell, recommended by yourself only, it has given me great pleasure to confer on him the appointment, as an evidence of the high regard and esteem I have for yourself.” Fillmore was elected vice president with Zachary Taylor and assumed the presidency when Taylor died during his first year in office. $1500. The Millard Fillmore Pre-Nup

87. Fillmore, Millard, and Caroline C. McIntosh: [MANUSCRIPT DOCUMENT, PRE-NUPTIAL AGREEMENT BETWEEN MILLARD FILLMORE AND HIS SECOND WIFE, SIGNED BY BOTH PARTIES]. Np [Buffalo?]. Dec. 21, 1857. 3pp. on 2 sheets of ruled stationery. Witnessed by N.K. Hall, and docketed on verso of second leaf. Folio. Sewn by colored ribbon. Fine, handsome document, with engraved portrait. In a half morocco and cloth clamshell box, leather labels. On February 10, 1858, after the death of his first wife, Fillmore (1800-74), the thir- teenth president of the United States and the last Whig to serve in that office, married Caroline Carmichael McIntosh, a wealthy widow from Albany. Their combined wealth allowed them to purchase a large house in Buffalo, New York, which became the center of his philanthropic activities in his later life, until her health began to decline in the 1860s. Fillmore died there in 1874. According to this agreement, “the wife shall have the full power over and the absolute control of all the property real and personal which she may own, or to which she may be entitled at the time of the intermarriage of the parties....” $1250.

Outstanding Political Letter to the Son of “Mad Anthony” Wayne

88. Buchanan, James: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES BUCHANAN AS CONGRESSMAN FROM PENNSYL- VANIA, TO HON. ISAAC WAYNE, SON OF THE REVOLU- TIONARY WAR HERO, GENERAL ANTHONY WAYNE]. Washington, D.C. May 4, 1826. [2]pp. Fine. In a half red morocco drop box. A fine letter in which the future president discusses candidly the prospects of the candidates in the 1828 presidential election. Writing to his fellow Congressman from Pennsylvania, Isaac Wayne (son of General Anthony Wayne), Buchanan writes: ...I think...that the fate of Mr. [John Quincy] Adams in the next contest is already determined. He cannot be re-elected unless Gen. Jackson should in the mean time die or be rendered unable to discharge the duties of President. We have no reason to apprehend either of these events; as his health is now much better than it has been for several years. Doubt no longer rest upon the course which will be pursued by Virginia, North Carolina & Georgia. New York will without doubt be hostile to the re-election of Mr. Adams; and if it has not yet, like the three States I have mentioned, taken any decided course, it is on account of their local politics. Jackson has nothing to fear from Adams in that State; though it is possible Clinton may give him trouble. Conjecture is busy upon the subject, who will be the successor of Mr. King? Some think it will be Mr. Webster whilst others say Mr. Brown will be sent to England & Mr Gallatin take his station at Paris. I have no data on which to form an opinion. – The whole course of the administration has proved that every appointment is made either with a view of rewarding past services or of obtaining new friends. Mr. Clay is, between you & myself, the President.... This is the earliest Buchanan letter to appear, the earliest in ABPC being 1828. $6000.

89. Buchanan, James: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES BUCHANAN TO JOSEPH B. WELSH, STAUNCHLY DEFENDING HIS LOYALTY TO THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY]. Bedford Springs, Pa. Aug. 9, 1838. [2]pp. Quarto. Light to moderate soiling. Very good. In a tan half morocco and cloth clamshell case, spine gilt. Letter written by James Buchanan to Joseph B. Welsh denying accusations that he made anti-Democratic statements and clarifying his early political positions. At the time he wrote this letter James Buchanan (1791-1868) was serving in the United States Senate as Senator from Pennsylvania. He had previously represented Pennsylvania in the U.S. House, and would go on to serve as Secretary of State during the Polk administration (1845-49), and as U.S. Minister to Great Britain (1853-56). Buchanan was elected president of the United States in 1856, and served a full term. A lifelong Democrat, he writes: The assertion of Mr. Ewing that I, on any occasion, that if I knew I had a drop of Democratic blood in my veins I would open them & let it out, is utterly false. Under my own signature, I contradicted a similar charge made by Mr. Cox of the Convention. The contradiction was published in all the Democratic papers of our state during the last winter....I am sorry I have not a paper in my possession containing it. It has effectually put the slander to rest, so far as I know, throughout this state...At the commencement of the late war I was a student of law & a very young man. Although I was not friendly to its declaration, yet I deemed it the duty of every good citizen to defend the country against the enemy. Accordingly, the very first time I ever addressed the people was to urge them to volunteer & march to Baltimore in 1814; and I went out myself as a private in a volunteer company. The 4th of July oration so much talked of was delivered in 1815 after the war had ended. The July 4th oration to which Buchanan refers was delivered before the Washington Association in Lancaster, Pennsylvania. In that speech he said that war “is glorious, in the highest degree, to the American character, but disgraceful in the extreme to the administration.” This drew criticism, and Buchanan later said that he regretted many of the sentiments expressed. This early political faux pas did not, however, negatively impact his career. A nice political letter by this future president. $2750. 90. Buchanan, James: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES BUCHANAN TO JAMES A. CALDWELL]. Washington, D.C. May 23, 1842. [2]pp. Quarto. Very good. In a green cloth chemise. Reading in part: In regard to Mr. Tyler’s measures of nomination; I feel every disposition to support both when I can do so without a violation of principle; but I cannot approve his Exchequer project. Indeed it has but few, – very few friends in either party. As it was originally presented by the Secretary of the Treasury (Walter Forward), I considered it more dangerous if possible than a National Bank...Nothing has yet authentically transpired of the character of Lord Ashburton’s negotiations. He is very pacific in his conversation; I have no doubt he sincerely desires to preserve the peace between the two countries, but we cannot yet form any decided opinion at what may be the results...One of the greatest evils under our system is the unreasonable length of the sessions of Congress. We have now been in session nearly six months and the House have not yet begun to consider the tariff question.... Tyler’s Exchequer Project was a plan presented to Congress in December 1841, which envisioned a public banking institution directed by a non-partisan Board of Control. “Lord Ashburton’s negotiations,” conducted with Daniel Webster, had adopted a compromise northern boundary of Maine. $2500.

Secretary of State Buchanan Invites Diplomats to the Funeral of J.Q. Adams

91. Buchanan, James: [MANUSCRIPT LETTER, SIGNED BY JAMES BUCHANAN AS SECRETARY OF STATE, INVITING A MEMBER OF THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS (SEÑOR DON JOAQUIN JOSÉ DE OSMA) TO THE FUNERAL OF FORMER PRESIDENT JOHN QUINCY ADAMS]. Washington, D.C. Feb. 25, 1848. [1]p. in a secretarial hand on a single sheet of black-bordered stationery, headed “Circular.” Folio. A few small closed tears in margins, else fine. In a half morocco and cloth clamshell box, leather labels. Buchanan was Secretary of State under James K. Polk; he served as president from 1857 to 1861. Joaquin José de Osma was the Peruvian Ambassador to the United States. John Quincy Adams died on February 23, 1848. The text of the letter reads: In compliance with the request of the Committee of arrangement of the House of Representatives appointed for the purposed of directing the funeral obsequies of the Late John Quincy Adams, member of the House from Massachusetts, and formerly President of the United States, and one of our most illustrious citizens, I have the honor to invite the members of the Diplomatic Corps now in the city, to attend his funeral tomorrow at 12 o’clock noon.... $1250. Buchanan Affirms His Belief in Democracy and the American People

92. Buchanan, James: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES BUCHANAN TO “MESSRS. MANN, DOUGHERTY, SCHELL, LYONS, RUSH & OTHERS”]. Bedford Springs. July 17, 1849. [2]pp. Quarto. Very good. In a red cloth chemise. In response to an invitation to a public dinner in his honor, the former Secretary of State under Polk and the future fifteenth president of the United States, thanks his hosts, writing: Your partiality has attributed too much to my “salesmanship.” The late [i.e. Polk] administration, it is true, were almost uniformly successful in their great measures & have left the Country eminently prosperous at home & enjoying a higher character abroad than at any former period of our history. But all this has been the result of clearly defined & well established Democratic principles honestly reduced into practice. The late lamented Presi- dent was faithful to his pledges & carried them into execution with energy, ability & success. For this, his memory will be ever revered. Still it was the people who gave the impulse; it was the progressive Democracy keeping pace with the advancing & improving spirit of the age which has swept away the abuses & the cobwebs of antiquity & substituted for them measures adapted to the intelligence & the wants of our existing civilisation. These measures will not, – cannot be materially changed by our successors. Those who indulge a different belief are destined to disappointment. A people so intelligent & enterprising as ours, with a boundless career before them of liberty, prosperity & power, never go backwards. On the contrary, they not only hold fast what they have already achieved; but convert each new ac- quisition into the means of still further advancement. You may rest assured that the age of National Banks, Pet Deposit Banks, high protective tariffs and il- liberal and unwise commercial restrictions in our intercourse with foreign nations has passed away forever. $7500.

Caring for Dolley Madison

93. Buchanan, James: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES BUCHANAN TO JOHN Y. MASON OF VIRGINIA, FORMER SECRETARY OF THE NAVY UNDER POLK, RE- GARDING THE AGING MRS. MADISON, PLANS FOR A VISIT, PENNSYLVANIA POLITICS, AND POSSIBLE IN- VESTMENTS IN VIRGINIA STATE BONDS]. “Wheatland, near Lancaster.” June 27, 1849. [2]pp. on a single folded sheet of blank stationery. Vertical crease from old fold. Very good. In a half morocco and cloth clamshell box, leather labels. Toward the end of her life, Dolley Madison (May 20, 1768 – July 12, 1849), widow of the fourth president of the United States, lived in abject poverty. In 1849, Congress appropriated $20,000 toward the purchase of her husband’s papers, and in her will, Dolley left half to her son, John Payne Todd, and half to her adopted daughter, Annie Payne, appointing James Buchanan, John Y. Mason, and Richard Smith as trustees. In this letter Buchanan, having recently served as Secretary of State under James K. Polk, writes to his fellow trustee, John Y Mason, former Secretary of the Navy under Polk, regarding Mrs. Madison: I returned from Washington last night, having done the best I could for Mrs. Madison. I found it difficult to persuade her that she ought not to have the whole premium placed in her hands at once, in which event it would have been of little or no service to her. According to the present arrangement her income will be increased from $1200 to 1800 per annum for a longer period than she may probably survive. I hope you will approve what we have done. The old lady has greatly changed since I saw her last. She is now very feeble. Mrs. Madison died barely a fortnight after this letter was written. Buchanan continues on a personal note, discussing their plans to visit, Pennsyl- vania politics, and future private investments: It is my purpose, God willing, to pass the next winter at New Orleans: and I may in going there avail myself of your kind invitation to visit Richmond. I hope, however, before that time to enjoy the pleasure of seeing you here. As President of the James River Company, you will probably have occasion to visit the North. You can leave Washington at 6 in the morning & reach here by an excellent rail Road at between 3 & 4 in the afternoon; & you can go from here to Phila- delphia three times every day in four hours. I should be most happy to see Mrs. Mason & the young ladies with you. Fanny might inspect the premises. It would do your heart good to see Walker. He is as plump as a partridge & as lively as a lark. He has already got 21 cases in the supreme Court. Should a judicious selection be made of a Candidate for Canal Commis- sioner at Pittsburg on the 4th proximo, which I have no reason to doubt, we shall redeem this State, in handsome style in October; but the day has passed in penna when a Democratic nomination is equivalent to an election. The popular will must now be consulted in the selection of Candidates: & this being done, we have as large a Democratic majority as ever. I could invest about $25.000 of my own within a fortnight or three weeks & should have been glad to do it permanently in Virginia Bonds. The balance I had no interest in. Mr. Corcoran told me that I could procure Chesapeake & Ohio Bonds guaranteed by the State of Virginia at 97 or 98; but I would rather give the Bonds of the State, though I have no doubt both are equally secure.... $2500. 94. Buchanan, James: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES BUCHANAN AS PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, TO HON. CHARLES W. UPHAM, PRESIDENT OF THE MASSACHUSETTS SENATE, AND OTHERS]. Washington, D.C. May 25, 1857. [1½]pp. on first leaf of single folded sheet of stationery. Folio. A few wrinkles and old folds; two repairs to small, marginal tears. Overall very good. The newly elected fifteenth president of the United States writes to representatives of the Massachusetts Legislature, declining an invitation to attend the “celebration of the seventeenth of June [Anniversary of the Battle of Bunker next & the inauguration of the Statue of General [Joseph] Warren”: I should be much gratified were it in my power to accept this distinguished honor for which I feel truly grateful & therefore, deeply regret that the pressure of important public business will render this impossible. No spectacle could afford me greater satisfaction than to be present at the inauguration of a Statue dedicated to the memory of the first great martyr in the cause of American Independence.... General Joseph Warren (1741-75) was killed at the Battle of Bunker Hill, on June 17, 1775. $1250.

95. [Lincoln, Abraham]: [MANUSCRIPT LEGAL DOCUMENT IN ABRAHAM LINCOLN’S HAND]. Springfield, Il. Aug. 17, 1850. [1]p. Manuscript on upper half of recto. Light fold lines and minor edge wear. Near fine. A legal form executed entirely in Abraham Lincoln’s hand save for the signature. Lincoln’s script reads: Office of the Register of the Land Office at Springfield, Illinois. August 17th, 1850. I, Turner R. King, Register of the Land Office aforesaid do hereby certify that Section N°. Twentyfive in Township N°. Twentyfour North, of Range N°. Four West of the Third Principal Meridian, was purchased entire, of the Gov- ernment of the United States, on the 2nd day of Febry. AD. 1835, by William Sampson, Jonah L. James, and John A. [?] as appears of Record in this office. The text is followed by King’s signature. Ousted from Congress because of his unpopular opposition to the Mexican War, Lincoln returned to Illinois to resume his law practice. The present form was written during the most prosperous period of Lincoln’s career as an attorney, four years before the Kansas-Nebraska Act catapulted him back onto the political stage. A nice Lincoln item. ANB 13, pp.664-65. $3500. Lincoln Replies to Douglas on Dred Scott and the Slavery Question: A Huge Advance in His Political Career

