DOCSLIB.ORG

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts And

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts And POST -SOVIET STRATEGIC ALIGNMENT : THE WEIGHT OF HISTORY IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government By James C. MacDougall, M.A. Washington, DC April 27, 2009 Copyright 2009 by James C. MacDougall All Rights Reserved ii POST -SOVIET STRATEGIC ALIGNMENT : THE WEIGHT OF HISTORY IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS James C. MacDougall, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Angela Stent, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The South Caucasus states of Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan have shared, since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, a common strategic environment. To survive as independent states in a turbulent region bordered by Russia, Turkey and Iran, each state has chosen to align themselves with external powers. This study seeks to explain why, despite the many similarities among the three countries, each has taken different alignment decisions, resulting in differing strategic trajectories. Combining elements of Stephen Walt's "balance of threat" theory with elements of decision-making theory, the study argues that both material and perceptual factors are necessary to understand regional alignment behavior. Specifically, the role of history and historical analogy in the development of threat perceptions is analyzed. Official documents, public statements and interviews with current and former high-ranking officials in each of the three countries are used to analyze the foreign policy alignment decisions of successive presidential administrations in the three South Caucasus countries. The study concludes that lessons of history learned through analogical reasoning are a central element in the development of threat perceptions and, in turn, in alignment decisions. In an effort towards bridging the gap between theory and policy, the concluding chapter addresses both the theoretical and policy implications of the study's findings. iii The research and writing of this dissertation is dedicated to Catherine Ann, my wife, without whose love and patience it would not have been possible. I also wish to thank my dissertation committee: Dr. Angela Stent; Dr. George Shambaugh; Dr. Victor Cha; and, in memoriam, Dr. Joseph Lepgold, for their guidance and support. I am grateful to many colleagues in government and in academia, in Washington, Tbilisi, Yerevan, and Baku. I will not attempt to name them all, at the risk of leaving important contributors out. Many Thanks to all, Jim MacDougall iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter One: Introduction .............................................................................................. 1 Chapter Two: Alignment Patterns in the South Caucasus ............................................ 25 Chapter Three: Theoretical Approaches to Alliance Formation ................................... 53 Chapter Four: Decision Making, History and Alignment ............................................ 79 Chapter Five: Georgia ................................................................................................ 103 Chapter Six: Armenia.. .............................................................................................. 157 Chapter Seven: Azerbaijan ........................................................................................ 211 Chapter Eight: Conclusions……………………………………………………….. 269 List of Interviews ........................................................................................................ 293 Bibliography ............................................................................................................... 296 v CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION With the unexpected collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, a new era of geopolitical and economic competition began on the territory of a failed empire that had encompassed one-sixth the land area of the world. A significant result of the Soviet Union’s collapse was the emergence of fifteen newly independent states that formerly had been constituent republics of the Soviet Union. In the Caucasus and Central Asia – a region nearly surrounding the Caspian Sea – eight new states gained their independence. Among these were the three states of the South Caucasus region – Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia (See Map 1). Sizeable oil and gas deposits in this region exacerbate ethnic, religious and national differences and spur local conflicts and regional competition. To understand new developments, reasoning by historical analogy is an alluring and powerful analytical and descriptive technique. After 1991, it became increasingly commonplace for analysts and observers to compare the geopolitical competition in the Caucasus and Central Asia to the 19 th century duel between the British and Russian empires for control of the region, memorialized by Rudyard Kipling as the “Great Game.” This analogy has led to considerable commentary on what has been called euphemistically the “New Great Game.”1 Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott summarized this succinctly in a 1997 address. 1 See, inter alia, M.E. Ahrari, The New Great Game in Muslim Central Asia . McNair Paper 47, (Washington, DC: National Defense University Press, January 1996); Paul Starobin, "The New Great Game, A Special Report," National Journal, March 13, 1999 Number 11; Rajan Menon, “The New Great Game in Central Asia,” Survival , vol. 45, no.2, Summer 2003, pp.187-204; Matthew Edwards, “The New Great Game and the new great gamers: disciples of Kipling and Mackinder,” Central Asian Survey , 22:1, March 2003, pp.83-102; and Kleveman, Lutz, The New Great Game: Blood and Oil in Central Asia (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2003). The “Great Game” analogy was also on the mind of many Russian commentators. See, for example, Aleksey Gromyko, “The New Great Game,” Nezavisimaya Gazeta , August 20, 1998. p.8. 