I I ~ Tax (ed.), Acculturation in ~ Americanists, Chicago. 1952. l Tlacatéccatl y Tlacochcal­ ~éxico, UNAM, Instituto de I p. 315·328. TLATOANI AND TLATOCAYOTL IN THE ten R. Heizer, J. A. Graham SAHAGUN MANUSCRIPTS 1 J on the Emergence of Civili­ ~ the University of California THELMA D. SULl.IVAN perkeley. 1971. ~ de las cosas de Nueva Es­ Sahagun's works comprise one of the major sources on the tlatoani, bo, Editorial Porrua. 1956. ruler, and the tlatocayotl, rulership, and is surely one of the best. ~ Irn, Glaube und Sprache der His methodology could scarcely be improved upon. A'! he himself ¡Fischer. 1933. states, the process of gathering this, and other data, went through three major stages which spanned the period 1559-1569. "The first der alten Azteken. Aus ~der turf was cut", as he puts it, in Tepepulco (today, Tepeapulco, Hi­ ~ Sahagún's übersetzt und er- dalgo), where he had as informants ten or twelve elderly principales I (tetecutin), nobles and lords, and as amanuenses, four gramáticos, 2 ~ Familie, Stand und Beruf. "erudites", who had formerly been bis students at the Colegio de ~ de Sahagún's übersetzt und Santa Cruz, 8 themselves principales. "AH the things discussed they ~. gave me in pictures", Sahagún states, "which was the writing they ~. Writing: An Introduction. used in andent (pre-conquest) times, and the gramáticos rendered ,~ 1960. them into their own language, writing the explanation at the foot of the picture". The second and third stages which took place in de ~ahaguns Enzyklopadie ¡ TIatelolco and Mexico, respectively, followed the same procedure. " 197:J, 23: 347-364. I Thus, Sahagún states, " ...those of Tepepulco were the first sieve ores de la Nueva España" through which my works were sifted; those of Tlatelolco, the se­ 'ón de Documentos para l~ cond; those of Mexico, the third; and taking part in all these inves­ ~ ucci6n de Salvador Chá­ tigations were the college gramáticos" (SAH: 1956: 105 fí.) There is little doubt that as aides, the gramáticos were invaluable. They r were tri-lingual, being versed in Latin, Spanish and N ahuatl, and i 1 This was oríginally presented as a paper in the symposium entitled SahaglÍn: I The Man and His Manuscripts at the Annual Meeting of the Society for , American Ar"heology, Tucson, Arizona, May 1978. 2 From the Latin, grammaticus, an educated and erudite persono What is called in Spanish "letrado". See Corominas, vo1. 11, P. 764. 3 The Colegio de Santa Cruz in Tlateloko was founded in 1536. Sahagún was lUIlong the first fríars to teach there; his subject was Latin. Mendieta (1971: 414 ff.) gives a good account of the founding of the school and ita subsequent vicissitudes. Sahagún discusses the importance of the school and the aptnelll of ita Indian students in Book m, chapo XXVII. 226 TBELMA D. SULLIVAN TLATOANI AND TLATOe they were princiPales in whom the pre-conquest traditions of their lord", or tlazopiUi, "pree forebears were still alive. Thus, they could be counted on to com­ "jade", teoxihuitl, "turqu prehend and interpret correctly, the data given Sahagún by the quetzal feather", so~e. of native informants. While it could be argued that they may have they said, telzon, te'lztt, tI deliberately misinterpreted the data, being influenced by their rela­ cueuhca, tetlapanca, "t1 tionship with the friars, generally speaking, this does not seem to brows, chip, sliver oí nobl. be the case. Further, it is not illogical to suppose that they may "the lineage of rulers". 1 have been related to sorne of the informants. This is particularly mother, the father of the pertinent to the subject of tbis paper, which aims to deal with sorne cypress, a s~ cotton. t~ aspects of tlatoan; and tlatocayotl as delineated in Sahagún's codices. in tenamitl, In tzacuill%, His words and admonitio Book VID of both the Madrid and Florentine Codices are de­ voted exclusively to the lords and rulers and there is no section, turquoises that were SOWI no book in these manuscripts in which one or the other of the ruler's his subjects, whom they e activities is not discussed. Also, there is a good deal of important "maternal, paternal" pro material, albeit in condensed form, in the Primeros Memoriales pal in huehuetque,. "the ~ which has not yet been made available in translation sorne of which in their imamox, zntlacul will be dealt with here. they were the traditions 1 and in the huehuetlatolll The tlatoani was the supreme ruler; he had jurisdiction over every hered to rigidly. Tlatoc branch of govemment: he was the military, civil, judicial, legisla­ phorically as petlatl, ict tive, and religious leader of bis people, and he regulated the econo­ throne. It was consider~ my. A great deal has been written about the tlatoan; and pre­ where one lost one's footi Hispanic social organization, and it is not my intention to cover all the treacheries of eneInÍes this ground again. My focus will be on the ruler as surrogate of the his sub jects, be he lord or deity and its more important implications. before the tlatoani, havir The essence oí the concept of tlatoani and tlatocayotl can be the misfortune to íind tli found principally in Book VI of the FlorenlÍne Codex, the huehue­ exit. To be in the comp~ tlatolli, or rhetorical orations delivered on all ceremonial occasions, yotoc, tzdzzcazzotoc,, . "to which contained the traditions of the ancients that had been hand­ place full of nettles". F ed down from generation to generation. By his own account, Saha­ were always united. As tl gún compiled these orations in 1547, twelve years before he went quilo, nepacholo, "they to Tepepulco to begin