96. [Lincoln, Abraham]: SPEECH OF THE HON. ABRAM [sic] LIN- COLN, IN REPLY TO JUDGE DOUGLAS [caption title]. [Spring- field, Il. June 26, 1857]. Single sheet folded twice, uncut. Quarto. A fine copy, from the library of James Copley, with his bookplate. In a blue half morocco and cloth case. This speech, delivered on June 26, 1857 in Springfield, Illinois, was a defining moment in Lincoln’s political career, propelling him toward his famous run for the Senate against Stephen A. Douglas the following year. It came in direct response to a speech Douglas gave two weeks earlier on Kansas and slavery, the Dred Scott decision, and Utah. In it Lincoln replies to the same burning issues. A sympathetic journalist who was present wrote: “There was no rant – no fustian – no bombast, but there was something in it of more force and power than these; the heart-felt...clothed in the eternal maxims of the purest reasons.” Historians since have seen the speech as the real beginning of the Lincoln-Douglas debates during the campaign of 1858. Gerald M. Capers observed that those speeches were “...but forensic repetitions of the points they had already made....” David Herbert Donald calls Lincoln’s address “powerful,” and says that his reaction to the Dred Scott decision marked a significant turning point in his views on constitutional issues: “never again did he give deference to the ruling of the Supreme Court.” Lincoln attacked the Dred Scott decision on two bases. First, he claimed it was based on a misunderstanding of historical principles and the intentions of the Founders, asserting that the heavily Southern Supreme Court had bent the meaning of the Constitution to suit their prejudices. He noted that the Court had reversed itself on previous decisions and suggested so ill-founded an argument could not stand. Second, he argued that a decision that went so manifestly against the will of the people could not stand. Taking the opportunity to clarify his position on slavery, Lincoln rails against Douglas’ claim that those who argue blacks are covered by the Constitution “do so only because they want to vote, eat, and sleep, and marry with negroes!” Chief Justice Taney had argued in Dred Scott that those imported to be slaves, whether free or not, were not among those envisioned as “equal” in the Declaration of Independence. Lincoln refuted this, but in a qualified form which well demonstrates the evolution of his thought to this point: “I protest against the counterfeit logic which concludes that, because I do not want a black woman for a slave I must necessarily want her for a wife. I need not have her for either. In some respects, she certainly is not my equal; but in her natural right to eat the bread she earns with her own hands, she is my equal, and the equal of all others.” Lincoln also discusses Douglas’ opinions on the Kansas question and the “Mormon War” in Utah. On the matter of Utah, he exposes Douglas’ favored revocation of territorial status as a ruse to attach the region to a territory where the slavery question is settled by its inhabitants. On Kansas, he continues to attack Douglas’ popular sovereignty principle, arguing that the spread of slavery westward would undermine all of the previous compromises which had held the Union together. Given almost a year before his famous “A House Divided” speech, this marked a dramatic step forward in Lincoln’s quest for the Republican Senate nomination. His considerable stage presence and coruscating oratory helped make the speech a tremendous success. The Illinois State Journal advertised copies of the speech for sale, while at least two papers (the Illinois State Chronicle and the Clinton Central Transcript) printed the text in full. This is the first issue of this separate printing, with Lincoln’s first name misspelled; Monaghan records a similar later printing, with Lincoln’s name spelled correctly in the title. This pamphlet is extremely rare in the market. The only one we know of to sell in the last twenty years is the copy the Eberstadts offered in 1964, which we later sold to a private collector. There are copies at Dartmouth, Harvard, Brown (the John Hay copy), Cornell, Clements, New York State Library, Indiana University, Illinois His- torical, Newberry, and the Huntington. None of these seem to have been acquired later than 1974. This is the James Copley copy. The last copy to appear at auction was at Parke-Bernet Galleries in 1967. A seminal document in Lincoln’s political career. EBERSTADT 165:356. BYRD 2715. THE COLLECTED WORKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN (http://www.hti.umich.edu/l/lincoln). MONAGHAN 9. OCLC 4397573. MIDLAND NOTES 101:352. David Herbert Donald, Lincoln (New York, 1995), pp.199-202. $17,500.

97. [Lincoln, Abraham]: THE RAIL CANDIDATE. New York: Currier & Ives, 1860. Lithograph, 13½ x 18 inches. Moderate age-toning, foxing, and soiling. Moderate browning in margins. Small closed tears and chips in margins, one moderate-size closed tear in left margin. A fair copy. [See front cover of this catalogue for illustration] A lithograph political cartoon published by Currier & Ives commenting upon the anti- slavery plank of the 1860 Republican platform. Abraham Lincoln is shown being carried uncomfortably in the middle of a split wooden rail, an allusion to both the platform and to Lincoln’s backwood’s origins. Supporting the left end of the rail is a black man in simple working clothes who states, “Dis Nigger strong and willin’ but its awful hard work to carry Old Massa Abe on nothing but dis ere rail!!” Holding the right end of the rail is well-dressed newspaper editor and strong Lincoln supporter Horace Greeley (identified by a copy of his New York Tribune in his coat pocket). Greeley tells Lincoln, “We can prove that you have split rails & that will ensure your election to the Presidency.” Lincoln replies, “It is true I have split rails, but I begin to feel as if this rail would split me, it’s the hardest stick I ever straddled.” A finely drawn and insightful political cartoon from the 1860 election. REILLY, AMERICAN POLITICAL PRINTS 1860-31. WEITENKAMPF, POLITICAL CARI- CATURE IN THE UNITED STATES, p.123. GALE, CURRIER & IVES: A CATALOGUE RAISONNÉ 5478. $3000.

A Song Book for Lincoln Campaigners

98. [Lincoln, Abraham]: THE WIDE-AWAKE VOCALIST; OR, RAIL SPLITTERS SONG BOOK. WORDS AND MUSIC FOR THE REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN OF 1860 [cover title]. New York. 1860. 64pp. Oblong 16mo. Original pink printed wrappers. Wrappers lightly creased; a bit faded at edges. Small stain on rear wrapper. Some light toning and minor soiling, but generally quite clean internally. Overall near fine. In a cloth clamshell case, leather label. A book of songs to rally supporters to Lincoln’s first presidential campaign, which claims to be “The best collection of words and music ever published for a campaign.” Among the dozens of tunes are “Get out de Way, You Little Giant,” “High Old Abe Shall Win,” “O Poor Douglas” (sung to the tune of “O Susannah”), and – to appeal to the many German-American voters – “Was Ist des Deutschen Vaterland.” “The March of the Free” is attributed to Horace Greeley, “Seventy-Six” to William Cullen Bryant, and “Up for the Conflict” to John Greenleaf Whittier. Many songs are printed with music, complete with harmony parts. A splendid piece of campaign memorabilia from a most important campaign. MONAGHAN 91. $4500.

Lincoln Visits En Route to Washington in 1861: “....making heaven ring with shouts of liberty.”

99. [Lincoln, Abraham]: Carpenter, A.B.: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM A.B. CARPENTER TO HIS FAMILY, RE- LATING THE DETAILS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN’S VISIT TO INDIANAPOLIS ON HIS WAY TO THE WHITE HOUSE]. Indianapolis. Feb. 12, 1861. 3pp. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old folds. A few minor spots of foxing, else fine. A splendid detailed letter from A.B. Carpenter to his parents describing President Elect Abraham Lincoln’s visit to Indianapolis on his way from Illinois to Washington. Carpenter describes the grand procession that met and escorted Lincoln from the train to the Bates House hotel, noting the enthusiasm of the crowd. He writes: Dear Parents ...I hope soon that our government will be remodeled and that weak old men, traitorous advisers, public robbers, will have no hand in our republican government. Hon. Abraham Lincoln is now in the city. He arrived at 5 o’clock this after noon, and was received by the Gov. of Indiana at the crossing of the Lafayette Road with Washington Street. He was then escorted [through the city] to the Bates House. The gun squad fired a salute of 34 guns as the train came into the city. The procession consisted of the military ‘big bugs’ and the fire department. The city greys took the lead. They were followed by the Zouave Guards, next came the Independent Zouaves, followed by the National Guards with their band. Then came the President Elect, the gov. and other dignitaries drawn in a chariot by 4 splendid white horses, neatly trimmed with feathers and beautiful colors, and small flags. Next came a long procession of carriages and the fire department brought up the rear with their engine beautifully decorated. People thronged the streets and cheered as he passed along, making heaven ring with shouts of liberty. Mr. Lincoln was introduced and made a speech to the citizens from the bal- cony of the Bates House. I got a first rate chance to see and hear him. He is a fine looking man, and does not in the least resemble the representations of him that have been circulated all over the country. He is sound on the goose question, believes that it is best under all circumstances to hold the forts of the country. He receives the citizens of Indianapolis this evening and all are running mad to shake hands with him. Aunt & Charlie are going up there and the rest of us are staying at home. He starts for Cincinnati tomorrow at noon. Carpenter continues with some personal news before noting that two local politicians, who went to Kentucky to fight a duel, have not been seen since: There has been for a day or two past considerable excitement concerning a couple of legislators who went to Kentucky to fight a duel – Mr. Heffren (democrat) slandered and abused Mr. Moody (republican) in a speech and Moody challenged him. He accepted and choosed [sic] bowie knives. They went to Kentucky last Friday night, and have not been heard from since. A wonderful letter describing Lincoln’s progress to assume the presidency, and the public reaction to it. $2850.

“First and only contemporary printing in separate book form” of the Emancipation Proclamation

100. Lincoln, Abraham: THE PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPA- TION, BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, TO TAKE EFFECT JANUARY 1st, 1863. [Boston: J.M. Forbes, December 1862]. 7pp. Miniature, measuring 3 1/4 x 2 1/8 inches. Original printed salmon wrappers. Lightly soiled, text lightly tanned. Very good. In a half morocco box. According to Harvard’s recent Lincoln exhibition, “The first and only contemporary printing in separate book form of the historic act.” The preliminary proclamation of the Emancipation Proclamation was issued on September 22, 1862, shortly following the Battle of Antietam, and declared the freedom of all slaves in any Confederate state that did not return to Union control by January 1, 1863. A quotation by Alexander Stephens (“Vice President of the so-called Confederate States”) entitled “Slavery the Chief Corner-Stone” is printed on the rear wrapper. This small pamphlet was printed by John Murray Forbes in Boston for distribution by Union soldiers to blacks at the front lines, and legend has it that he printed a million copies. Its scarcity in institutions and in the market, however, would seem to belie that notion; it is among the rarest of editions of the Proclamation, no doubt because of its small size. EBERSTADT, LINCOLN’S EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 7. MONAGHAN 147. Tho- mas Horrocks, “Harvard’s Lincoln” in Harvard Library Bulletin, Vol. 19, no. 3-4, p.43. $18,500.

“Restoration of all rights of property, except as to slaves” Lincoln’s Broadside Proclamation of Amnesty, 1863: The First Public Notice

101. [Lincoln, Abraham]: PROCLAMATION OF AMNESTY AND RECONSTRUCTION. [Washington: Government Printing Office, ca. Dec. 8, 1863]. Broadside, 12 x 19 inches, printed in two columns on wove stock. Several faint patches of foxing, four light fold lines, two tiny closed tears at intersections of folds. A splendid, wide-margined copy in near fine condition. Very scarce. First public notice of the Dec. 8, 1863 presidential proclamation offering amnesty to citizens of the Confederacy, providing they take an oath that they “will abide by and faithfully support all proclamations of the President made during the existing rebellion having reference to slaves” (i.e. the Emancipation Proclamation). Toward the close of 1863, with the Confederate Army in full retreat, discussions in Congress centered on how to restore the Southern states to the Union. “The crisis which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is past,” announced Lincoln. Now it was the duty of Congress to ensure that all citizens in the South, regardless of race, were guaranteed the equal protection of the law. A number of competing proposals emerged from deliberations, but in the end, during his message to Congress on Dec. 8, 1863, Lincoln declared reconstruction of the South a wholly executive responsibility and “offered ‘full pardon...with restoration of all rights of property, except as to slaves,’ to all rebels who would take an oath of future loyalty to the Constitution and pledge to obey acts of Congress and presidential proclamations relating to slavery” – Donald, pp.470-71. Those excluded from taking the oath were the highest ranking members of the Confederacy – government officials, judges, military and naval officers above the rank of army colonel or navy lieutenant, former congressmen, and “all who have engaged in treating colored persons or white persons otherwise than lawfully as prisoners of war.” Lincoln further encouraged the southern states to make provisions “in relation to the freed people of such State, which shall recognize and declare their permanent freedom, provide for their education, and which may yet be consistent, as a temporary arrangement, with their present condition as a laboring, landless, and homeless class.” “Lincoln indicated that this was only one plan for reconstructing the rebel South, and while it was the best he could think of for now, he would gladly consider others and possibly adopt them. He might even modify his own classes of pardons, if that seemed warrantable...Afterward almost everybody but die-hard Democrats seemed happy with the plan” – Oates, p.371. This particular copy of this rare public broadside of Lincoln’s proclamation was received on Feb. 15, 1864 at Union Army headquarters in St. Augustine, Florida, where “Major Hay” (probably James H. Hay of the 2nd Florida Cavalry) was authorized to administer the oath “to such persons of that vicinity.” MONAGHAN 191 (ref). $26,000.

Commission Signed by Lincoln and Stanton

102. Lincoln, Abraham: [PRINTED BROADSIDE, SIGNED BY PRESIDENT ABRAHAM LINCOLN, APPOINTING ARTHUR B. CARPENTER TO THE RANK OF FIRST LIEUTENANT]. Washington. July 1, 1864. Broadside, measuring 19½ x 16 inches; mounted and framed to 24¾ x 20¾ inches. Old fold lines. Minor soiling and wear. Very good. Attractive engraved broadside, completed in manuscript and signed by President Abraham Lincoln and Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton, appointing Arthur B. Carpenter to the rank of first lieutenant in the Nineteenth Regiment of Infantry in the Union Army. Carpenter survived the Civil War and was promoted to Captain, serving with Philip Sheridan in the Indian wars on the western frontier. With the embossed seal of the War Department and contemporary docketing near the top. Very nice and framed for display. $9000.

The Program for Lincoln’s Official Funeral Procession in Washington on April 19th, 1865: The Saddest Day in American History

103. [Lincoln, Abraham]: OBSEQUIES OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. ORDER OF FUNERAL PROCESSION [caption title]. [Washington. April 18 or 19, 1865]. Broadside, 10¾ x 7¾ inches. Printed in three columns, edged with a printed black border. A few small losses, as a result of removal from later backing. Lightly creased and worn; minor soiling. Very good. In a blue half morocco and cloth folder, spine gilt. President Lincoln was assassinated on April 15, 1865; his body lay in state in the White House on April 18, and the funeral service took place around noon on the 19th. After the funeral itself, the official procession, the central act in the public mourning of the President’s death, accompanied Lincoln’s body from the White House to the Capi- tol. Arrangements had been feverishly underway for the previous three days, and this official broadside printing of the order of the procession was probably printed the afternoon before or possibly even that morning. Surrounded by a heavy black band, it lists all the persons and units involved, their place in the procession, and rules for the day. The entire procession was divided into eight divisions, with Gen. Joseph Hooker acting as Marshal in Chief. The procession left the White House about two o’clock in the afternoon, marching down Pennsylvania Avenue to the Capitol. The first three divisions were the military escort, representing all the elements of the Army and Navy. After them came the attending clergy and Lincoln’s attending physicians. Next was the casket itself, the only wheeled vehicle in the procession, with the pall bearers to each side, followed by Lincoln’s horse with reversed boots, and then the immediate family. Next came government officials, ambassadors, and state officials, followed by delegations from Spring- field and other Illinois towns. Next were representatives of various organizations, delegations from colleges, lawyers, doctors, and the press. After this came Masons, Odd Fellows, and firemen. The final division was designated “Citizens at large. Colored Persons.” Directions were given for the locations of each group forming up. Only marshals were allowed to be on horseback; all others walked. Bands were under the direction of the Committee on Music. Other particular directions complete the document. The procession ended at the Capitol, where Lincoln’s body again lay in state from the afternoon of the 19th until the morning of the 21st, when it was placed on the funeral train which took it back to Springfield. This broadside must have been widely distributed to assist the mourners on the 19th, but like all such ephemeral pieces, few copies have survived. OCLC locates only six, at Indiana University, the Abraham Lincoln Memorial Library, the Boston Athenaeum, the Chapin Library at Williams College, the John Hay Library at Brown University, and the present copy, formerly in the James S. Copley Library, but still located there in OCLC. There is also a copy at the Library of Congress. The speed with which it was composed can be gauged by comparison with the Library of Congress copy, which has a variant headline omitting “Order of” from title (this can be seen on the Library of Congress American Memory website). A remarkable and moving document, reflecting a moment of national grief probably only seen again at the Kennedy funeral. No copies have appeared at auction in the last half century. $17,500.