1 For the last several years, it has been fashionable to proclaim, or at least predict, a replay of the “Great Game” in the Caucasus and Central Asia. The implication, of course, is that the driving dynamic of the region, fueled and lubricated by oil, will be the competition of the great powers to the disadvantage of the people who live there. 2 Later in his remarks, Deputy Secretary Talbott criticized this “Great Game” mentality as counterproductive and dangerous, emphasizing U.S. policy sought to avoid such an “atavistic” outcome in the region. Whatever be its prescriptive merits, the use of the “Great Game” analogy to describe current events in the region poses problems. Most importantly, the actors, or players, in the modern version of the purported game, are not analogous to those of the former. For one, the British Empire is long gone and has no modern analogue in the region. More significant, however, is the fact that today eight independent and sovereign states are themselves essential players in the region. No longer merely pawns on the regional chessboard, the Caucasian and Central Asian states are now primary actors in regional developments. Having gained their independence, the newly independent states were faced, some for the first time in history, with the challenges and responsibilities of autonomous political existence. Fundamental among these challenges has been the requirement of security and survival in the international system. Fateful political decisions on which hinged the future of their states have confronted decision makers. Among the most important of these decisions has been the choice of alliance partners and alignment preferences. In the absence of the integrated and rigid security system of the former Soviet Union, dynamic geopolitical competition has led to the emergence of new strategic 2 Strobe Talbott, “A Farewell to Flashman: American Policy in the Caucasus and Central Asia,” U.S. Department of State Dispatch , (July 1997) p.12. 2 alignments in post-Soviet space. The developing pattern of new strategic alignments, while clearly discernable, is not readily interpreted, given the larger expectations suggested by current theories of alliance formation. Explaining the alignment preferences and foreign policy orientations of regional states and the resulting alignment patterns is thus a theoretical challenge. The post-Soviet area where current theory is most hard-pressed to explain developments is the Caucasus region. When the postulates of current alliance formation theories are applied to recent developments in the region, several anomalies arise, creating a puzzle that seems to require for its solution an extension or modification of current theory. The Caucasus is a region historically beset by wars, ethnic conflicts, religious and civil strife. In his book, The Ends of the Earth , Robert Kaplan includes the region as one of the last “frontiers of anarchy.” 3 Though Kaplan refers to the seemingly unrestrained lawlessness endemic to the region, in terms of international relations theory, we see anarchy in another light. In considering the structure of the international state system, anarchy connotes the absence of a governing body or principle which establishes order. As the Soviet Union collapsed and the new states moved towards independence, antagonisms which had been more or less subsumed when the South Caucasus states – Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia (see Map 2) – were incorporated into the multi-ethnic Soviet empire were rekindled. The collapse of the Soviet security system led to a general disorder which in many cases has yet to be redressed. Analyzing conflicts which erupted when new states, formerly
Load more

Recommended publications
  • John J. Mearsheimer: an Offensive Realist Between Geopolitics and Power
    John J. Mearsheimer: an offensive realist between geopolitics and power Peter Toft Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen, Østerfarimagsgade 5, DK 1019 Copenhagen K, Denmark. E-mail: [email protected] With a number of controversial publications behind him and not least his book, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, John J. Mearsheimer has firmly established himself as one of the leading contributors to the realist tradition in the study of international relations since Kenneth Waltz’s Theory of International Politics. Mearsheimer’s main innovation is his theory of ‘offensive realism’ that seeks to re-formulate Kenneth Waltz’s structural realist theory to explain from a struc- tural point of departure the sheer amount of international aggression, which may be hard to reconcile with Waltz’s more defensive realism. In this article, I focus on whether Mearsheimer succeeds in this endeavour. I argue that, despite certain weaknesses, Mearsheimer’s theoretical and empirical work represents an important addition to Waltz’s theory. Mearsheimer’s workis remarkablyclear and consistent and provides compelling answers to why, tragically, aggressive state strategies are a rational answer to life in the international system. Furthermore, Mearsheimer makes important additions to structural alliance theory and offers new important insights into the role of power and geography in world politics. Journal of International Relations and Development (2005) 8, 381–408. doi:10.1057/palgrave.jird.1800065 Keywords: great power politics; international security; John J. Mearsheimer; offensive realism; realism; security studies Introduction Dangerous security competition will inevitably re-emerge in post-Cold War Europe and Asia.1 International institutions cannot produce peace.