gathering the bulk of the material for the other, embracing each ot Historia General. Since he was in Tlatelolco at that time, it is In contrast, the comml probable that his informants were former lords and high-ranking was pacholoni, yacanalm functionaries of that area -judges, ruler's counselors, and priests--­ He was also in itconi, : who survived the holocaust that was sweeping away their culture. huazco yettu,. h"one whe The metaphors that deal with the ruler and related subjects tell who is upon one'1 s ap, 1. a great deal about how he was regarded and what was expected of carried about like a chil him. The tlatoani, which means "he who speaks", that is, "he who .. For the convenicnce of tl commands", was thought of as iyollo altepetl, "the heart of the city". the Florentine eodex is cil He was addressed as tlazotli, "precious one", tlazotlacatl, "precious article are by the author. VAN TLATOANI AND TLATOCAYOTL IN THE SAHAGUN MANUSCRlf>TS 227

:onquest traditions of their lord", or tlazopilli, "precious prince", and likened to chalchihuitl, llld be counted on to com­ "jade", teoxihuitl, "turquoise", maquiztli, Han armlet", quetzalli, "a lta given Sahagún by the quetzal feather", some of their most highly prized objects. He was, xgued that they may have they said, tetzon, teizti, teuitzyo, teauayo, tetentzon, teixquamol, te­ 19 infIuenced by their rela­ cueuhca, tetlapanca, "the hair, nails, thorn, spine, beard, eye­ ing, this does not seem to brows, chip, sliver of nobles", who belonged to the tlatocamecayopan, to suppose that they may "the lineage of rulers". He was regarded as inan, ita altepetl, "the mants. This is particulaxly mother, the father of the city", as in ahuehuetl, in pochotl, "a great tich aims to deal with some cypress, a silk cotton tree", in whose shade the people took refuge; leated in Sahagún's codices. in tenamitl, in tzacuilli, "a wall, a barrica de" that protects people. norentine Codices are de­ His words and admonitions were likened to precious jades, precious s and there is no section, turquoises that were sown in the fertile minds -it was hoped- of e or the other of the ruler's his subjects, whom they enriched. These words were nanyotl, tayotl, .. a good deal of important "matemal, paternal" pronouncements and represented intlil, intla­ the Primeros Memoriales pal in huehuetque, "the black ink, the red ink, of the ancients found 1 translation some of which in their imamox, intlacuilol, "their books, their paintings"; that is, they were the traditions handed down in their hieroglyphic writings ,had jurisdiction ayer every and in the huehuetlat.alli, the rhetorical orations, which were ad­ tary, civil, judicial, legisla­ hered to rigidly. Tlatocayotl, "rulership", was referred to meta­ nd he regulated the econo­ phorically as petlatl, icpalli, "the reed mat, the reed seat", the [put the tlatoani and pre­ throne. It was considered an unsettling place where one slipped, ~ my intention to cover aH where one lost one's footing, for the ruler was constantly exposed to pe ruler as surrogate of the the treacheries of enemies both within and without. For any one of ~. his subjects, be he lord 01' commoner, it was equally slippery to stand ~i and tlatocayotI can be before the tlatoam, having incurred his wrath; for those who had 'entine Codex, the huehue­ the misfortune to find themselves there, there was no way out, no. exit. To be in the company of the tlatoani or before him was colo­ ,~ all ceremonial occasions, ~ents that had been hand­ yatoc, tzitzicazzotoc, "to be in a place full of scorpions, to be in a ~y his own account, Saha­ place full of nettles". However, the members of the ruling class Iclve years befo re he went were always united. As the saying went: netloc, nenahuac, netzitzi­ of the material for the quilo, nepacholo, "they are together, side by side, clasping each oleo at that time, it is other, embracing each other" (FC:VI: 241-260.) 4 lords and high-ranking In contrast, the commoner, for whom there are fewer metaphors~ counselors, and priests---­ was pacholoni, yacanaloni, "one who is governed, one who is led". ing away their culture. He was also in itconi, in mamaloni, in tecuexanco, in temamal­ huazco yetluh, "one who is carried, who is borne on the back, one· and related subjects tell who is upon one's lap, in the cradle of one's arms"; that is, he is d what was expected of carried about like a child. In a contrasting figure, he was likened speaks", that is, "he who ti, "the heart of the city". 4 For tbe convenicnce of the reader the Dibble and Anderson paleography of ~e", tlazotlacatl, "precious the Florentine Codex is cited. However, aU translations of Nahuatl texts in this I artic1e are by the author. 22B THELMA D. SULLIVAN TLATOANI AND TUTC to cuitlaPilli, atlapalli, "the tail, the wing" of the Bird of State, the Master" {literally, "we appendages that represented the work force that kept the state iD People"; Tecrueruhuaru motion; by inference, the ruler and ruling class were the head Youth", meaning yOUI and body. Yaotl, "The Enemy on In the court orations, as 1 have previously designated them, and Moquequeloa, "The M in various prayers to Tezcatlipoca, eontained in Book VI of the Teyocoyani, "Creator o Florentine Codex, it is manifest that the tlatoani ruled by divine was the power to OOto right, that he was the surrogate of the deity and ruled in his name. at a wrum. As one teJ On his election as ruler the tlatoani is told: He thinks as he p "You are the substitute, you are the surrogatc of Tloque does as he pleases Nahuaque, he mocks uso you are his seat (the throne from whieh