An Extraordinary Extra-Illustrated Set

104. [Lincoln, Abraham]: Tarbell, Ida M.: THE LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. DRAWN FROM ORIGINAL SOURCES AND CONTAINING MANY SPEECHES, LETTERS AND TELE- GRAMS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED AND ILLUSTRATED WITH MANY REPRODUCTIONS FROM ORIGINAL PAINT- INGS, PHOTOGRAPHS, etc. New York: Lincoln History Society, 1909. Four volumes. Extra-illustrated as noted below. Elaborately gilt red morocco, with gilt facsimile of Lincoln’s signature on upper cover, t.e.g., gilt inner dentelles. Joints rubbed, else very good plus. In a cloth slipcase. Each volume extra-illustrated with numerous portraits and with an outstanding group of inserted autographs, detailed as follow: Vol. I: 1) Tarbell, Ida: Autograph letter, signed. Jan. 3, 1903. 2) Lincoln, Levi (attorney general in President Jefferson’s cabinet): Autograph letter, signed. Thursday, Aug. 31, [no year]. Regrets for dinner and opportunity of “meeting the President of the U.S.” Levi Lincoln was distantly related to Abraham Lincoln, sharing a common ancestor in Samuel Lincoln, who had settled in Hingham, Massachusetts in the 17th century. 3) Webster, Daniel: Autograph letter, signed, to Joseph M. Moulton. June 18, 1844. 4) Shields, James (Union major-general): Autograph letter, signed. Dec. 6, 1849. Vol. II: 1) Winthrop, Robert (statesman): Autograph letter, signed. Nov. 28, 1876. Replying to a request for an autograph. 2) Banks, Nathaniel P. (Union major-general and statesman): Autograph letter, signed. Sat. Nov. 7, 1856. To Messrs. Little, Brown asking for copy of Mr. Adams’ work which contains the life of C.F. Adams. 3) Curtis, George William (author): Autograph letter, signed. Jan. 21, 1859. Accept- ing a date to give a lecture about Democracy and Education. 4) Boutwell, George S. (statesman): Autograph letter, signed, to Cha. F. Crosley. Dec. 21, 1876. Praising Rutherford Hayes. 5) Schurz, Carl (Union major-general and statesman): Autograph note, signed. Jan. 3, 1870. Endorsing an autograph letter of testimonial for Chester Krum from late U.S. District Attorney John W. Noble, dated Dec. 27, 1864. 6) Stedman, Edmund Clarence (poet): Autograph letter, signed. Sept. 3, 1883. To [J.C.] Derby, publisher, congratulating him on fifty years in publishing. 7) Colfax, Schulyer: Autograph letter, signed as Speaker of the House. Sept. 24, 1864. On the canvas, Brookston, Indiana, about exchanging prisoners. Vol. III: 1) Seward, William H. (Lincoln’s Secretary of State): Letter, signed, to Gen. Rufus King. July 25, 1862. 2) Cameron, Simon (Lincoln’s Secretary of War): Autograph letter, signed. Feb. 11, 1830. 3) Chase, Salmon P. (Lincoln’s Secretary of the Treasury): Letter, signed. Oct. 8, 1864. To Capt. Wm. Howard, declining leave but accepting his eventual resignation, in order to raise a regiment. 4) Fremont, John C.: Autograph letter, signed. Jan. 16, [no year]. 5) Stanton, Edwin M.: Autograph letter, signed as Lincoln’s Secretary of War. Sept. 18, 1862. To Gov. Wm. Sprague of Rhode Island, concerning raising a regiment of sharp shooters. 6) Welles, Gideon (Lincoln’s Secretary of the Navy): Autograph letter, signed. July 18, 1864. To Edward Scattergood, declining a request to be detached, but per- mitting a small delay in returning to the Maratanza in order to procure a new outfit. 7) McClellan, George B. (Union major-general): Autograph letter, signed. Feb. 12, 1884. Forwarding an application for admission to a home for disabled soldiers. Vol. IV: 1) Grant, Ulysses S.: Document, signed as president. March 11, 1873. 2) Sherman, General Wm. T.: Autograph letter, signed. [nd (heading excised)]. To an unnamed colonel, acknowledging receipt of a photograph of the recipient’s son at the hand of Schuyler Colfax, and recalling their service together. 3) Davis, Jefferson (president, Confederate States): Autograph note, signed. Nov. 28, 1869. 4) Burnside, Ambrose E. (Union major-general): Autograph letter, signed. Sept. 23, 1865. 5) Dix, John A. (Union major-general): Autograph letter, signed. Nov. 21, 1846. 6) Butler, Benjamin F. (Union major-general): Autograph letter, signed. Nov. 11, 1888. $9000.

Calling for Law and Order During Reconstruction

105. [Johnson, Andrew]: BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. A PROCLAMATION [caption title]. [Washington]. Sept. 9, 1867. Broadside, 14 x 8½ inches. Old folds. Some slight separation at folds. Minor soiling and a few small edge tears at bottom. Good plus. A rare Reconstruction broadside in which President Andrew Johnson warns “all persons against obstructing or hindering in any manner whatsoever the faithful execution of the Constitution and the laws,” and orders “all officers of the Government, civil and military, to render due submission and obedience to said laws, and to the judgments and decrees of the courts of the United States, and to give all aid in their power necessary to the prompt enforcement and execution of such laws, decrees, judgments, and processes.” It is signed in type at the end by President Andrew Johnson and Secre- tary of State William H. Seward, and headed with a note by Treasury Secretary Hugh McCulloch. A contemporary owner has written on the verso: “9 Sept. 1867. A political dodge of President Johnson, involving false statements on his part. And a picture of Secretary McCulloch, as a political cat’s paw, moved by A.J. Dec. 1868. It seems that both the above have burned their hands in the election of Grant & that their roasted chestnuts proved to be bitter acorns.” Only two copies in OCLC, at the American Antiquarian Society and the New-York Historical Society. OCLC 61073785, 191233848. $1500.

106. Johnson, Andrew: [LETTER OF INTRODUCTION, SIGNED BY ANDREW JOHNSON, INTRODUCING SAMUEL PRITCHITT TO HON. E.A. ROLLINS]. Washington. June 19, 1867. [1]p. on “Executive Mansion” stationery. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old folds; minor separation at edge of folds. Very minor soiling. Very good plus. With this letter President Andrew Johnson introduces Samuel Pritchitt of Nashville to E.A. Rollins, Commissioner of Internal Revenue. The letter reads: “Sir, This will introduce to you Mr. Sam’l Pritchitt, of Nashville, Tenn., well known to me as a gentle- man of high position and character. Any statement made by him may be fully relied upon, and I commend him to your attentions.” Johnson himself was from Tennessee, and served as military governor of that state during the Civil War. Elected vice president for Lincoln’s second term, he ascended to the presidency following Lincoln’s assassination in April 1865. $2250.

107. Grant, Ulysses S.: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED (“U.S. GRANT”), FROM ULYSSES S. GRANT TO HIS BROTHER- IN-LAW, FREDERICK T. DENT (ADDRESSED “DEAR DENT”)]. Fair Lawn, Newport [R.I.]. Aug. 24, 1870. [2]pp. pen and ink on folded “Fair Lawn, Newport” stationery. Fine. In a custom cloth folding box. Provenance: James S. Copley Library. Grant writes as president to his brother-in-law and military secretary, Brigadier General Frederick T. Grant: I wish you would send word to Adams & Co. Express office that there is a pony at the White House, to be shipped to Mr. Hoey at Long Branch, and find out when they will be ready to take him. When they are direct Richard to deliver “Little Reb” with his single harness. “\We leave here for West Point on Friday evening. I do not know when I will be in Washington again.... “Little Reb” was a black Shetland pony belonging to Grant’s youngest son, Jesse. At age six he boldly rode his pony to the front under fire at Fort Harrison to the conster- nation of his father, who thought he was safe in the rear. Grant had a summer cottage in Long Branch, New Jersey. His friend, John Hoey, was general manager of the Adams Express Co. and a Long Branch property developer. PAPERS OF ULYSSES S. GRANT: NOVEMBER 1, 1869 – OCTOBER 31, 1870, p.259. Porter, Campaigning with Grant, pp.300-1. $2500.

Grant Pardons a Moonshiner

108. Grant, Ulysses S.: [MANUSCRIPT DOCUMENT SIGNED BY PRESIDENT ULYSSES S. GRANT, COMMUTING THE SEN- TENCE OF A MINNESOTA MOONSHINER]. Washington. Feb. 25, 1875. [2]pp., plus integral docketing leaf. Folio. Old folds. Slight separation at some folds. Some light soiling. Very good. Interesting official document signed by President Ulysses S. Grant and Secretary of State Hamilton Fish, pardoning John Murgen of Minnesota who was “convicted of illicitly distilling, and was sentenced to be imprisoned for six months, and to pay a fine of one thousand dollars.” Having served four months of his sentence, Murgen is recommended for pardon by the officials of his district, and the President has granted him “a full and unconditional pardon.” It is stamped with the embossed seal of the United States and docketed on the verso. This item is tinged with some irony, as Grant’s whiskey consumption was quite notable, as was the involvement of his government in the Whiskey Ring scandal, in which politicians and officials skimmed millions off of the federal liquor taxes and into their own pockets. $2250.

109. Grant, Ulysses S.: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM ULYSSES S. GRANT TO JUDGE EDWARDS PIERREPONT REGARDING THE DEVELOPMENT OF AN INTER-OCE- ANIC CANAL]. Galena, Il. Nov. 20, 1879. 3pp. on a folded quarto sheet. Old fold lines, else quite fine. With original envelope, addressed by Grant. Interesting letter written by former president Ulysses S. Grant to Judge Edwards Pierrepont, discussing Grant’s support of a proposed canal through Nicaragua to connect the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Pierrepont served briefly as U.S. Attorney General under Grant, and was subsequently appointed Minister to Britain for a year. Schemes for a canal to connect the Atlantic and Pacific oceans had been under discussion for most of the 19th century. The two main routes proposed ran through Nicaragua or across the Isthmus of Panama. During his presidency Grant had come out in favor of the route through Nicaragua, and after the end of his term, there was some discussion that he would head the proposed company that would build the canal. In this letter, however, Grant expresses reluctance to involve himself with the company beyond gaining a concession from the Nicaraguan government. He writes: You have no doubt seen from the papers that I expect to be in Phila. by the 16th ulto. I will then be able to learn the prospects for inaugurating the work of the inter-oceanic canal with the prospect of completing it at an early day, as early as money and men can complete it. I feel a very deep interest in the work and am ready to give it all the aid I can, but should feel disinclined to have any connection with it further than to obtain a concession from Nicaragua and an act of incorporation from Congress until all the money necessary for the work is subscribed, and insured, by responsible parties....I think among the incorpo- rators should be a number – perhaps as much as a fourth of the whole – from the Pacific states. The people of that section are deeply interested in the work, and no doubt would be large subscribers to it. In the end, construction of the proposed canal across Nicaragua would not be undertaken; the Panama Canal, its rival project, was finally built in 1904-14. This letter does not appear in the published papers of U.S. Grant. $2750.

110. Grant, Ulysses S.: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM ULYSSES S. GRANT TO PUBLISHER GEORGE W. CHILDS, COMMENTING ON HIS RECENT TRIP TO MEXICO, AND ON MEXICAN/AMERICAN RELATIONS]. Galena, Il. April 23, 1880. 3pp. on single folded leaf of blank stationery. Reattached at central fold, else fine, with an engraved portrait of Grant, and the front panel of the envelope laid into a quarto half morocco and cloth clamshell box, leather labels. Just back from a trip to Mexico, Grant writes to the Philadelphia publisher, George W. Childs, founder of the Philadelphia Public Ledger: ...Our last trip was quite as interesting as almost any portion of that round the world. I hope before many years to see the two Republics, Mexico & the United States, bound together by continuous lines of railroads, bonds of friendship, commerce and mutual confidences...Mexico can furnish any climate desired any day of the year and will be the most visited country in the world except perhaps France by travellers. Grant’s love affair with Mexico is well known and documented. After Grant’s death in 1885, Childs published a memoir of him, Recollections of General Grant (Philadel- phia: Collins, 1885). A fine association. $2500.

Future President Defends the Rights of Black Citizens

111. Hayes, Rutherford B.: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM RUTHERFORD B. HAYES TO FRIEDRICH HASSAUREK, STRONGLY DEFENDING THE RIGHTS OF BLACKS AT THE ONSET OF RECONSTRUCTION]. Washing- ton, D.C. April 8, 1866. [3]pp. manuscript letter on a folded folio sheet, docketed on the fourth page. Accompanied by a printed calling card, signed by Ru- therford B. Hayes in September 1882 in Fremont, Ohio. Letter with old folds. Small splits at a few folds, with no loss. Very good. In a half morocco and cloth folding box, spine gilt. A powerful and ringing defense of equal rights for blacks by Rutherford B. Hayes, written a decade before he was elected president of the United States, and on the eve of his vote on the Civil Rights Bill of 1866. Hayes was an early and vocal supporter of equal rights for blacks, including voting rights. A Republican, he supported “Radical Republican” measures on behalf of freedmen, including Reconstruction, though as president he presided over the end of that program. The impetus of this letter was the debate over the Civil Rights Bill of 1866. The bill, which gave full citizenship to all persons born in the United States, regardless of race, was a cornerstone of the Reconstruction program. The Senate had passed the bill on April 6th, and the House of Representatives was scheduled to vote on it on April 9th, the day after Hayes wrote this letter. The House passed the bill on the 9th, but President Andrew Johnson vetoed it. The House and the Senate, led by “Radical Republicans,” passed it over the presidential veto. In this letter Hayes unequivocally and eloquently supports the bill, stating that he hopes that popular opinion in Ohio will come around to his thinking. He derides the supporters of “states rights” and asserts that “in behalf of the natural rights of the citizens all provisions are to be construed literally.” At the time he wrote this letter, Rutherford B. Hayes (1822-93) had had a career as a lawyer in Ohio, and served in the Civil War as a major-general. In 1866 he was a congressman from Ohio, and in 1868 was elected governor of Ohio. He became president of the United States after the controversial election of 1876, in which he defeated Samuel J. Tilden. This letter was written by Hayes to Friedrich Hassaurek (1831-85), an Austrian-born journalist who was Abraham Lincoln’s ambassador to Ecuador. After the Civil War he was editor of the Cincinnati Volksblatt, and would campaign for Samuel Tilden in 1876. Hayes writes: I had noticed your articles putting forward as our main issues our obligations 1st to the nation’s creators 2nd to the nation’s morals, and perfectly agree with the general spirit and purpose of your propositions. Nothing is more certain than that the defect of the Union Party puts in jeopardy our obligations as well to buy creditors, or to buy pensions to the disabled and to widows & orphans. We of course agree also as to taking care of Freedmen and Loyal men generally in the Rebel States. The great danger there is local oppression, depriving the individual citizens on account of color or loyalty or both, of the commonest rights. The Civil Rights Bill was intended to do something on the subject in the right direction. Pardon me for saying a few additional words on the subject. You say it is unpopular in Ohio. I know it is grossly misrepresented and greatly misunderstood in Ohio. The Commercial speaks of it as if it gave increased and unheard of rights and privileges to negroes, as if it would compel the schools to receive negro children, the hotels negro guests &c. &c. &c. Now please to note what I say. It undertakes to secure to the negro no rights which he has not enjoyed in Ohio ever since the repeal of the Black Laws in 1848-9 by the Democratic Party [this sentence underlined in the original]. No rights which Mr. [George] Pendleton in his excellent letter does not claim for him as just and wise. I am sure the sober second thought of the people will be in favor of the purpose & object of the bill. As to its constitutionality – such lawyers as Chief Justice [Salmon P.] Chase, Judge [Noah Haynes] Swayne, judges Johnston & Coffin of Ohio find no difficulty in it. A states Rights Democrat of the Breckinridge school whose views like the President have undergone no change may well and consistently doubt, and I do not question their motives, nor become ‘indignant’ with them. But remembering the maxim that in behalf of the natural rights of the citizens all provisions are to be construed literally, I can find good foundation for all that Justice [Lyman] Trumbull claims in his admirable speech. As to details and machinery it is just like (an exact copy) many previous bench statutes. I do not think however that we shall all go up on any issue of the sort. The difficulty which separates the Administration and Con- gress may go to such lengths as to bring defeat. This however is not by any means a certainty. Let our friends be cool and charitable. My faith is unshaken. ‘The foolish notion of states rights,’ as Grant calls it, a notion which finds power to protect our citizens in foreign countries but not within our own jurisdiction is not going to destroy the Union Party. The folly of enforcing good morals in legislation – the Sunday Laws and Temperance Laws of Indiana will do us more injury, a hundred fold, than all that has been seriously proffered even in the present Congress. An outstanding Rutherford B. Hayes letter, being a powerful and articulate statement of his views on civil rights for blacks at the dawn of Reconstruction. $7500.