he rules), you As he wishes, so 1 are his flute (the mouth through which he speaks), He puts us in the he speaks within you, like pebbles we sp he makes you rus lips, his jaws, his ears ... He flings us this ' He also makes you his fangs, his claws, we make rum lau~ for you are his wild beast, you are bis eater-of-people, you are his judge". (FC : VI: 50. ) This was the deity capricious, arbitrary, ... The ruler spoke for the deity, that is, gave orders for the deity; whim; somewhat sadis and in the name of the deity, punished those who did not obey. his hand like pebbles ; TIoque Nahuaque, lite rally, "Lord of the Near, Lord of the Close" may have been regard figuratively means the supreme lord who is everywhere, in every­ great eypress, the grea1 thing, and upon whom all dependo It is one of the numerous names protection, but on oee of Tezcatlipoca, "The Mirror's Smoke", (not "Smoking Mirror"), fangs and showed his who ruled the world. He was a1so ealled Yohualli Eheeatl, "Night, also. He was, in shor Wind", that is, invisible, impalpable; Moyocoyatzin, "Capricious The investiture of t Huitzilopocht1i. He w Creator"; 5 Monenequi, "Tyrannical One" ; Titlacahuan, "Our design of bones as tha:

5 León.Portilla (1966:169) interprets this as "Señor que a sí mismo se piensa o of Huitzilopochtli in t se inventa". basing himself on !he following interpretation by Mendieta 0945: in honor of Tezcatlipo [: 95): "Y también le decían Moyueuyatzin ayae oquiyoeox, ayac oquipie, que quiere decir 'que nadie lo crió o formó, sino que él por su autoridad y por for as Jiménez Moren ~u voluntad hace todo', However, his sphere of action is wider than just the deified in the image a ereation of himself, although it could be argued that the creation of himseIf to merge. Tezcatlipo( implies the creation of an things. Another rlescription of Moyocoyani can be image and likeness .. found in the Florernine eodex, Book Ill, p. 12: Auh ynic moteneOa moieoia, in tlein qujiocoia, in tlein quilnamique, niman quichioa: aiae quijocoia, aiac Mexica, [became dei queleltúz . .., "and he was calleEhecatl, "Night, also. He was, in short, a despot. ~Moyocoyatzin, "Capricious The investiture of the new tlatoani took place in the temple of fne"; Titlacahuan, "Our Huitzilopochtli. He was dressed in a green cape that had the same

design of bones as that of the xicolliJ sIeeveless jacket, on the figure or que a sí mismo se piensa o of Huitzilopochtli in the festival of Toxcatl Toxcatl was a festival terpretation by Mendieta (1945: ayac oquiyocox, ayac oquipic, in honor of Tezcatlipoca, with whom Huitzilopochtli was identified, no que él por Sil autoridad y por for as Jiménez Moreno has stated (1976: M.S.), " ...heroes were , oí action is wider than just the deified in the image and likeness of a deity with whom they tended Pied~ that the creation of himself rcscription oí Moyocoyani can be to merge. Tezcatlipoca appears to have been the numen in whose ~,: Auh ynic moteneoa moicoia, in image and likeness... Huitzilopochtli, priest and Ieader of the , quichioa: aiac quijocoia, aiac Mexica, [became deifiedJ". The merging of Huitzilopochtli, the Íli] hecause whatever he thougbt, bted him (or "invented far him") young, vigorous warrior who vanquished a11 bis foes, with Tez­ rB) in the corresponding Spanish catlipoca, who was Telpochtli, "The Young Warrior", and Yaotl, lor razón que hacía todo cuanto "The Enemy" is, of course, a 10gicaI fusiono Boys who went to ¡pedir y contradecir.•.." the telpochcalliJ schooI for warriors, were placed in the service of 230 THELMA D. S LTLLI\'AN TLATOANI AND TLATOCJ

Tezeatlipoea. Thus, while the ruler was regarded, and addressed, you shall provide nOUI in the huehuetlatolli as Tezeatlipoca, he wore the vestments of Hui­ tzilopochtli, the Aztee deity. It was a personalization of deityship y our true home, your in the local Aztee image, apparently a practice eommon to many pre-Hispanic peoples as Jiménez Moreno has pointed out, whieh has served to give us a bewildering and c1uttered pantheon of gods. The warrior's duty Wal An important part of the investiture ceremony were the huehue­ Sun and the Lord of thl tlatolli, the rhetorical orations, delivered by the king, nobles, and ment, either by dying in 1 high-ranking elders. From the start, the identification between the ur by taking eaptives hiD new ruler and Tczeatlipoca was established. The ruler, it was said, his own flesh and blood. was marked with "blaek ink, red ink" by Tezeatlipoea for this warrior came in the form honor. That he 'would rule was pre-ordained both by the deity, until one day he wouId b that is, by the sign under which he was bom, and by the faet that or on his death, take th€ he was ''the thom, the maguey shoot" his aneestors had planted in exeeuted. If for sorne re¡ the earth; that is, he was the seion of a line of rulers. His task was miny, sueh as in the ca: to take up the intolerably heavy burden of the rule that his prede­ battlefield and alIowed ee~sor laid down. To govem well meant to pass on to the people Close1y connected to ' the preeepts of the ddty whieh were the andent traditions handed place every night whieh down by his forebears and to see that the lords and nobles who battle. The Primeros M govemed in his name did likewise. The people were to Iive tempe­ singing or dancing or w rately, humbly, and with prudenee, eschewing the excesses of drink ordered the songs to be and licentiousness. Most particularly they were to serve the gods cing, aeeording to anotl with complete and unswerving devotion through offerings, saerifices, served as a means of ( and acts of auto-sacrifice. Eaeh individual, noble or eommoner, had probably through the f a function to perform. The failurc to discharge this function meant Sahagún states that wa: the failure to serve the deity and his sUITogate, the king, and the 1956:n:123.) lt must punishment for this was severe. On the other hand, complianee dance -Xoehipilli, Ma and the fulfillment of one's responsibilities brought with them hand­ sentíany solar fertility gl some material and spiritual rewards. ed the Sun, also nouris: The spheres of action of the Aztec ruler were many and varied vided man's sustenance. but "the principal oeeupation of the king", states Sahagún (1956: that a singer or daneer II: 315) "was war, both for defending himself against his enemies to death. and for the eonquest of foreign provinees". From the time 3 child of nobles, or rulers, is bom he is incuIcated with the idea that his Other important oce destin)' is the field of battle. At the moment the umbilical eord is The guarding of the severed, the midwife tells the new-bom baby: The regulation of th Vou have been pIedged to, you have been eonseerated to, lords, whieh included ' you have been sent to the field oí battle; vendors who did not e war is your destiny, your ealling. Ordering that the bl You shall provide drink, you shalI provide food, wa! heavy betting on 1 I i ~IVAN TLATOANI ANO TLATOCAYOTL IN THE SAHAGÚN MANUSCIUPTS 231 as regarded, and addressed you shall provide nourishment for the Sun [and] the Lord wore the vestments of Hui: of the Earth. perso~alization of deityship Your true home, your property, your patrimony is the practlce common to many House of the Sun in heaven. FC:VI:171.) o has pointed out, which cIuttered pantheon of gods. 1 The warrior's duty was to become "the mother and father of the , ceremony were the huehue­ Sun and the Lord of the Earth"; that :is, their source of nourish­ d by the king, nobles and ment, either by dying in batde, or being taken captive and sacrificed, e identification betwe:n the or by taking captives himself and sacrificing them as substitutes for ed. The ruler, it was said his own flesh and blood. The rewards for the valiant and dedicated " by Tezcatlipoca for this' warnor carne in the form of riches and elevation in rank and honor ~dained both by the deity, until one day he would become one of the ruler's most trusted aides' bom, and by the fact that ' or on hIS. death, take the place of the ruler himself. Cowards were . ancestors had planted in executed. If for some reason the ruler wished to spare him the igno­ line of rulen,. His task was miny, such as in the case of a near relative, he was taken to the of the rule that his prede­ battlefieId and aIlowed to be killed or captured (CMA: f. 65 r.) t to pass on to the people e anClent traditions handed Closely connected to war was the singing and dancing that took the lords and nobles who place every night which apparentIy was regarded as a substitute for battle. The Primeros Memoriales text states that, "when there was pe?ple were to live tempe­ eWlllg the excesses of drink singing or dancing or when mushrooms were to be eaten, the ruIer ey were to serve the gods ordered the songs to be sung" ( CMA :f. 54 r.) Singing and dan­ through offerings, sacrifices, cing, according to another text, stirred up the young warriors and 1, noble or commoner, had served as a means of communicating with the deity (FC: VI: 90) , harge this function meant proba~ly through the ecstasy produced by the hallucinogens, and rrogate, the king, and the Sahagun states that war strategy was planned at this time (SAH: . e other hand, compliance 1956:n: 123. ) It must be remembered, too, that the gods of the brought with them hand­ dance -Xochipilli, Macuilxochitl, Ixtlilton, and others- were es­ F sentially solar fertility gods. The bIood of the warriors that nourish­ ler were many and varied ed the Sun, also nourished Tlaltecutli, Lord of the Earth who pro­ g", states Sahagún (1956: vided m.an's sustenance. So important was this singing and dancing imself against his enemies that a smger or dancer or musician who erred in any way was put "F. rom th·e tIme a child to death. ted with the idea that his Other important occupations of the ruIer were as follows: ent the umbilical cord is aby: The guarding of the city by day and by night. The re~la~ion of the market by the pochtecatlatoque, merchant tbeen consecrated to lords, WhlCh meluded the fixing of prices, and the punishment of ~e field of battle' ' vendors who did not comply. ~ , Ordering that the ball game or pato/li be played. In these there ~de food, was heavy betting on both sides and, says the Primeros Memoriales TLATOANI ANO TLATOCAY( 232 THELMA D. SULLIVAN lt is said that [the rulers] text, they were like war. "One was killed there, one's head was »plit for you ... open", states the iníormant in reíerence to the losing team. As íor and tbat they shall make the one who lost his wager, he continues, "he was sold, he became the mother of the gods, 1 a slave" (CMA:54 r.) Huehueteotl (the OId G< Agriculture was a vital concem of the ruler and, was inextricably the turquoise enelosurc linked to war as will be seen. Drought and íamine. which were all Xiuhtecutli, who bathes too írequent, it appears, brought into play the ruler's responsibilities who metes out, who aco as economic as well as religious head oí state. When the harve:sts of the commoners, the íor two successive years were meagre, a text in the Primeros M emo­ riales tells us, he comíorted the people and. on a more practical It is apparent in tbis ta level, ordered them to plant