112. Hayes, Rutherford B.: [TYPED LETTER, SIGNED, FROM RU- THERFORD B. HAYES TO JOHN SHERMAN]. Fremont, Oh. Feb. 16, 1885. [1]p. 11 x 8 inches. Very good. In a half green morocco slipcase. A fine letter to Ohio Senator John Sherman in which the former president pays tribute to George Washington. The powerful Senator had championed Hayes’ cause for president at the 1876 convention. He became Secretary of the Treasury in his administration and was now chairman of the commission arranging for the Official Dedi- cation of the Washington Monument. Reading in part: “The fame of Washington needs no monument. No work of human hands can adequately illustrated his character and services....” $1500.

113. Garfield, James A.: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED (“J.A. GARFIELD”), FROM JAMES A. GARFIELD AS CONGRESS- MAN FROM OHIO, TO J.A. COWING OF NEW YORK, RE- GARDING GARFIELD’S SPEECH ON CURRENCY AND FI- NANCE]. Washington, D.C. June 20, 1868. [1½]pp. on a single sheet folded to quarto size. Written on elaborately engraved stationery of “House of Representatives. Fortieth Congress, U.S. Washington, D.C.” Old folds, slightly wrinkled, splitting along fold. Accompanied by two engraved portraits of Garfield, one 16mo., one octavo. All in a quarto half morocco and cloth clamshell box, spine gilt.

...I am gratified with your approval of the general spirit and purpose of my speech – and can see much reason to hope that the attention to the subject, will, before long, bring the nation to sensible and honest conclusions on finance – The statement in my speech that to double the currency would double prices, is quite likely too broad to be practically true – You will observe that I was developing the general principle which lies at the foundation of currency – and which is likely to be ___ (?) in its application by many incidental causes. I was careful to guard my language thus: ‘...business remaining the same, doubling the currency will result in doubling prices.’ As a matter of fact, the supposed increase of currency would increase speculative business – and somewhat increase the demand for currency, so that the increase of prices would not be quite 100 per cent.... $1500.

114. Garfield, James A.: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES GARFIELD TO W.A. RICHARDSON, THANKING HIM FOR HIS CONGRATULATIONS UPON ELECTION TO THE PRESIDENCY]. Mentor, Oh. June 26, 1880. [1]p., plus integral blank. Old folds. Very minor soiling. Near fine. Letter written by President Elect James Garfield to Judge W.A. Richardson, thanking Richardson for his congratulations upon the occasion of Garfield’s election to the presidency. He writes: “My dear judge, Yours of the 10th inst. was found awaiting me at Washington but I have not been able to acknowledge it until now. Accept my thanks for your congratulations and suggestions. As I am gratified by the former I shall hope to profit by the latter.” Unfortunately, Garfield’s term was short-lived, as he was shot less than four months into his term on, July 2, 1881. He died two and a half months later. $1000.

Oration on the Death of Garfield

115. Blaine, James G.: [Garfield, James A.]: [AUTOGRAPH MANU- SCRIPT DRAFT OF THE OPENING PARAGRAPHS OF JAMES G. BLAINE’S EULOGY OF PRESIDENT GARFIELD]. [with:] [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM BLAINE’S SECRETARY, T.H. SHERMAN]. March 1, 1882. [1]p. conveying the manuscript, at Blaine’s direction, to Col. Thomas Donalson of Philadelphia. [Washington, D.C.]. ca. February 1882]. [2]pp. on two sheets of ruled paper, with numerous corrections. Sheets are brittle and slightly chipped at edges without loss; several smudges. Else good. On the death of President Garfield from an assassin’s bullet, James G. Blaine, Garfield’s Secretary of State, was invited to deliver a eulogy of Garfield before the House of Representatives on February 27, 1882. Blaine delivered his oration to tremendous applause, and his speech was widely applauded in the press. This is his initial draft of the opening of that speech, which has been acclaimed as one of the high spots of American oratory. $1000. 116. Cleveland, Grover: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM GROVER CLEVELAND TO COMMODORE ELIAS C. BENEDICT, EXPRESSING HIS PLEASURE IN THE SUC- CESS OF THEIR BUSINESS PARTNERSHIP, AND DISCUSS- ING HIS FISHING PLANS]. Princeton, N.J. April 19, 1899. 4pp. Fine, with envelope and engraved portrait. In a half morocco box. Fine Cleveland letter to his close friend and business associate, Commodore Elias C. Benedict, who rendered President Cleveland a major service in 1893 when he allowed Cleveland, while the nation was in the middle of a financial panic, to undergo a secret operation on his jaw aboard Benedict’s yacht, the Oneida. A malignant tumor was removed from Cleveland’s jaw, and the secret of his cancer was kept until 1917. My dear Commodore Your letter was received this morning. You have no idea how rich I feel, and how much pleased I am with the operations and success of the partnership. It seems to me I knew of one joint account which did not start with two fathers and end with none – as I have heard you describe their usual fate. Recalling your threats of ruin, I have felt like a giddy girl who when a good man asked her if she had been ruined, said: “Not yet but I hope to be.” And it seems I had it right. As near as I can make out, I have in the hands of the firm of E.C.B. & Co. after paying for my Trust Co. Stock over $20,000; and like every silly fellow who suddenly becomes rich, I want to buy something – that is with all but $10,000 of it. But perhaps I can wait until I see you. I am under an engagement to go to Ohio bass fishing, some time in May – but whether it will be late or early in the month is uncertain. I must keep myself in readiness to start on pretty short notice I fear; and am thus prevented from making any other engagements until the date for my bass trip is fixed. I have hoped too that if I tried the trout in May, it would be on Cape Cod.... I shall look for you early next week. Any time will suit us and I prepare to ‘harden my heart’ against you both as to cribbage and billiards, though bearing in grateful remembrance of all that you have done for me in other directions. $1250.

117. Harrison, Benjamin: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM BENJAMIN HARRISON TO WILLIAM H. CLAGART RE- GARDING THE IDAHO-WASHINGTON BOUNDARY]. Washington. March 22, 1886. [1]p., plus original envelope. Quarto. Old fold lines. Slight separation at some folds. Faint offsetting. Very good plus. Senator Benjamin Harrison writes to William H. Clagart of Murray, Idaho regarding the annexation of the panhandle of Idaho into Washington Territory. Harrison was chairman of the U.S. Senate Committee on Territories at the time. The letter reads: “Dear Sir: Your letter of the 10th inst. in relation to the House bill annexing the Panhandle of Idaho to Washington Territory has been received and I have handed the same to the sub-committee that has charge of the matter. I introduced in the Senate the other day the amended bill you refer to and it is now before our Committee.” Washington Territory encompassed the area that would become the state of Idaho until 1889, when Washington became the forty-second state in the Union. Idaho was admitted as a state the following year. $1250.

President Benjamin Harrison on Tour in the West

118. [Harrison, Benjamin]: [ARCHIVE OF TWENTY-THREE PIECES OF PRINTED EPHEMERA FROM PRESIDENT BENJAMIN HARRISON’S TRIP ACROSS THE COUNTRY BY TRAIN]. [Various places, mostly California]. 1891. Twenty-three pieces, detailed below. Overall, very good. A unique archive of printed ephemera from President Benjamin Harrison’s epic cross- country railroad journey, from the papers of E.F. Tibbott, Harrison’s private secretary who accompanied him on the trip. The President’s train left Washington and proceeded to make a large loop through the country, traveling through nineteen states: Virginia, Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama, Arkansas, Texas, Arizona, California, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Utah, Colorado, Nebraska, Missouri, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. The journey covered nearly 10,000 miles, during which time the Presi- dent made nearly 150 speeches, which were later published in a volume compiled by a correspondent from the New York Mail and Express (item no. 23) who accompanied the President’s party. The introduction to that volume claims: “So complete were the arrangements in detail that the train carrying the Presidential party was always on time, and was never once delayed for repairs. Country of all sorts was traversed, all kinds and conditions of mankind seen, and every variety of weather encountered. Still nothing hindered the party from keeping every engagement.” The majority of the items in this archive relate to Harrison’s time in the West, particularly California. In chronological order, the items are as follow (condition is very good unless stated otherwise): 1) Tour of the President to the Pacific Coast, April 14th to May 16th, 1891. Itinerary. [8]pp. plus folding map. Booklet containing President Harrison’s planned itinerary for the entirety of his journey. It includes stops in nineteen states and territories, covers four time zones, and totals 9,232 miles. The itinerary notes the arrival and departure time for each location, as well as the population as of the 1890 Census. The map is titled the same as the booklet and shows the route of the President’s train. 2) [Menu for April 17, 1891, Aboard the Pullman Dining Car “Coronado”]. April 17, 1891. [1]p., printed on a thick card. A few light fingerprints, else very good. 3) A Happy Greeting! In San Diego, California.... 2pp. on a folded card, measuring 5¼ x 4½ inches. Printed in red, blue, and gold. A wonderful and remarkable welcome souvenir, prepared by the black population of San Diego: “In behalf of our race, we, the colored people of San Diego, with a firm reliance upon Divine Providence for his care for us as American Citizens, in the full construction of its meaning, hail this greeting with a firmness that this con- tinent is the land of a free people. Our Declaration of Independence and Con- stitution is the text book of freedom – the bible of the rights of man forever. The dead of our battle-fields declare it, such is the message they bring us.” Also includes a word of greeting by the Rev. G.W. Brown, Chairman of the Com- mittee. 4) Visit of the President of the United States Benjamin F. Harrison, to Sutro Heights. San Francisco, California, April 27th, 1891. Luncheon. Bill of Fare [caption title]. April 27, 1891. 4pp. plus place card of E.F. Tibbott. With envelope. Multi-colored crest above the title showing a worker swinging a pick axe with the motto “Labor Vincit Om- nia” (Labor Conquers All). Page 4 has an illustration of two sea lions. 5) Reception to the President and Mrs. Harrison. Palace Hotel, San Francisco. April 27, 1891. [1]p., 5 x 6 inches, printed on silk. With a plain envelope. Dinner to take place from nine to eleven o’clock. 6) [Printed Seating Arrangement for the Above-Mentioned Dinner, Completed in Manu- script]. [1]p., 4¼ x 6 inches, printed on a stiff card. Shows the seat of Mr. E.F. Tibbott for the dinner at the Palace Hotel. 7) To Meet the President & Mrs. Harrison, Mr. & Mrs. Leland Stanford Request the Pleasure of Your Company...[engraved invitation]. April 28, 1891. [1]p. To take place at the southwest corner of California and Powell streets, San Francisco. 8) Concert of Welcome Tendered to Hon. Benjamin Harrison, President of the United States, by the Hon. Senator and Mrs. Leland Stanford, at Their Residence.... April 29, 1891. [1]p., printed on a thick card. Printed program; music performed by the Uni- versity Brass Band of Mayfield, Ca. 9) [Ornate, Full-Color Menu for the Hotel Del Monte in Monterey]. April 30, 1891. 4pp. Stiff printed wrappers, stitched with a thick red, white, and blue cord. The front cover has Harrison’s portrait set in an oval and crested with an American flag and a perched eagle, the whole nestled in a backdrop of picturesque California scenery. An extensive wine list and the menu occupy the two inner pages. J.M. Rusk, Harrison’s Secretary of Agriculture, has signed the first page, and there are three signatures on the final page, including that of Mary Scott Dimmick, who became Harrison’s second wife. Tibbott’s handcolored place card is also included. 10) [Engraved Admission Ticket for a Banquet at the Palace Hotel in San Francisco]. May 1, 1891. [1]p. No. 120, completed in manuscript with Tibbott’s name. 11) [Invitation to a Reception at the Union League Club in San Francisco]. May 2, 1891. [1]p. on a folded leaf. With a plain envelope and Tibbott’s admission ticket. From 8 to 10 p.m. 12) [Engraved Invitation to a Banquet at the Palace Hotel, Tendered by the Citizen’s of San Francisco in the President’s Honor]. May 2, 1891. [1]p. on a stiff card. Completed in manuscript with Tibbott’s name. With a plain envelope. Beginning at 7 o’clock. 13) [Menu for Dinner at “The Portland” in Portland, Oregon]. May 5, 1891. [1]p. on heavy paper. Printed in red with gilt and glitter decoration in top left corner. 14) Souvenir Programme. President Harrison’s Reception, May 6th, 1891. Seattle, Washington [cover title]. May 6, 1891. 4pp., measuring 4 x 5½, printed on a folded piece of silk. In a folded leather cover. Contains the President’s itinerary while in Seattle; with Harrison’s portrait printed on the first page. 15) Reception to the President. Seattle, Washington. May 6, 1891 [cover title]. May 6, 1891. 4pp., measuring 5 x 4 inches, printed on a folded card. Original albumen photograph (2 x 3 inches) showing Washington State scenery mounted to front cover. With a plain envelope and an admission ticket. Contains the program for the President’s reception and signed by the Chairman of the Committee, William R. Bentley. 16) Itinerary. The President’s Special Train. Denver & Rio Grande, May 1891 [cover title]. May 9-12, 1891. 4pp. in printed wrappers. Contains the President’s itinerary for the journey from Salt Lake City to Denver aboard the Denver & Rio Grande Railroad line. Includes the elevation for each destination. 17) [Menu for Dinner at the Antlers in Colorado Springs]. May 11, 1891. [1]p., printed on green silk and mounted on a stiff green card. A few light water stains, else very good. Vignette of the U.S. Signal Station at the summit of Pike’s Peak at the top of the menu; handcolored American flag painted on card at top left corner. 18) [Dinner Menu for May 13, 1891, Aboard the Pullman Dining Car “Coronado”]. May 13, 1891. [1]p., printed on a thick card. Minor soiling, else very good. 19) [Dinner Menu for May 14, 1891, Aboard the Pullman Dining Car “Coronado”]. May 14, 1891. [1]p., printed on a thick card. Minor soiling, one corner bent, else very good. 20) [Final Au Revoir Dinner Menu for May 15, 1891, Aboard the Pullman Dining Car “Coronado”]. May 15, 1891. [2]pp. Stiff printed wrappers, tied with a red, white, and blue cord. Final menu for the President’s journey. The cover is printed with portraits of President and Mrs. Harrison, floating over an image of the Capitol and watched over by a woman personifying America. 21) [Typed Letter, Signed, from William R. Worrall to E.F. Tibbott Regarding a Pre- sentation Copy of a Volume of the President’s Speeches]. Sept. 29, 1891. [1]p. Folio. Old fold lines. Minor soil. Very good. William R. Worrall at the Mail and Express in New York City forwards a presentation copy of John S. Shriver’s compilation of Harrison’s speeches from the cross-country train trip. 22) [Albumen Photograph of Benjamin Harrison with a Baby]. [nd]. 4½ x 3½ inches. 23) Through the South and West with the President. April 14 – May 15, 1891. The Only Complete and Authorized Collection of President Harrison’s Great and Eloquent Speeches Made During the Tour. Compiled by John S. Shriver. New York. 1891. xvi,152pp. plus folding map. Folio. Original printed wrappers. Wrappers chipped and dampstained. Spine broken. Text lightly dampstained. Corner of last page torn away, not affecting text. Map detached and with a few small tears. A fair copy. This volume of the President’s speeches, referred to in item no. 21, is marked as “Presen- tation Copy” on the front cover. The map shows the route of the President’s trip across the country. A wonderful collection of memorabilia from this presidential journey. $3750.

119. McKinley, William: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED (“WM McKINLEY JR. McK”), FROM WILLIAM McKINLEY TO HIS SISTER, ANNIE McKINLEY GARFIELD, FROM CAMP DURING THE CIVIL WAR]. Camp Ewing, Va. Oct. 27, 1861. 4pp. in ink, on rectos and versos of single sheet of ruled stationery. Quarto. A few splits at old folds, some staining, mostly to final page. Else good. In a clamshell box. A truly remarkable and intimate letter from the eighteen-year-old McKinley, written to his sister during the Civil War. McKinley, who was to become the twenty-fifth president of the United States, responds in wonderful detail to his sister’s queries about living conditions in camp: You ask me if my immediate wants are supplied and if I am in need of clothing to make me comfortable? In answer I will say am well provided, the following is a list of my clothing. Two Blouses (coats). Two prs. Pants, Three shirts, two prs drawers, one pr Boots, one pr shoes, three prs socks, one large, heavy over- coat, three Blankets, two undershirts and last of all a pr of white mittens made by Mother’s own hands, which she in the heat of summer when I left for Camp Chase put in my Carpet sack. I tell you I would not take a fortune for them, mainly on account of their being knit by Mother, and of their present and future utility. The above believe is a correct statement of my wardrobe with the ex- ception of a Cap, which I forgot to mention...... The question is oft asked Are not the soldiers tired of the service and anxious to return home? For my own part, when I left home I thought my country needed my services. Today I think she is in greater need of it and consequently I have no desire to return to my civil occupation, when my country is bleeding from a “thrust” made by inborn Traitors. Much as I love home and its blessed associations, my native country, the Government that gave me birth, freedom and education shall not be destroyed, if my services can assist to prevent it. What is home worth without a Government? What is life worth without freedom to enjoy it? Not once since I came into the service have I regretted that I ever volunteered, but rather been proud of it.... According to the American National Biography, when the Civil War broke out, “...McKinley was the first man in Poland, Ohio, to volunteer. He joined the Twenty- third Ohio Infantry, which was commanded by Rutherford B. Hayes. During the fighting at Antietam in 1862, McKinley displayed bravery in combat when he brought food and coffee to his regiment under heavy enemy fire....” Letters from the mature McKinley are not unusual; letters of this vintage, however, and with such content, are of the utmost rarity. $7500.

120. McKinley, William: [DOCUMENT, SIGNED BY PRESIDENT WILLIAM McKINLEY, AUTHORIZING THE USE OF THE OFFICIAL SEAL OF THE UNITED STATES ON A LETTER TO QUEEN VICTORIA]. Washington. July 15, 1897. [1]p., plus docketing leaf. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old folds, negligible soiling, else fine. An order signed by President William McKinley, authorizing the Secretary of State “to cause the Seal of the United States to be affixed to the envelope containing my reply to the letter of the Queen of Great Britain announcing the birth of a Princess.” Par- tially printed, the document is completed in typescript and signed by McKinley. It is likely that the announcement was for Mary, Princess Royal and Countess of Harewood (1897-1965), Queen Victoria’s great-granddaughter and daughter of King George V. $1000.

Inscribed by the Dedicatee

121. Roosevelt, Theodore: HUNTING TRIPS OF A RANCHMAN; SKETCHES OF SPORT ON THE NORTHERN CATTLE PLAINS. New York & London: Putnam, 1885. [16],318pp. plus plates, including proof impressions of etchings by R. Swain Gifford and J.C. Beard. Frontispiece. Quarto. Original gilt pictorial cloth. Spine ends a bit frayed. Oc- casional light foxing in margins of a few plates. Small book label on front pastedown. Just about very good. Inscribed on the front fly leaf: “With Kind regards / to / G. ?? Esq. / from E.R.” Probably by Roosevelt’s brother Elliott, to whom Teddy dedicated the book. This is the very uncommon “Medora Edition,” limited to 500 numbered copies, constituting the actual first edition. The trade edition did not appear until the following year. One of Roosevelt’s most popular publications, this is one of the two books he wrote based on his experiences as a rancher in the Dakotas in the 1880s. ADAMS HERD 1949. MERRILL ARISTOCRAT. HOWES R430, “aa.” GRAFF 3560. SIX SCORE 93 (note). $1750.

With Original Manuscript Leaf

122. Roosevelt, Theodore: THE WINNING OF THE WEST. New York. 1900. Four volumes. xxvii,[3],352; vii,[3],427; ix,[3]339; xi,[3],363pp. plus five folding maps and 103 plates, as called for. Contemporary crushed hunter green morocco, ornately gilt, gilt inner dentelles, burgundy suede endpapers. Very minor wear to spine ends, spines faintly scuffed. Bottom right corner of last third of text in first volume lightly dampstained, only affecting a small portion of text, not affecting illustrations, else internally bright and clean. A beautiful set. The “Boone” edition of Roosevelt’s greatest historical work, limited to 200 copies, with a leaf of the manuscript entirely in Roosevelt’s hand inserted. The manuscript leaf contained in this copy reads (in part and with several corrections and cross-outs): Horses and cattle brought into the new settlement in some number during the year; but the savages killed or drove off most of them. The loss of the milch cows was severely felt by the women. Moreover there were heavy freshets, flooding the low bottom on which the corn had been planted and destroying most of the crop. The “West” in this book is the trans-Appalachian frontier from the French and In- dian War through the end of the 18th century, but the work certainly embodies the attitudes toward expansion which Roosevelt demonstrated after he became president, the year after the publication of this set. One of the prolific author-president’s most famous works, in its most elegant format, with original manuscript. HOWES R433. BRADFORD 4701. $15,000.

TR Approves Appropriations for a Cherokee Insane Asylum

123. Roosevelt, Theodore: [DOCUMENT, SIGNED AS U.S. PRESI- DENT (“T. ROOSEVELT”), APPROVING AN ACT PASSED BY THE CHEROKEE NATION APPROPRIATING FUNDS FOR THE CHEROKEE NATIONAL INSANE ASYLUM]. [with:] [A COPY OF THE ACT ITSELF (“SENATE BILL NUM- BER 9”)]. Talequah, Indian Territory; Washington, D.C. Jan. 8, 1903; Nov. 2, 1902. [1]; [1]p. Folio. Approval document splitting along fold, one edge a bit ragged. Else good. Tahlequah, the capital of the Cherokee Nation, was established as the seat of the government of the Cherokee Nation in 1841, and in the decade following the Civil War the Cherokee Nation Insane Asylum was created. Under the terms of an Act of U.S. Congress of March 3, 1901, the National Council was required to submit all appropriations for presidential approval. With this document TR approves the appropriation of $3,661.28 “out of any money belonging to the Insane Asylum Fund” for 1903. Both documents are signed by T.M. Buffington, Principal Chief of the Chero- kee Nation. $2500.

The Emperor’s New Clothes

124. Roosevelt, Theodore: [TYPED LETTER, SIGNED, FROM THEODORE ROOSEVELT TO THOMAS W. SYKES OF THE NORTH ADAMS MANUFACTURING COMPANY, ACCEPT- ING A PROPOSED GIFT OF CLOTH FOR HIS INAUGURA- TION SUIT]. Washington, D.C. Dec. 22, 1904. [1]p. on White House stationery, with original mailing envelope. Old fold, minor soiling at one edge. Very good. In a cloth folding case, morocco label. Theodore Roosevelt, after his successful presidential campaign and election to a second term, attends to a practical matter connected with his inauguration, and accepts the gift without hesitation: My dear Mr. Sykes I have received your letter of the 20th instant, stating that you had made the cloth for the inauguration suits of Messrs. Garfield, Harrison and McKinley, and that you wished to give me the cloth for a similar suit. I accept it with the utmost pleasure. Will you please send the material to M. Rock, Tailor, 315 Fifth Avenue, New York, who will make it up for me! With renewed thanks, believe me, Sincerely yours, [Signed:] Theodore Roosevelt The donor of the cloth was Thomas W. Sykes (1842-1909), a native of Yorkshire who came to Massachusetts as a child and worked in the woolen mills around Adams. He was trained as a dyer, rose to the position of boss dyer, and became general manager of the North Adams Manufacturing Company in 1873. A fine letter, boldly signed. $2500.

125. Roosevelt, Theodore: Taft, William Howard: [PRINTED DOCU- MENT, SIGNED BY THEODORE ROOSEVELT AND WILL- IAM HOWARD TAFT, APPOINTING EDGAR RUSSEL AS MAJOR IN THE SIGNAL CORPS]. Washington. Dec. 20, 1904. Broadside, 19½ x 15¾ inches; mounted and framed to 24½ x 20½ inches. Mi- nor soiling. Near fine. Attractive engraved broadside, completed in manuscript and signed by President Theodore Roosevelt and Secretary of War William Howard Taft, appointing Edgar Russel to the rank of Major in the Signal Corps. With the embossed seal of the War Department at the bottom, and contemporary docketing near the top edge. After serving as Roosevelt’s Secretary of War, Taft would be elected to the presidency himself in 1909. Very nice, mounted and framed for display. $2000.

TR to A.H. Lewis on public opinion: “I want to see you mould it right”

126. Roosevelt, Theodore: [COLLECTION OF TWELVE TYPED LETTERS, SIGNED, FROM THEODORE ROOSEVELT TO ALFRED HENRY LEWIS]. Washington, D.C. & New York. 1904- 1907, 1909, 1910. [14]pp. Ten letters on White House letterhead, last two on Roosevelt’s letterhead at The Outlook. Old folds, a few small stains. Fine. In a half morocco folding box. A fine group of letters from Theodore Roosevelt as president to American journalist and author Alfred Henry Lewis (1857-1914) on literary and political subjects. Lewis, whose close ties to the papers of William Randolph Hearst in the 1890s earned him a reputation as Hearst’s “hatchet man,” had a long connection to Roosevelt. Topics include books by Lewis and Bat Masterson, and in several of the letters Roosevelt writes frankly about political corruption and other issues of enduring interest. “Theodore Roosevelt, who was a civil-service commissioner when Lewis met him in 1893, read Lewis’s early Wolfville stories, encouraged him to publish a book-length collection of them, and even persuaded Frederic Remington to provide illustrations.” Lewis was prolific in the first years of the 20th century. His novel, The Throwback: A Romance of the Southwest (1907), “is significant mainly for helping another western stereotype evolve: the eastern tenderfoot who develops into a western veteran...a political novel (The President [1904]); books about historical figures (Andrew Jackson, Aaron Burr, John Paul Jones);...a 1901 biography of Tammany Hall boss Richard Croker; and for good measure a novel based on Croker (The Boss, and How He Came to Rule New York [1903]). Lewis also edited a 1906 book of Theodore Roosevelt’s 1901-1905 messages and speeches” (ANB). The collection comprises the following letters from Roosevelt to Lewis: 1) January 19, 1904. Acknowledging receipt of a signed copy of The Boss. 2) January 26, 1904: “‘The Boss’ I like, but think it very much too cynical and pes- simistic – unwarrantably so; which I shall explain to you when next we meet!” 3) April 3, 1904: “How much I appreciate that letter of Andrew Jackson. No gift could please me more.” 4) September 7, 1904. Typed heading: Oyster Bay, N.Y. Regarding an article in Success: “I am perfectly well aware that I do not deserve what you have said...you portray me as having done the things I have at least in good faith striven to do.” 5) November 9, 1904. After his election: “I want you to understand that I appreciate what you have done.” With a note in ink below: “I got a telegram of congratulations from Tom O’Rourke.” O’Rourke was a boxing promoter. 6) December 6, 1904. Concerning a proposed appointment for Townsend: “it is he who is benefited by being in the diplomatic service – not the diplomatic service that has been benefited by him.” 7) February 17, 1906. [1½]pp. A substantial letter assessing articles in Cosmopolitan: “So far as in one article or another corruption are attacked, the attack has my heartiest sympathy and commendation; but hysteria and sensation never do any permanent good...I believe that you are one of the men who mould public opinion and I want to see you mould it right.” 8) May 9, 1906. Acknowledging receipt of The Throwback: “I only hope I shall find it as interesting as ‘Sunset Trail.’ If so, I shall be in luck. I had Bat down at lunch the other day.” Sunset Trail is a novel based on the life of Bat Masterson. 9) July 27, 1907. Typed heading: Oyster Bay, N.Y. [2]pp. A substantial letter discussing the removal of New Mexico Territory governor Herbert James Hagerman (“young Hagerman”): “I thought him an honest but foolish man, altho I had always heard that his father had a shady side to his character”; and the appointment of George Curry: “You can find out all about him from Bat Masterson, as he was one of Bat’s deputies in the old days at Dodge City....” 10) September 2, 1907. Praising an editorial, and continuing: “...a good deal of danger of just what your Colorado friend feared, that is, of the machine here and there professing to be for me, with the intention of really turning up for somebody else of a reactionary stamp when the opportunity comes.” 11) March 12, 1909 from The Outlook. Acknowledging a letter and wishing good luck. 12) December 2, 1910 from The Outlook. Declining an invitation. An outstanding collection of material displaying the wide range of Roosevelt’s interests and concerns. $17,500.