magueyes, prickly pears, and cimatl, a the surrogate oí Tezcatlip! legume wh08e root was eaten. If the drought persisted, as re1igious not originate in this deity leader oí his people he ordered that sacriíices and auto-sacriíices be God, the God of Fire. The made to the Tlaloque, the gods oí rain, and in the realm of imita­ WhlCh. means, "filre," "tur tive magic, that the roads be swept, íor it was believed that the and tecutlí, "lord". As the winds swept the roads in advance of the gods oí rain (lbid, f. not only the father of Te¡ 54 v.) a1l the gods ineluding, and Also, íor a period oí eight days during the íestival oí Huey Tecuil­ Xiuhtecutli dates back to huitl, "The Great Festival of the Lords", which carne at the end before the beginning of t oí June and the beginning oí July, a period oí chronic íood short­ Fiíth Sun, for Fire existel age, the ruler distributed íood to all his people and even to the from the sickly flesh and people oí the surrounding areas (SAH:1: 174 fí.) This festival im­ Fire which purified and tr mediately íollowed that of Tecuilhuitontli, uThe Little Festival of 00 to the ruler by Tezcatl the Lords", which was celebrated at the time oí the summer 801­ Huehueteotl-Xiuhtecutli, ; stice (Broda: 1978: 166) and appears to have important implica­ tion of the Fifth Sun whi tions with respect to the ruler as surrogate of the deity. In effect, lized the rise of Toltec 1: Huey Tecuilhuitl is a celebration oí his vast powers. These inelude For the ruler to trace his the regulation oí agriculture and may be reflected in the distribu­ by implication, tracing th tion oí íood at that time which, beyond being an act oí generosity to legend, the Fifth Sun on the part oí the ruler, served to affirm his control like that oí the have been an important deity, over the liíe and death oí his subjects. rule. The relationship b Xiuhtecutli is manifest iI Aíter war, the next most important íunction oí the Aztec ruler xihuitl, the turquoise stor Wall governing the people; that is, law-making and its handmaiden predominate: the xihuit the meting out oí justice. An adjunct to this was the selection oí lli, turquoise color net ( judges who, in addition to heading the tribunals. were the ruler's and the xiuhyacamitl, OI moo trusted counselors. Their choice was one oí the ruler's mOit Heyden states is a stylil important íunctions, íor when he died, the new ruIer would be den: 1972:4.) The xiuh chosen írom their ranks. The tlatoani, oí coume, was the ultimate Huitzilopochtli, in a ele; court oí appeal. In his prayer to Tezcatlipoca, the newly-elected to vanquish his sister, O ruler says: , I i i ~AN TLATOANI AND TLATOCAYOTL IN THE SAHAGÜN KANUSCRlPTS 233 . there, one's head was split It is said that [the rulersJ will make pronouncements to the losing team. As for for you ... , "he was sold, he became and that they shall make pronouncements for your sire, ~ the mother of the gods, the father of the gods, ruler and, was inextricably Huehueteotl (the Old God) who sits in the hearth, in and famine, wruch were all the turquoise enclosure, y the ruler's responsibilities Xiuhtecutli, who bathes people, who cleanses people, f state. When the harvests who metes out, who aecords, the destruction, the glorification ext in the Primeros M emo­ of the commoners, the people (FC: VI: 41. ) and. on a more practical It is apparent in this text that, although the ruler functioned as rickly pears, and cimatl, a ught persisted, as religious the surrogate of Tezcatlipoca, the powers transmitted to him did . ices and auto-sacrifices be not originate in this deity but in Huehueteotl-Xiuhtecutli, the Old God, the God of Fire. The name Xiuhtecutli is derived from xihuitl and in the realm of imita­ which means, "fire", "turquoise", "year", "plant", and "comet"; r it was believed that the and tecutli, "lord". As the text states, Huehueteotl-Xiuhtecutli was the gods of rain (lbid, f. not only the father of Tezcatlipoca, he was also the progenitor of all the gods including, and most particularly, the Sun. Huehueteotl­ the festival of Huey Tecuil­ Xiuhtecutli dates back to the time when all was still in darkness, " which carne at the end before the beginning of time; that is, before the creation of the .od of chronic food short­ Fifth Sun, for Fire existed before the Sun. The Sun was created . people and even to the from the sickly flesh and twisted bones of Nanahuatzin, and the : 174 ff.) Tbis festival im­ Fire which purified and transformed them. Thus, the powers passed " "The Little Festival of on to the ruler by Tezcatlipoca, which he inherited from bis father, time of the summer sol­ Huehueteotl-Xiuhtecutli, are primordial. They pre-date the crea­ have important implica­ tion of the Fifth Sun which according to Davies and others symbo­ te of the deity. In effect, lized the rise of Toltec hegemony from the ashes of Teotihuacan. ast powers. These include For the ruler to trace his powers to Huehueteotl-Xiuhtecutli meant, reflected in the distribu­ by implication, tracing them back to Teotihuacan where, according being an aet of generosity to legend, the Fifth Sun was created, and earlier. This appears to his control like that of the have been an important factor in the legitimization of the Aztec rule. The relationship between the Aztec ruler and Huehueteotl­ nction of the Aztec ruler Xiuhtecutli is manifest in the vestments of the rulers. In them the ~g and Íts handmaiden xihuitl, the turquoise stone as well as color, symb01ic of Xiuhtecutli, ~ this was the selection of predominate: the xihuitzolli, the turquoise diadem; the xiuhtilma­ ttribunals, were the ruler's tli, turquoise color net cape with turquoise stones knotted into it; ~s one of the ruler's most and the xiuhyacamitl, or turquoise nose adornment, which as Doris : the new ruler would be Heyden states is a stylization of the xiuhcoatl, fire serpent CHey­ JI COUl'Se, was the ultimate den: 1972: 4.) The xiuhcoatl was the weapon of Xiuhtecutli which Iltlipoca, the newly-elected Huitzilopochtli, in a clear bid for dynastic power, wielded in order to vanquish his sister, Coyolxauhqui, and rus brothers, the Centzon­ TLATOANI ANO TLATOCAYC 234 THELMA D. SULLIVAN ...by means of them (th huítznahua. The xiuhcoatl and the mamalhuaztli, the fire sticks, was nourished, were symbols of the power and authority of Huitzilopochili the by means oC them bis des Aztec numen, and of the ruler himself. ) by means of them he wa The ~ssociation of, fire with rulership, tlatocayotl, is clearly evi­ by means of them he was denced m the dynastlc plates of the Primeros Memoriales. The finrt because of them he becaIl three Mexic~ rulers, Acamapichtli, Huitziliuitl, and Chimalpopoca, live a long life. .. (FC wear on thelr heads the cozoyaualoUi, a rosette of scarlet macaw feathers, also a symbol of fire. Cozo- is the same root as cozol­ This symbolic rejuvenati( which, in tum, is the same as cuezal-. Cuezalin was the name for human blood, served to rem the. tail and wing feathers of the scarlet macaw (FC: XI: 23. ) Cue­ of the ruler with the old g zalm also means "flame" and Cuezaltzin was one of the names of way of legitirnizing his pow Xiuhtecutli, God of Fire. This account of the sacri It must also be pointed out that these first three rulers also wear the king with new life has r~whide capes, ~ymbolic of their Chichimec origins, and that they throws light on the subject ( Slt on tolOlcpalb, bundles of unwoven green reeds, in contrast to by the Aztecs and their F the .subsequent rulers beginning with Itzcoatl, who wear the tur­ was the representation of tl qUOlse adommen~ mentioned aboye and sit on tepotzoicpalli, seats question that, to my knov. of woven reeds Wlth backrests. 6 As Doris Heyden has pointed out swered. 1 be1ieve this tcxt g reeds ar:, a symbol of polítical power (Heyden: 1976: M.S.) which to whom sacrifices were m: the tolozcpallz and the tepotzoicpalli shown in these plates bear out. in the arduous work of gov However, the two different types of seats he1p us take her observa­ had to be nourished in 01 tion a step further. It would appear that the bundles of unwoven Aztec economy, like that gre~~ reeds which serve as rulers' seats symbolize the inception of their descendants, was agt polítlcal power --unconsolidatecl power- while the reeds woven renewal cycle characteristi into seats with backs symbolize consolidated power. of the people. This is cl~ As we have seen, the ruler belonged to a line of succesion that twenty days each that follO' symbolically started with Huehueteotl-Xiuhtecutli. The tlatoani representing the god of fll acted as surrogate for Tezcatlipoca and, in the final analysis, for new corn, for example, wa Huehueteotl-Xiuhtecutli. He was regarded as a deity and venerated individual was transferred as such. His identification with the god of fire was so close that in renewed and he could ce the festival of Izcalli, which was in honor of Xiuhtecutli, the figure gods were as finite as roan of t?~ god was dressed in the vestrnents of the ruler, and quail were example, in thc festival I sacnflced and offerings were set down before it (FC: 1: 12; SAH: Tamales, celebrated every 1956:1:56.) Furtherrnore, on the day Ce Quiahuitl 1 Rain eri­ . als ' ) dough mixed with water mm who had been sentenced to death and sorne eaptives were ditives were permitted so sacrificed t? give strength to the ruler, so that he would be able to to regain its strength (01'. ca~ on hIS burdensome task of ruling for another year. The Plo­ The reason, then, that rentme Codex texts affirrns that,

7 M otonalchicaoa, literally, ''1l 6 The sarue is true oí the first three Tetzcocan rulers and the first five rulers of s See Molina, "resucitar, lev31 Huexutla. i i LIVAN TLATOANI AND TLATOCAYOTL IN THE SAHAGÚN MANUSCIUPTS 235

ma~alhuaztli, tite fire sticks, ... by means of them (the sacrificial victÍms), Moctezuma tonty of Huitzilopochtli, the was nourished, by means of them his destiny was fortified, T :p, tlatocayotl, is cIearIy evi­ by means of them he was given new life, 8 "meros Memoriales. The first by means of them he was reprieved [from death], ~tziliuit1, and Chimalpopoca, because of them he became a boy once more so that he might .' a rosette of scarlet macaw live a long life ... (FC:IV:42.) . - is the same root as cozol­ . Cuezalin was the name for This symbolic rejuvenation and nourishment of the ruler with e: macaw (FC:X1:23.) Cue­ human blood, served to remind the people of the total identification was one of the names of of the ruler with the old god, Huehueteotl-Xiuhtecutli and was a way of legitimizing his powers. e first three rulers also wear This account of the sacrifice of criminals and captives to infuse rurnec origins, and that they the king with new Jife has a deeper significance for us in that it green reeds, in contrast to thrO'ws light on the subject oí human sacrifice in general as practiced Itzcoatl, who wear the tur­ by the Aztecs and their predecessors. Why the sacrificial victim ~ sit on tepotzoicpalli, seats was the representation of the deity to whom he was sacrificed, is a ns Heyden has pointed out, question that, to my knowledge, has never been satisfactorily an­ (Heyden: 1976: M.S.) which swered. 