TR on Disenfranchisement of Soldiers: Wilson “misinformed”

127. Roosevelt, Theodore: [TYPED LETTER, SIGNED, FROM THEODORE ROOSEVELT TO E.B. JOHNS OF THE Army Gazette, ON THE EFFECTIVE DISENFRANCHISEMENT OF U.S. SOLDIERS ON THE BATTLEFRONTS]. New York. Oct. 18, 1918. [2]pp., approximately 275 words, twelve holograph corrections, on Roosevelt’s letterhead for the Kansas City Star. Quarto. Old folds (two small holes along central fold of p.[2] in blank area), some toning of paper stock, fad- ing of ink correction on first page. Else fine. With a pictorial silk ribbon portrait of Roosevelt from the National Ribbon Co., Paterson, N.J. In a custom cloth folding case. Theodore Roosevelt writes E.B. Johns at the Army Gazette in this fine, testy letter from late in Roosevelt’s life, after the death of his youngest son, shot down over German- occupied France in 1918, when he paid close attention to the welfare of serving soldiers: I most heartily and cordially join with you in your appeal to the President to secure efficient action to do away with the disenfranchisement of American soldiers on the battlefronts. The President recently made an appeal for enfran- chising women, on the ground that such enfranchisement was demanded as a war measure, and in the course of his speech he stated, as a justification for demanding votes for women, that it would be intolerable to submit to the disenfranchisement of our soldiers. The president has been misinformed, or else he has not been informed at all by those who should have informed him, as to the facts in the case; otherwise, he would have known that as a matter of fact, our soldiers are now naturally disenfranchised...I earnestly advise that the Presi- dent summon all the Governors of the States (specifically as I summoned them when I was President, in order to secure prompt action in conservation matters). In any event the national government must itself take the lead in order to prevent the continuance of intolerable injustice. $3500.

128. Taft, William Howard: [TYPED LETTER, SIGNED, FROM WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT TO COLONEL IKE M. ULLMAN, LEADER OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY IN CONNECTICUT]. Pointe-au-Pic, Quebec. Aug. 25, 1927. [2]pp. on Su- preme Court stationery. With a White House calling card signed by Taft and two engraved portraits. Quarto. Light vertical creases and paper clip impression, else near fine. In a folding box. Taft writes to his long-time friend, Ike M. Ullman, leader of the Republican Party in Connecticut, extending an invitation to his seventieth birthday. He goes on to offer his thoughts on the Sacco-Vanzetti case: The conclusion in the Sacco-Vanzetti matter I hope will be followed by no sin- ister results, in spite of the threats that have been made, but no threats should or would deter the administration of justice and the execution of court judge- ments. The propaganda in this case has been world wide and promoted by the very extended contributions of people, many of whom are reds, some who are pinks, others who are hysterical and prone to think everything wrong, and by others with criminal instincts. It would seem that the rule toward which many people are working would result in immunity for anybody who said that he was a communist, and could torture prosecutions for ordinary crimes into persecu- tions for being anarchists. Taft then writes openly about his opinions on the crop of potential Republican presidential nominees: I really do not see any way out of the national political field but to force the nomination upon Coolidge...I agree with you exactly in respect to Lowden, Dawes and Hoover. Hughes I am sure would not take it...Hoover in many quarters would not be a very popular candidate. I think he would make an excellent President....

Coolidge refused to run for a third term and Hoover took the nomination and eventually the presidency. A candid and revealing letter. $4000.

With a Fine Political Quotation Inscribed by Wilson, 1901

129. Wilson, Woodrow: AN OLD MASTER AND OTHER POLITI- CAL ESSAYS. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1893. 181pp. plus 12pp. of publisher’s advertisements. Original green cloth, spine gilt, t.e.g. Slightest traces of rubbing, else near fine. Inscribed by the author on the front fly leaf. In a cloth chemise and slipcase. A collection of essays by Woodrow Wilson, who in 1901 was a rising faculty member at Princeton. “In 1902 Princeton’s trustees chose Wilson as president. His national prominence and leadership potential promised to raise the university’s stature.” Wilson’s political ambitions grew as his attempts to reform Princeton encountered resistance. By 1910, when he resigned as president of the university, he was already running for governor of New Jersey. “Democratic political bosses saw him as a candidate who might transcend the party’s divisions, collaborating with them but also attracting support from those favoring progressive reforms. The bosses enabled him to win the nomination and the 1910 election. But Wilson soon distanced himself from them and presented himself as the people’s advocate against special interests...[In 1912,] the Republicans’ split between Taft ‘conservatives’ and Roosevelt ‘progressives’ made it possible for Democrats to capture the White House. Wilson presented himself as the people’s champion within the progressive tradition” (ANB). Wilson has inscribed this volume idealistically: “If ‘man is a political animal,’ he ought also to be a political spirit, making the polity to which he belongs more moral, more ideal, more vigorous at every point at which he touches it. Woodrow Wilson. Princeton, 2 May 1901.” A fine Wilson association, the scholar on the threshold of his political career. $3000.

130. Wilson, Woodrow: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM WOODROW WILSON TO GEORGE AUSTIN MORRISON, JR.]. Princeton, N.J. Nov. 15, 1901. [2]pp. written on folded quarto sheet. Fine. A nicely written note, in Wilson’s hand, responding to an invitation from the St. Andrews Society: “...I esteem the invitation a great compliment; my own is Scots blood...Pray express to Mr. Carnegie and the Board of Managers of the Society my warm appreciation of their kindness and my sincere regrets. Very truly yours, Woodrow Wilson.” $1750. 131. Harding, Warren G.: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM WARREN G. HARDING TO JEAN DeWOLFE, CON- VEYING GOOD WISHES FOR THE HOLIDAYS]. Washington. Dec. 25, [1921]. [1]p., plus integral blank leaf; with original envelope, addressed by Harding. Single horizontal fold. Negligible soiling, else fine. Warm Christmas greeting written by President Warren G. Harding to Miss Jean De Wolfe of Marion, Ohio, the granddaughter of Harding’s wife (Florence Kling DeWolfe Harding was a divorcée with a son by her first marriage). President Harding has dated the letter to Christmas day, though the postmark reads as Dec. 22nd. He writes: “My dear Jean: Here’s a Christmas greeting to you, with lots of love, admiration and good wishes. I hope you have a wonderful holiday time. Please express my Christ- mas greetings and best regards to your mother and Mr. Mezger.” Jean’s father, Marshall Eugene DeWolfe, died in 1915 and her mother remarried, hence the greeting to Mr. Mezger. Autograph letters by Harding as president are fairly scarce, and this example, addressed to his step-granddaughter, is particularly nice. $1000.

With an Introduction by President Harding: “Here, we are all the ruling class.”

132. Harding, Warren G.: [TYPED DOCUMENT SIGNED BY WAR- REN G. HARDING, BEING A COPY OF THE FOREWORD TO JAMES MONTGOMERY BECK’S BOOK ON THE CON- STITUTION]. [Washington. ca. 1922]. 3pp. Folio. Very minor soiling and creasing. Near fine. In a half leather and cloth clamshell box, spine gilt. Signed manuscript for the foreword to James Montgomery Beck’s Constitution of the United States, in which Harding writes: “The purpose of the National Security League to give wide circulation to Mr. Beck’s admirable lectures, upon the Constitution of the United States, deserves all commendation. To place this book in the hands of teachers and the youth of the country, is an additional effort which fittingly complements the patriotic work of the League during the war. We are accounted to the truism that popular government depends on universal education. But it is not easy to define education and determine the relative importance of the many branches of learning which may properly be the subject of study by those who would call themselves educated. Let me offer this suggestion: We live under a government of and by the people. The source of power is the people. The people rule. Is not the supreme purpose of education, therefore, to train men and women to rule? Under other forms of government it has always been thought necessary to educate the ruling class in the science of government, that they might have knowledge and understanding of the institutions which they would be called on to administer. Here, we are all the ruling class. Wise and just and righteous government in a democracy must depend upon the wisdom and justice of the people. Those who study this book will learn to value the Constitution as a sacred heritage from those who ordained and established it in order to secure the blessings of liberty for themselves and their posterity. They will come to know that the fabric of government which it created has proved strong enough to wield the power of a mighty people and to maintain the sacred right of the humblest citizen to life, liberty, and property.... He continues with a quote from an earlier address of his own on the struggle to establish the Constitution and found our fair country, and finally, closes with a quote by Abraham Lincoln. Harding’s bold signature graces the end of the speech. Harding’s manuscript first appeared in a 1922 edition of Beck’s book, which was meant to be used in schools and was reprinted many times. There is a certain irony in the President’s wish that students learn to “value the Constitution as a sacred heritage.” At this time the people of the United States were trying to recover from the shock of the Teapot Dome Scandal, in which Harding’s Secretary of the Interior, Albert Bacon Fall, had allowed oil producers to secure leases of enormously valuable tracts of land belonging to the government. The President himself signed an unconstitutional act providing for the transfer of oil reserves from the Navy Department to the Interior Department; but by the time the public learned the truth about these illegal doings, the President had died during his tour of the Northwest. $3000.

133. Coolidge, Calvin: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM CALVIN COOLIDGE TO MR. D.M. STONER]. [Washington, D.C. Dec. 7, 1922]. [2]pp. on folded sheet, with autograph envelope stamped: “Washington D.C. Dec. 7, 1922.” Fine. Coolidge, as vice president, writes a letter of advice to eighteen-year-old D.M. Stoner. Reading in full: Here is what I think is the right change. It is a satisfaction to know that you are doing well. I shall take for granted that you are glad of my help so there is no need for you to come to thank me. Now be careful of your money. It does little good to earn money if none is saved. You need some life insurance. If you will take what is enclosed [not present] and get an ‘ordinary life’ policy with twenty years settlement period you will never regret it. This would buy $1,000 and have some change left over. All you need to do is WORK and SAVE YOUR MONEY. Just two things. A fine letter in which Coolidge, in typical to-the-point fashion, expounds the virtues of frugality and hard work. $1250.

134. Roosevelt, Franklin D.: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT TO HIS LAW PARTNER, DANIEL O’CONNOR, CONCERNING THE GEORGIA WARM SPRINGS FOUNDATION]. Warm Springs, Ga. March 15, [1928]. [2]pp. Docketed as received by Roosevelt & O’Connor. Very good. In a slipcase. In 1927, Roosevelt founded the Georgia Warm Springs Foundation, with Daniel “Doc” O’Connor as his partner. O’Connor was also his law partner until FDR became president. After Roosevelt’s death the foundation was renamed to Roosevelt Warm Springs Institute for Rehabilitation. “Here is a nice little surprise – a Gift of $25,000 to the Geo. Warm Springs Foundation from Edsel Ford, who has staying here for a week with the Piersons. Both Mr. & Mrs E.F. are crazy about the place...We are (last month) breaking a little better than even....” Signed, “Yrs, Franklin D. Roosevelt.” $2500. 135. Roosevelt, Franklin D.: [TYPED NOTES ON HARRY BRIDGES; WITH AUTOGRAPH NOTE, INITIALED (“FDR”), FROM FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT TO FRANCES PERKINS]. [Wash- ington, D.C. nd, ca. fall 1934]. [1]p., with autograph note in pencil and one correction and one emendation in pen by FDR, and ink postscript in an unknown hand. Very good. Typed notes prepared for FDR, summarizing the findings of Ralph P. Bonham, District Director, U.S. Immigration & Naturalization Service, regarding union leader and alleged Communist, Harry Bridges. With FDR’s notes at head to Labor Secretary Frances Perkins: “F.P. / Very confidential / will you speak to me / about it? / FDR.” Reading: Rapheal P. Bonham, District Director of the United States Immigration and Naturalization Service for Western Washington, Oregon and Alaska, with head- quarter in Seattle, states confidentially that he has definite proof that Harry Bridges is a member of the Communist party and as such under the law should be deported. Mr. Bonham states that he is dubious as to whether he should proceed to the arrest of Bridges and with the filing of deportation proceedings. Bonham states that he has in his possession Bridges’ card showing membership in the Communist party, in which Bridges used his mother’s maiden name as his surname. This card, according to Bonham, was taken by an op- erative from Bridges’ own possession, and affidavits are available, says Bonham, to substantiate this. Other evidences available, according to Bonham, show that Bridges has planned actively for the violent overthrow of the existing order in the United States. Mr. Bonham sought information as to the attitude which the President might take toward proceedings of this character against Mr. Bridges. When it was pointed out that the action might have the effect of making a martyr out of Bridges, and aid, rather than impede, his cause, Mr. Bonham replied: “Should we permit the law to be violated because of the fact [deleted and changed to ‘possibility’ by FDR] of martyring someone?” No advice was given Mr. Bonham other than that he should consult his su- periors. To this he replied that on one occasion Bridges personally advised him (Bonham) that he (Bridges) had personally been shown the confidential files concerning himself in the Labor Department at Washington. With an autograph postscript in an unknown hand: “Bonham states he has been in the immigration service 36 years.” Bridges (1901-90), an Australian-born longshore and warehouse workers’ labor leader, emerged as a prominent strike leader in 1934 and immediately began to attract calls – fueled by rumors of his Communist Party membership – for his deportation. Secretary Perkins faced immense pressure from the anti-Communist Right to deport Bridges, but the Labor department was waiting for a decision by the Supreme Court on another case (Kessler vs. Strecker), the outcome of which would directly affect its ability to prosecute such deportation cases. Perkins’ prudence appeared like dithering, or worse, to her detractors, and a resolution demanding her impeachment, on grounds that she conspired to avoid enforcing deportation laws, was introduced in the House. A warrant for Bridges’ arrest was issued in 1938, and the case came to a hearing the following year. The government’s case fell apart and Bridges was exonerated, though the government would continue to attempt to deport him until his naturalization in 1945. Interestingly, a component of Bridges’ defense was that Bonham, whose findings are summarized here, took part in a plan to use bribes and blackmail to obtain affidavits, perjure witnesses, and manufacture evidence. Ward, Harry Bridges on Trial (1940). Martin, Madame Secretary (1976). $5000.

136. Roosevelt, Franklin D.: [TYPED LETTER, SIGNED, FROM FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT AS PRESIDENT TO BETTY PARKER OF THE CAMPOBELLO LIBRARY, NEW BRUNS- WICK]. Washington, D.C. Aug. 13, 1937. [1]p. on White House letterhead. Quarto. Fine. In a quarto folding cloth case, leather label.

FDR writes in response to Mrs. Parker’s invitation to attend the fiftieth anniversary of the Campobello Library. Reading in part: How I would love to be with you all at the banquet and relive the days when I was at Campobello and when the Library was also in its youth. I think it unnecessary for me to tell you how sorry I am that my Mother is not with you ....Your celebration is especially rare and significant for I do not know where else there exists a library where the librarian has continuously looked after its welfare from the day of its origin, in 1887, to its maturity now fifty years later...If you have the opportunity, do remember me to all my old friends at Campobello and tell them that I hope it will not be many summers before I can be with you all again. Campobello Island in New Brunswick was the summer retreat of Sara and James Roosevelt and their family. FDR spent most summers here from the age of one, eventually acquiring his own thirty-four-room home on the island. It was here, in August of 1921, that he contracted the paralytic illness that left him paralyzed from the waist down. $1750.

137. Roosevelt, Franklin D.: [TYPED LETTER, SIGNED BY FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT, TO THE FEDERAL EMER- GENCY ADMINISTRATOR OF PUBLIC WORKS, REGARD- ING PERSONNEL]. Washington. Dec. 6, 1938. [1]p. Folio. Old folds. Minor soiling. Near fine. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt writes to Harold L. Ickes, Administrator of Public Works, regarding a transfer of four employees to that agency, with their former and future positions and salaries listed. The four men in question, transferred from various departments and agencies, were all to become Engineer Inspectors for the Public Works Administration. The Public Works Administration was a New Deal agency created in 1933, in an attempt to stimulate the economy with the construction of large-scale public infrastructure projects, such as dams and bridges. It was closed in 1939, with the advent of World War II. $1250.