1 believe this tcxt gives us an important cIue. Like the ruler wn in these plates bear out. to whom sacrifices were made to give him the strength to carry on ts help liS take her observa­ in the arduous work oí governing, so all the gods, not just the Sun, t the bundles of unwoven had to be nourished in order to continue to do their work. The symbolize the inception of Aztec economy, like that oí the Teotihuacanos, the Toltecs, and r- while the reeds woven their descendants, was agriculturally based and the growth-death­ ted power. renewal cycIe characteristic oí nature predominated in the lives to a line of succesion that oí the people. This is cl~r1y manifested in the eighteen festivals of -Xiuhtecutli. The tlatoani twenty days each that íollowed the solar year. The death of a victim . , in the final analysis, for representing the god oí fire, or the god of rain, or the goddess of ed as a deity and venerated new com, for example, was the means by which the life force of the of fire was so close that in individual was transíerred to the deity so that his energies could be r of Xiuhtecutli, the figure renewed and he could continue to function. The energies of the of the ruler, and quail were gods were as finite as man's; like man, the gods became weary. For before it (FC:I: 12; SAH: example, in the festival of Atamalqualiztli, the Eating of Water Ce Quiahuitl, 1 Rain, cri­ Tamales, celebrated every eight years, only tamales made with com th and sorne captives were dough mixed with water were eaten; no condiments or other ad­ that he would be able to ditives were permitted so as to give the com a respite and a chance for another year. The Flo­ to regain its strength (CMP: f. 253 v.) The rcason, then, that the sacriíicial victim was arrayed in the trulers and tbe first five rnlers of 1 Motonalchicaoa, literally, "his day·sign was fortified". s See Molina, "resucitar, levantarse", one of Ihe meanings of which is nino, quetr.a. I TLATOANI AND TLATOC 236 THELMA D. SULLIVAN vestments of the god to whom he was to be sacrificed, and was Two concepts basie to eonsidered his image and likeness -ixiptlatl which also means "sub­ 1) That onIy rulers an stitute"- was beeause he was destined to become one with the miqui means both "to d deity. The life that went out of him upon his death was imm:­ that both meanings are diate1y incorporated into that oí the deity; in short, he was sacn­ who died (or were sacri: ficed so that the god might live. Sinee the gods personified aspects of the natural phenomena, and the elements and heavenly bodies 2) The Aztee dynasti< which eontroHed them, human saerifice guarenteed their perpetu~\­ of the Teotihuacan rulel tion and with it the cyelical renewal of plant and animal growth made the Aztec ruler De that sustained !ife on earth. Those who died in battle, which meant, Huehueteotl-Xiuhteeutli 1 as captives who were saerifieed, or slaves purehased by the merchants rulers of Teotihuacan w for sacrifice, went to the House of the Sun to provide nourishment deification of the Mexie¡ not only for Tonatiuh, the Sun, but also for Tlaltecutli, "Lord oí foIlowed the pattern esta the Earth". That is, the transference of their vital forces to the gods kept the universe -both heaven and earth- alive and funetioning. The mode1 for this was the creation of the Fifth Sun in which the vital forces of all the gods that were released when they sacrificed themselves, combined to put the Sun in motion so that it eould do its work. Summary Thus, as was stated earlier, the principal concern of the ruler was In the dual divine id4 war. Although acts of auto-sacrifice by drawing blood from va­ and Huehueteotl-Xiuhtec rious parts of the body, as weH as sprinkling the blood of decapitated ruler and the legitimacy quail before the idols provided the gods with sorne sustenanee, their midable task: he not o: real strength derived from the blood of warriors who died in battle final analysis, he also had or captives or slaves who were sacrificed. In the case of ignoble War was of first importl slaves who were purchased for sacrifice, o~ce they were ceremonially nourishment of the gods. bathed -that is purified- they achieved the status, so to speak, of of life on earth. Every g4 war captives and became elegible to fuse with the deity. Fusion perform and for the god with the deity, however, was not deification. Only rulers were dei­ man as it was catastrop~ fied. This is made clear in the text that follows: don. To feed the gods, ~ agriculture, which was t1: The ancients said that he (a ruler) who died became In order to discharge th a godo They said, 'He has become a god', which meant be endowed with extrao he had died. And thus (the people) were de1uded so that T ezcatlipoca, in military those who were rulers would be obeyed. AlI who died were in civil matters. But in e worshipped as gods: sorne became images of the Sun, others teotl-Xiuhteeutli a deity images of the Moon, etc." (meaning other heavenly bodies classic times. He was rol and natural phenomena). (FC:x: 192.) lady of the Sun, a centl (It must be recalled that this is history as rewritten by the Aztecs with Teotihuacan and ( after Itzcoatl ordered that all the ancient codices be burned.) Aztee ruler legitimized 1 ~IVAN TLATOANI AND TLATOCAYOTL IN THE SAHAGÜN MANUSCRIPTS 237 I to be sacrificed, and was Two eoncepts basic to Aztec rule are implicit in this text: ptlatl which also means "sub­ ed· to become one with the 1) That only rulers and nobles ean beeome gods. Sinee the word . upon his death was imme­ miqui means both "to die" and "to be sacrificed", it is probable that both meanings are