138. Roosevelt, Franklin D.: [TYPED LETTER, SIGNED, FROM FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT TO ARTHUR M. TODE]. Wash- ington, D.C. Sept. 1, 1942. [1]p. on White House letterhead. Fine. In a folding case. Roosevelt writes to Arthur Tode, honorary president of the Propeller Club, commend- ing his organization for its “patriotic efforts in promoting the restoration of the Ameri- can merchant marine and insuring the future of the United States as a great maritime nation.” Roosevelt explains the importance of increased U.S. shipbuilding capability during wartime: One short year ago, when I addressed a message to the American Merchant Marine Conference and the Propeller Clubs, we had just begun our emergency shipbuilding program as a national safeguard against the growing threat of war. Then came Pearl Harbor. The past few months have shown the heroic and vital part being played in this struggle by American seamen and American ships...The war demands that an increasing portion of the world’s ocean traffic must be borne on American flag vessels. We are building more ships and building them faster than any nation has ever produced them in all history.... $1750.

139. Truman, Harry S.: [AUTOGRAPH NOTE, SIGNED, FROM HARRY TRUMAN TO GEORGE SCHOENEMAN, WISHING HIM A HAPPY BIRTHDAY]. Washington. March 4, 1946. Card, 2½ x 4 inches. Older tape on two corners, else fine. Note card on White House stationery written by President Harry Truman to George Schoeneman which reads: “To Geo. Schoenman: Congratulations on your birthday 3/4/46 Harry Truman.” The card likely accompanied a gift. $1250.

Truman’s 1952 State of the Union Address, Signed by Him

140. Truman, Harry S.: [ADVANCE PRESS TRANSCRIPT, IN- SCRIBED (“HARRY TRUMAN / BEST OF LUCK TO THE TWINS! / FEB. 3, 1954”), OF TRUMAN’S STATE OF UNION ADDRESS DELIVERED JANUARY 9, 1952]. [Washington, D.C.]. Jan. 9, 1952. 9pp. Folio. Stapled. Fine. Truman’s penultimate State of the Union Address, delivered at the height of the Korean War and discussing steps that the free world was taking to halt Soviet and Chinese Communist aggression. The hot war in Korea and cold war in Europe had come to dominate Truman’s presidency, and also dominate this speech. Doubts about his ability to handle these crises were lowering the President’s popularity daily, and several months after delivering it he announced he would not to run in 1952. This is a mimeographed advance transcript, issued for the use of the press prior to the event. As a confidential distribution, it would have been produced in a very small number. Most were probably discarded after use. An unknown reporter, obviously one friendly with Truman, had the foresight to ask the President to inscribe his and retained it. ANB 21, pp.857-62. $7500.

A Signed Advance Copy of Truman’s Farewell Address

141. Truman, Harry S.: [ADVANCE PRESS TRANSCRIPT, SIGNED, OF HARRY TRUMAN’S PRESIDENTIAL FARE- WELL ADDRESS TO THE NATION]. [Washington, D.C.]. Jan. 15, 1953. 6pp. Legal folio. Fine. In a half morocco clamshell box. A landmark speech by Harry S. Truman, addressing the history of his presidency. In his characteristic folksy style, Truman begins with the death of FDR and covers virtually every milestone event faced during his presidency, including Germany’s surrender, the Potsdam Conference, his decision to drop the A bomb, his “buck stops here” philosophy, the threat of Communism and the Cold War, and his decision to fight in Korea. It is a stirring summation of a remarkable presidency, capturing Truman’s humble faith in American democracy and its eventual triumph over Communism. Truman decided not to seek reelection in early 1952. He was opposed to third terms in principle, and also deeply aware of his unpopularity; after his firing of Gen. Douglas MacArthur, whatever popularity he had had evaporated and never rose over 32% for the remainder of his term. His awareness of the general dissatisfaction no doubt contributed greatly to the tone of this speech, which seeks to vindicate the many difficult decisions he made while in office. As in many other things, Truman was good to his word; this was indeed a farewell address, and he removed himself from national politics, devoting himself to writing his memoirs. Almost from the moment of this speech, his reputation grew. The present item is a mimeographed advance transcript, designed solely for distribution to the news media and issued in a small number. Most copies were probably discarded after use; an unknown reporter had Truman sign this and retained it. ANB 21, pp.857-62. $15,000. Signed Copy of Truman’s 1953 State of the Union Address

142. Truman, Harry S.: [ADVANCE PRESS TRANSCRIPT, IN- SCRIBED (“HARRY TRUMAN”), OF TRUMAN’S FINAL STATE OF UNION ADDRESS, DELIVERED JANUARY 7, 1953]. [Washington, D.C.]. Jan. 7, 1953. 16pp. Folio. Stapled. Fine. Truman’s final State of the Union Address, signed by him, a stirring summation of the challenges and accomplishments of his years in office, and a call to unite behind the efforts of President-Elect Eisenhower. “I took the oath of office on April 12, 1945. In May of that same year, the Nazis surrendered. Then, in July, that great white flash of light, man-made at Alamogordo, heralded swift and final victory in World War II – and opened the doorway to the atomic age....” By the time he delivered this, Truman was a lame duck president with popularity ratings which had never recovered from his firing of Gen. Douglas MacArthur. Truman had decided early in 1952 not to seek reelection, both because of his poll numbers and his opposition in principle to third terms. He had actively courted Eisenhower, who as a military man had remained apolitical all his career, to run as a Democratic candidate. It was only when Eisenhower decided to run as a Republican that Truman supported Adlai Stevenson. He was thus wholehearted in his endorse- ment, although it meant the end of twenty years of domination of the government by the Democrats. This is a mimeographed advance transcript of the speech, which as a confidential document was issued in very small numbers for the use of the press. Most copies were doubtless discarded after use. An unknown reporter had the foresight to have Truman sign this and retain it. $7500.

143. Eisenhower, Dwight D.: [TYPED LETTER, SIGNED, FROM DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER AS PRESIDENT OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, TO MRS. KENNETH-SMITH, REGARDING HIS OWN RELIGIOUS BELIEFS]. New York. Oct. 19, 1948. [1]p. on single sheet of Columbia University stationery. Fine. In cloth folder. With 11 x 8-inch photo of Nixon and Eisenhower at the 1952 Republican National Convention.

...I have never hesitated to acknowledge the inescapable and continuing need for divine help in the accomplishment of any worthwhile task planned by man. This is a conviction I have carried with me since the days of my earliest understanding and which I will certainly carry onward to the grave. Moreover, I assure you that it has never entered my head to be concerned about the jeers from the godless because of acknowledging such need or such obligation. I have no concern whatsoever with such worthless criticism; on the other hand it is only fair to say that so far as I know such criticism has never been directed toward me although I frequently and publicly make statements that leave no doubt as to my deep religious conviction.... $2000.

144. Eisenhower, Dwight D.: [TYPED LETTER, SIGNED, FROM DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER TO KING V. HOSTICK, THANKING HIM FOR “THE LITTLE BOOK CONTAINING A REPORT ON THE CEREMONIES AT THE DEDICATION OF THE BATTLEFIELD OF GETTYSBURG”]. Washington, D.C. Nov. 2, 1954. [1]p. on White House stationery. Fine. It isn’t clear to us which book the Illinois manuscript dealer and Lincoln scholar Hostick gave Eisenhower, but President Eisenhower felt moved to write: “...As you point out, it is interesting and sad to note the lack of prominence given to one of the greatest utterances of all time...it is a welcome addition to the library I hope to have at Gettysburg....” The Eisenhowers had a small working farm just outside of Gettysburg, where the President retired in 1961 and where he died in 1969. He was an active supporter and Trustee of Gettysburg College. $2500.

Kennedy in Hospital 1944

145. Kennedy, John F.: [DOCUMENT, SIGNED “JOHN F. KENNEDY, LT. USN”]. New England Baptist Hospital. July 1, 1944. Signature in black ink on mimeographed slip, Rm. number “305,” 1½ x 4 inches, docketed and dated in another hand. Old wrinkles, else fine. In a half morocco folding box. Provenance: Janet Travell, nurse, later M.D. An unusual survival from the ephemeral medical records of wartime Boston. In the spring of 1944, Naval lieutenant John F. Kennedy, a decorated war hero and the son of a multimillionaire ambassador, was admitted to Chelsea Naval Hospital in Boston suffering from a lower back condition. He was transferred for surgery to New England Baptist Hospital, where, in the words of Janet Travell: “It was hospital policy that if a patient wanted the rubber sheet removed from his bed, he must sign a slip taking responsibility for the mattress. I was the nurse who had to get the signature. He grinned but signed. When he left the hospital, his chart was dismantled and the important parts sent to the record room.” The nurse saved the slip, normally destined for the wastebasket. The document reads: “Rm. No 305 Date 7-1-44 / I hereby assume all responsibility of mattress when rubber sheet is removed from my bed. Name ‘John F. Kennedy, Lt. USN.’” A photocopy and transcript of the nurse’s account accompanies the slip. $5000.

146. Kennedy, John F.: [TYPED LETTER, SIGNED BY JOHN F. KENNEDY, RESPONDING TO LOUIS RUPPEL, TOGETHER WITH A CARBON COPY OF RUPPEL’S LETTER]. Washington. July 13, 1956. [1]p., plus accompanying [1]p. letter. Folio Old fold lines, else fine. Senator John F. Kennedy writes to Louis Ruppel, associate editor of the American Weekly newspaper in New York, responding to Ruppel’s letter, asking if his son can stop by to visit Kennedy. Ruppel writes: “My lawyer-son, Phil goes to Quantico for two weeks on 15 July....I would appreciate your meeting with him if it is at all possible. He is a Captain U.S.M.C.R. and veteran of a rifle platoon command in Korea. He is with Goldwater & Flynn and is also interested in politics.” He adds: “Our other son, who is named for your Dad, is a police reporter on the Newark Star-Ledger but he ought to be a pretty good political writer by the time you run for President.” He also compliments two recent articles published about Kennedy. Senator Kennedy replies: “Many thanks for your recent letter. I hope your son Phil stops by my office during his stay in Quantico as I would very much like to meet him. I also want to thank you for your very generous remarks concerning the articles which appeared in Newsweek and Arthur Krock’s column. I am most appreciative.” He has signed the letter “Jack,” and has written at the bottom: “We expect to adjourn the next few days.” Kennedy once worked for Ruppel as a reporter. $1250.

147. Kennedy, John F.: [TYPED LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JOHN F. KENNEDY TO PROFESSOR ARTHUR O. LOVEJOY]. Washing- ton, D.C. Sept. 8, 1961. On White House stationery. Minor soiling on back, else fine, with original envelope. Arthur Oncken Lovejoy was a philosopher, and founder and coiner of the name, “the history of ideas.” He presided for years at the regular meeting at John Hopkins of History of Ideas Club. This letter reads in part: Miss Kay Halle turned over to me a few days ago two albums filled with letters from the artists and writers who were invited to the inauguration ceremonies. Mrs. Kennedy and I have had the extraordinary pleasure in going through these volumes...I am hopeful that this collaboration between government and the arts will continue and prosper. Mrs. Kennedy and I would be particularly interested in any suggestions you may have in the future about the possible contributions the national government might make to the arts in America.... $2500.

148. Kennedy, John F.: [TYPED LETTER, SIGNED BY JOHN F. KENNEDY, THANKING MR. & MRS. ROBERT C. LARSH FOR THEIR CONCERN OVER THE HEALTH OF KENNEDY’S FATHER]. Washington. Jan. 5, 1962. [1]p., with original envelope. Single horizontal fold, else fine. A brief note written by President John F. Kennedy, signed by him and with the salutation in his hand, thanking Mr. and Mrs. Robert C. Larsh of Stamford, Connecticut for their “thoughtful message.” The note continues: “Your good wishes for the recovery of my father’s health are very much appreciated.” Joseph P. Kennedy, the President’s father, suffered a stroke in December 1961. $1500.

Inscribed by Jackie to a Close Friend of JFK’s

149. [Kennedy, John F.]: THE JOHN F. KENNEDY MEMORIAL AT RUNNYMEDE. [Np]. December 1965. Unpaginated. Quarto. Red morocco, gilt, with the seal of the President of the United States stamped in gilt on front cover, as well as the initials of Congressman Torbert Macdonald. Near fine. With a tipped-in program card for the ceremony at Runnymede inscribed by Mrs. Kennedy to Congressman Torbert Macdonald: “Dear Torb – Thank you for coming – for the last thing we all do together for Jack – With love, Jackie. May 14, 1965.” Also included is a scribbled ink note on a three by five-inch card, apparently written by Senator Edward Kennedy, poking fun at Macdonald for “getting us all out and gives himself an award.” Torbert Macdonald (1917-1976) was a Democratic Congressman from Massachusetts, serving from 1955 to 1976. Macdonald attended Harvard Uni- versity, where he was John F. Kennedy’s roommate. The two remained close friends throughout their lives, with Macdonald serving as an usher at John and Jackie Kennedy’s wedding, and as an honorary pallbearer at Kennedy’s funeral in 1963. One hundred copies of this specially printed book commemorating the ceremony at Runnymede establishing a John F. Kennedy memorial there were “privately printed and bound for Mrs. John F. Kennedy.” The text is comprised of the dedicatory remarks made for the occasion by Harold Macmillan, Harold Wilson, Queen Elizabeth, and Dean Rusk. The memorial itself contains a famous quote from Kennedy’s inaugural address: “Let every Nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend or oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and success of liberty.” $2500.

150. Johnson, Lyndon B.: [AUTOGRAPH NOTE, WRITTEN BY LYNDON B. JOHNSON IN RESPONSE TO A REQUEST FOR THE SAME]. [Washington. April 25, 1961]. [1]p., with original envelope. Half sheet, 5 x 8½ inches. Old fold lines. Fine. Autograph note of Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson, solicited by Ashley T. Cole. On a half sheet of paper, which appears to be a scrap, Johnson has signed his full name and written beneath it: “Thanks much for your interest. Hope the above will suffice. L.B.J.” $1000. 151. Johnson, Lyndon B.: [TYPED LETTER, SIGNED, FROM LYNDON JOHNSON TO DR. JAMES WILSON STORER]. Washington, D.C. May 15, 1964. [2]pp. on White House stationery. Fine, with envelope. In a half red morocco slipcase. Response to a letter by Storer, Executive Secretary-Treasurer of the Southern Baptist Foundation, asking LBJ what action the churches may take in helping to solve urgent national problems: I am pleased that you gave me this opportunity to express some views on the vital question you raise as to action by the churches to help in the solution of urgent national problems...[T]he Baptists have a special place in my affections. Beginning with my great grandfather Baines, the family of my mother has been identified with many Baptist causes and I have a personal pride in their contribution to Baptist life...At the moment I am deeply concerned over the moral aspects of the civil rights proposals. I am confident you would not expect or want me to be deterred from stressing such moral elements by the respect which I entertain for former colleagues in the Congress who might disagree with my conclusions...[I]t gave me considerable satisfaction to meet with members of the Southern Baptist Christian Life Commission’s seminar on citizenship...I would suggest that one thing Baptists might do in the direction of establishing justice and righteousness in our society is to continue to support the Commis- sion and to concern themselves with the findings and recommendations of the Commission as it pursues the Convention’s mandate...I would be gratified to find stronger encouragement given by all churches to pulpit independence. The nation needs to strengthen the prophetic voices calling for compassionate and constructive action in human relations...I am confident you would agree that, having acted in many areas, we should not forsake the practice of prayer, even though as offered by some it might be “pious wind.” $2250.