applieable in the aboye text; that is, "all ~eity; in short, he was saeri­ the gods personified aspects who died (or were saerificed) were worshipped as gods". ements and heavenly bodies 2) The Aztee dynastie line was legitimatized by the deifieation e guarenteed their perpetua­ of the Teotihuaean rulers whom they claimed as aneestors. This ~~of plant and animal growth made the Aztee ruler not only the surrogate of Tezcatlipoca and pdied in battle, which meant, Huehueteotl-Xiuhtecutli but also a deseendant of gods, the defunet purchased by the merehants ruIers of Teotihuaean who had beeome deified. The subsequent Sun to provide nourishment deifieation of the Mexiea leader and hero, Huitzilopoehtli, merdy for TIalteeutli, "Lord 01 folIowed the pattem established in Teotihuaean. their vital forces to the gods - alive and funetioning. the Fifth Sun in which the eased when they saerificed motion so that it eould do Summary 'pal concern 01 the ruler was y drawing blood from va­ In the dual divine identifieation of the king with Tezcatlipoca " g the blood of decapitated and Huehueteotl-Xiuhteeutli resided the sweeping powers of the with sorne sustenance, their ruler and the legitimaey of his rule. The Aztee tlatoani had a for­ ; warriors who died in batde midable task: he not only had to govem his people but, in the ed. In the ease of ignoble final analysis, he also had to keep the universe alive and in balance. 01!-ce they were ceremonially War was of first importanee, in order to provide eaptives for the d the status, so to speak, of nourishment of the gods. The world of the gods was a mirror image use with the deity. Fusion of life on earth. Every god, like every individual, had a funetion to tion. Only rulers were dei­ perform and for the god to eease to funetion was catastrophic for t follows: man as it was eatastrophic for the gods for man to cease to fune­ tíon. To feed the gods, (not just the Sun) was to feed mano Thus ho died became agriculture, whieh was the basis of the eeonomy, depended on war. god', which meant In order to discharge these heavy responsibilities the ruler had to ¡were deluded so that be endowed with extraordinary powers. He acted as surrogate of '~ed. A11 who died were Tezcatlipoca, in military matters, and of Huehueteotl-Xiuhteeutli, ages of the Sun, others in civil matters. But in effeet, all the powers derived from Huehue­ other heavenly bodies teotl-Xiuhteeutli a deity assaciated with Teotihuaean and even pre­ 2.) claSBÍc times. He was mother and father of the gods, most partieu­ lady of the Sun, a central deity in the Aztee pantheon. This link rY as rewritten by the Aztees with Teotihuacan and earlier times was the means by which the ~t codices be burned.) Aztec ruler legitimized his rule. 238 THELMA D. SULLlVAN

In essence, this is the Aztec tlatoani as revealcd in the Sahagún manuscripts. Sahagún's informants. as we11 as his aides, who them­ selves were oí the ruling class, may have colored sorne data in theÍr favor, omitted sorne, and misinterpreted sorne, but in the main LA DANZA] they provided a fairly precise picture of the Aztec tlatoani and tlatocayotl.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. La Danza del Tigre tiPo

Broda, Johanna, "Cosmovisión y estructura de poder en el México pre­ Características del tipo Coaj hispánico", Comunicaciones: Segundo Simposio del Proyecto Mexi­ za de los Tecuanes o del Tig¡ cano-Alemán de Puebla-Tlaxcala, Fundación Alemana para la In­ mexicanos que "atrae más es vestigaci6n Científica, Puebla, 1978. 79.) Es acertada la observac Corominas, Joan, Diccionario Crítico Etimológico: 4 vols., Madrid, Edi­ agregar que también ha atn torial Gredos, 1954. libros para turistas que etn61 El fin de la presente publ Heyden, Doris, "Xiuhtecutli: Investidor de Soberanos"> Boletín INAH, vez el texto completo de una :epoca 2, México, INAH, 1972. náhuatl híbrido en los estado Reeds and Rushes: From Survival to Sovereigns. Paper presented presentar algunos comentarie at the Second Symposiurn on Mesoamerican Archaeology, Centre sus variantes y sus orígenes. for Latin American Studies, Cambridge University. 1976. neció a Donald Cordry de e Jiménez Moreno, Wigberto, De T ezcatlipoca a Huitzilopochtli. Paper dio y edición de los Tecuane: presented at the XLII Congress of Americanists, Paris. 1976. benemérito de las investigad El texto que publico aquí . León-Portilla, Miguel, La Filosofía Náhuatl estudiada en sus fuentes, 3;\ más conocida en Morelas, ( edición, México, UNAM, Instituto de Investigaciones Histórica" 1966. puede resumir de la manera Salvadorche, dueño de un Mendieta, fray Gerónimo de, Historia Eclesiástica Indiana, México, Mayeso para informarle que Editorial Porma, 1971. do a los animales de la fine Sahagún, fray Bernardino de, (SAH) Historia General de las Cosas a cazarlo. Mayeso no logra 1 de Nueva España, edition prepared by Ángel María Garibay K., 4 que intenten la proeza. Son vols., México, Editorial Porma, 1956. Viejo Cacachi y el Viejo X( ma al Viejo Rastrero (con - (CMP, CMA) Primeros Memoriales Compilados en Cuatro CaPí­ (con sus buenas armas) y és1 tulos por Fray Bernardino de Sahagún como Fundamento para Escribir la Obra Intitulada Historia de las Cosas de Nueva España, les paga a todos y se repart· edition prepared by Francisco Del Paso y Troncoso, Madrid. 1905. Se caracteriza la parte b fija" que se repiten hasta I Sullivan, The1ma D.; "The Rhetorical Orations, or Huehuetlatolli col­ secciones más notables de d lected by Sahagún", Sixteenth Century Mexico: The Works of Saha­ gún, Munro S. Edmonson, editor, University of New Mexico Preso, 1974.