152. Johnson, Lyndon B.: [TYPED LETTER, SIGNED, FROM LYNDON B. JOHNSON TO W. PARKMAN RANKIN]. Washing- ton, D.C. Aug. 19, 1964. [1]p. on White House stationery. Fine, with envelope. In a half brown morocco and cloth case. LBJ writes as president to W. Parkman Rankin, executive vice president of This Week magazine: “You are certainly thoughtful to write me following dedication ceremonies of the Samuel I. Newhouse Communications Center at Syracuse University...Thank you, too, for your prayerful blessing in performance of the tasks which lie ahead....” The later half of the letter refers to the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution which had been passed by a joint resolution of Congress on August 7, 1964 and gave the President authority to use conventional military force in Vietnam without Congressional approval. $1250. THE PRESIDENCY IN GENERAL

The Deciding Vote in the Election of 1800 Writes on the Election, Presidential Appointments, and Life in Washington, D.C.: “the greatest act of absolute Constitutionalism”

153. Bayard, James Asheton: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JAMES A. BAYARD, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM DELAWARE, TO HIS COUSIN, SAMUEL BAYARD]. Washing- ton [D.C.]. Jan. 30, 1801. [3]pp. written on a single bifolium. Old folds, two small tears, minor soiling. Else very good. In a half morocco clamshell box. A remarkable letter from the elector in the U.S. House of Representatives who decided the outcome of the presidential election of 1800, James A. Bayard (1767-1815), writing to his cousin, Samuel Bayard. Bayard’s parents died when he was young and he was raised with his uncle’s family, so Samuel was more like a brother to him. He was elected to Congress as a Federalist from Delaware in 1796. In the letter he discusses three topics of the greatest contemporary interest: the appointment of judges contemplated by President John Adams before he left office, the deadlocked presidential election, and living conditions in the fledgling city of Washington, D.C. Bayard first addresses judicial appointments. His older cousin, Samuel Bayard, had served as clerk of the Supreme Court in 1791-94 and hoped for a federal judgeship; James promised to lobby: What is in my power shall be done to accomplish the wishes you have expressed. It is impossible for me to give you any assurance of success. We know of no scale nor even principle of influence with the President [John Adams]. It is harsh to say his appointments are the result of mere caprice, but in fact they are generally unaccountable. Nobody knows who advised nor what motive induced. It is generally thought no one is ever consulted. I have spoken to Mr. G[ouverneur] Morris, but I am sure he can do you little good. I will speak to the Chief Justice Marshall who can be more service- able, I will do what I have never done before, ask the favor of the President either in word or writing. Bayard was good to his word, and on Feb. 8 met personally with the President to press his cousin’s case. In the end, Samuel Bayard was not made one of the famous “Mid- night Judges” whom Adams appointed the day before he left office, possibly because of James Bayard’s role in Jefferson’s election. Bayard then compares life in the infant town of Washington with Philadelphia, painting a grim picture of its crowding and cost: The means of sustenance are in sufficient plenty, but we have none of the elegant pleasures of our former residence. I am lodged at Stille’s Hotel with upwards of thirty gentlemen of the two houses and we set down to dinner seldom with less than forty persons. The life is something in the style of the Camp. The expense is exorbitant. I pay 23 dollars a week for self servant & wood & then there are a thousand &cs.... Bayard then turns to the burning question of the hour, the deadlocked presidential contest between Aaron Burr and Thomas Jefferson. He writes: ...We are much agitated with the question of President. The federalists have generally decided to support Mr. B[urr] and it is like upon the first ballot his will have six votes, Mr. J[efferson] eight. It is thought notwithstanding that there is an equal chance of his elevation. The State of Delaware in this business stands upon the same ground with the ancient dominion, and what increases her importance has the power of preserving the union from the terrible situation of being without a head. It is difficult to offer a conjecture as to the result of the votes of the House of Rep- resentatives. One member one way & three the other can turn the scale on either side. James Bayard knew exactly what he was talking about, for he was in a unique position; as the only elector from Delaware, a change in his vote alone would give the election to Jefferson. He had already been heavily lobbied to do so by, of all people, Alexander Hamilton, who had decided that Jefferson was the best of bad choices. Writing to Bayard on Jan. 16, he had argued that if Jefferson’s policies were bad, he would be moderate and that he was “not capable of being corrupted.” Burr, on the other hand, Hamilton called “one of the most unprincipled men in the United States.” Hamilton’s biographer notes: “James A. Bayard was the key, occupying the most strategic position of any one man in the House.” When balloting began on Feb. 11, 1801, Bayard at first voted for Burr: “...On the first thirty-five ballots, Jefferson secured the votes of eight states, Burr of six (all controlled by Bayard’s Federalist colleagues); two states, equally divided between Federalists and Democratic-Republicans, cast no votes. Thus neither contender gained the majority of states voting – nine being needed for election. As Delaware’s single representative, Bayard was in a position to give or deny the outcome to Jefferson, whom Bayard deeply distrusted. Withstanding intense pressure from fellow Federalists, Bayard precipitated a conclusion by submitting a blank ballot on the thirty-sixth ballot. Bayard’s action led one other delegation to do the same and the Federalists in two others to withdraw, thus allowing Jefferson to become president with the vote of ten states. Bayard...explained his actions simply: because, he wrote, of the ‘imperious necessity’ of running ‘no risk of the Constitution,’ he would not ‘exclude Jefferson at the expense of the Constitution.’ By acting thus to end the nation’s first major constitutional crisis, he performed one of the earliest and arguably one of the greatest acts of absolute constitutionalism in the nation’s history” – ANB. Bayard later maintained that he had personally gone to Jefferson and offered a deal: he would throw the election to Jefferson if the latter promised not to remove Federalist officeholders. Jefferson always denied there was a deal, but his moderation in this regard suggests there may well have been. Bayard stated further that he offered the same deal to Burr, who would not take it. Whether there was a deal, or Bayard simply followed Hamilton’s advice, has never been settled. If there was a deal, and John Adams knew of it, it may have cost Samuel Bayard his proposed federal judgeship. A remarkable letter from one of the key players in the election and Constitutional crisis of 1801. It is not in Bayard’s published correspondence. ANB 2, pp.363-64. James A. Bayard, Papers of James A. Bayard (1913), passim. Robert Hendrickson, Hamilton, Vol. 2, pp.527-28. $15,000.

An Officially Certified Manuscript Copy of the 12th Constitutional Amendment, on Presidential Elections

154. [Constitutional Amendments]: [Presidential Elections]: [MANU- SCRIPT COPY OF AMENDMENT XII OF THE UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION AS PASSED BY CONGRESS DE- CEMBER 9, 1803, OFFICIALLY CERTIFIED BY THE CLERK OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES AND THE SEC- RETARY OF THE SENATE]. [Washington. December 9, 1803]. 4pp. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Second leaf inlaid in later paper. Old fold lines. Minute paper loss from ink burn. Very good. In a blue half morocco and cloth clamshell box, spine gilt. An officially certified manuscript copy of the 12th Amendment to the United States Constitution, altering the system for electing the president and vice president so that individuals ran for each office separately. The copy is written in a secretarial hand, but certified with the actual signatures of John Beckley, Clerk to the House of Represen- tatives, and Samuel A. Otis, Secretary of the Senate. The 12th amendment sets forth the procedure for electing the president and vice president, superseding a portion of Article II, Section 1 of the original Constitution; this amendment was in turn super- seded by Section 3 of the twentieth amendment. It was ratified and made into law on June 15, 1804. In the original Constitution, which had not anticipated a two-party system, the electors cast their votes for president; the individual with the highest number was elected to that office, while the person with the second highest became vice president. This led to great difficulties in the elections of 1796 and 1800. In the first it resulted in two men with diametrically opposed views, Adams and Jefferson, holding the two offices, while in 1800 a stalemate between Jefferson and Burr almost caused a constitutional crisis. The amendment separated the elections, allowing persons of the same party to run as a ticket. It also changed other procedures for settling ties or stalemates. Once the Republicans took over control of both Congress and the presidency in 1801, they began to formulate plans to revise the election procedures of the executive branch. As Garry Wills has pointed out, such a plan was bound to favor the slave- holding states and the “Virginia Dynasty.” While there was general concession that reform was needed, it remained a party and sectional issue, and it was not until the first session of the eighth Congress that the proposal was introduced. Jefferson’s two primary legislative goals for the session were the Louisiana Purchase and the amendment. With the Purchase quickly settled on (in the eyes of New England another expansion of the slave-holding power), the amendment was debated in the House and Senate, and a final version agreed upon on December 9, 1803. Any Constitutional amendments in this era would have been circulated to the States in officially certified manuscript copies; this was famously the case with the first ten, the Bill of Rights, and continued to be true here. As with the Bill of Rights, other officially certified copies may have been created for other purposes. And as with the Bill of Rights, the certifiers were John Beckley, Clerk of the House, and Samuel Otis, Secretary of the Senate. With seventeen states in the Union, thirteen were required to ratify. This followed swiftly, and the amendment became part of the Constitution on June 15, 1804, in time for the next presidential election. Tennessee ratified later, and only the Federalist strongholds of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Delaware, rallying around the leadership of Timothy Pickering, refused to ratify. Here is the full text of this document: Eighth Congress of the United States at the first session. Begun and held at the City of Washington, in the Territory of Columbia, on Monday the seventeenth of October, one thousand eight hundred and three. Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two thirds of both Houses concerning that in lieu of the third paragraph of the first Section of the Second article of the Constitution of the United States, the following be proposed as an amendment to the Consti- tution of the United States, which when ratified by three fourths of the Leg- islatures of the several states, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of the said Constitution, to wit: The Electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for President and Vice President, one of whom at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice Presi- dent, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes for President shall be the Presi- dent, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the represen- tation from each State having one vote; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of a member or members from two thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice President, shall be the Vice President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Elec- tors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice President of the United States. It is signed in the same secretarial hand by Nathaniel Macon, Speaker of the House, and Aaron Burr, vice president. On the final page, however, it is signed in the actual autograph of each “John Beckley, Clerk to the House of Representatives of the United States” and “Sam: A. Otis, Secretary of the Senate UStates.” A fantastic document in Constitutional history which created the modern system of election of the president of the United States, in an original certified copy of the 12th Amendment, as sent to the States for ratification. $75,000.

The Debate Over the 12th Amendment

155. Duane, William: REPORT OF A DEBATE, IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES ON A RESOLUTION FOR REC- OMMENDING TO THE LEGILATURES [sic] OF THE SEV- ERAL STATES, AN AMENDMENT TO...THE CONSTITU- TION...RELATIVE TO THE MODE OF ELECTING A PRESIDENT AND VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. [Philadelphia]: Printed by William Duane, 1804. 158pp. Modern half morocco and marbled boards. Browning and scattered foxing. Good, untrimmed. A detailed report of the Senate debate leading to the passage of the 12th Amendment, which would require that electors cast separate votes for president and vice president. The successful supporters of the amendment sought to prevent the scheming that had marred the 1800 presidential election, in which Jefferson and Burr had received the same number of votes and the Federalist House sought to award the presidency to Burr despite Jefferson’s clear majority in popular support. The present volume follows the debate chronologically, concluding with the official proposal of the amendment on Dec. 9, 1803. SABIN 20992. COHEN 5866. SHAW & SHOEMAKER 6195. $1250. With Lithographs of American Presidents and Leaders

156. Brown, William Henry: PORTRAIT GALLERY OF DISTIN- GUISHED AMERICAN CITIZENS, WITH BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. Hartford. 1845. 111pp. plus twenty-seven plates and twenty- six facsimiles. Folio. Original half calf and cloth covered boards, gilt pictorial cover, gilt-stamped spine, expertly recased, t.e.g. Slight foxing, but mostly clean and bright. A good copy, lacking the last page of text. An interesting piece of visual biography. This impressively large-scale work is significant for its lithographs of notable Americans of the 1820s, ’30s, and ’40s, showing the subjects in full-length silhouette profile, standing, against a tinted background, resulting in effective and evocative portraits. Included (after the necessary eulogistic frontispiece dedicated to Washington) are John Marshall, John Q. Adams, Richard C. Moore, Andrew Jackson, John Forsyth, William Henry Harrison, John C. Calhoun, De Witt Clinton, Richard M. Johnson, Joel Poinsett, Alexander Macomb, Martin Van Buren, Samuel Southard, Henry Clay, Henry Wise, Thomas Hart Benton, John Tyler, Levi Woodbury, Thomas Cooper, Daniel Webster, William White, Silas Wright, Nathaniel Tallmadge, Felix Grundy, Dixon Lewis, and John Randolph. Each portrait is accompanied by another plate displaying a facsimile of the subject’s handwriting, usually in a piece of correspondence. All are based on sketches made from life by Brown. HOWES B871, “b.” $4500.

Duval Lithographs of American Presidents

157. [United States Presidents]: PORTRAITS OF THE PRESIDENTS. Philadelphia: C.S. Williams, [1846]. Titlepage plus eleven lithographic plates. Folio. Original grey printed boards, expertly rebacked in calf. Boards lightly rubbed. Occasional foxing, else images are bright and clean. A very good copy. A handsome volume containing lithographic portraits of the first eleven presidents, printed by the renowned Philadelphia lithographer, Peter S. Duval. Each oval image, beautifully framed by an ornate gold-printed border, features remarkably lifelike and expressive likenesses, highlighting the meticulous execution of 19th-century lithographic illustration. The images, which are not attributed to any given artist, were engraved on stone by Albert Newsam (1809-64), a former apprentice of Cephas G. Childs and future partner in the firm of Pendelton, Kearny & Childs. Forming a friendship with John B. Pendleton, an experienced lithographer, and Francis Kearny, a local engraver, Newsam, both deaf and mute, was able to hone his innate talent, later becoming a skilled lithographic draughtsmen for the firm of Childs & Inman, which Duval had taken over in 1831. Producing a vast quantity of work for the firm, Newsam later developed a specialty in portraiture. Not recorded on OCLC, with only one copy located by the NUC, at the University of Chicago. PETERS, pp.296-300. $4750.

An Early Drawing of the White House

158. [White House]: THE PRESIDENT’S HOUSE. (WASHINGTON) [manuscript caption title]. [Washington. nd, ca. 1850s]. Pencil drawing on paper. The image measures 5 x 7 inches (excluding caption) on a 7 x 9-inch sheet. A small spot in the sky, another in the water. Lightly tanned. Very good. Matted and in an old frame. A very well-drawn and detailed pencil view of the White House, showing the presidential mansion in the mid-19th century. The artist is unknown, but the initials “M.L.S.” and “H.A.P.” are found in the lower right portion of the image. This pencil drawing bears a very close resemblance to the English artist William Henry Bartlett’s view of the White House, published circa 1840, and may have been inspired by that print. The perspective is slightly from the southwest, with Tiber Creek in the immediate foreground. The South Lawn, populated by a few pair of people, rolls down to the creek, which is being used by boaters. The White House itself is well-articulated, with windows and chimneys visible, and it is appropriately the center of the image. The artist has also accurately captured the lush grounds of the South Lawn. Though undated, this drawing was likely done in the 1850s. A lovely view of the most famous American home. $3000.