    [Show full text]
  • 271 Sorensen
    Copyright © British International Studies Association 1998 IR theory after the Cold War GEORG SØRENSEN The end of the Cold War has prompted a good deal of soul-searching in the academic discipline of International Relations (IR).* Some results of this process are already apparent; the dominant version of realism, neorealism, is developing in new directions in an attempt to address major areas where the theory has been shown to contain weaknesses (e.g. domestic politics, international cooperation, the analysis of change).1 Liberal IR-theory is becoming less focused on international institutions and has devoted more attention to the larger issues of democracy and democratization, sovereignty, and change in the context of modernization and globalization.2 Some bodies of established theory are receiving fresh attention, including the International Society (or English) School,3 and there is a renewed interest in the field of international political economy.4 Yet all these theoretical traditions (realism, liberalism, International Society, international political economy) can be seen as enduring perspectives in IR; they build on a long intellectual tradition concerning problems of relations between * Many thanks to Kenneth Glarbo, Knud Erik Jørgensen, Michael Nicholson, Steve Smith, and Alexander Wendt for very helpful comments on earlier drafts. 1 See, for example, Joseph M. Grieco, ‘Realist International Theory and the Study of World Politics’, in M.W. Doyle and G.J. Ikenberry (eds.), New Thinking in International Relations Theory (Boulder, 1997), pp. 163–202; Michael E. Brown et al. (eds.), The Perils of Anarchy. Contemporary Realism and International Security (Cambridge, MA, 1995); John A. Vasquez, ‘The Realist Paradigm and Degenerative versus Progressive Research Programs: An Appraisal of Neotraditional Research on Waltz’s Balancing Proposition’, and the responses by Kenneth Waltz, Thomas Christensen, and Jack Snyder, Colin and Miriam Fendius Elman, Randall Schweller and Stephen Walt, American Political Science Review, 4 (1997), pp.
    [Show full text]
  • US Democracy Promotion in the Middle East
    The London School of Economics and Political Science US Democracy Promotion in the Middle East The Pursuit of Hegemony? Dionysius Markakis A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, October 2012 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 86.627 words. 1 Abstract The promotion of ‘democracy’ abroad has been a feature of US foreign policy since the earlier part of the twentieth century, accompanying its rise as an international actor. It provided the ideological basis for its opposition to rivals in the form of imperialism, fascism and then communism. The end of the Cold War, which signalled the emergence of the US as the sole superpower, accelerated this process. With the ideological fusion of democracy and capitalism credited in large measure for the defeat of communism and the state-planned economy, the promotion of democracy alongside capitalism as the only viable, legitimate mode of governance emerged as an increasingly important component of US foreign policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Soft Balancing Against the United States Soft Balancing Against Robert A
    Soft Balancing against the United States Soft Balancing against Robert A. Pape the United States President George W. Bush and his administration are pursuing a profoundly new U.S. national se- curity strategy. Since January 2001 the United States has unilaterally aban- doned the Kyoto accords on global warming, rejected participation in the International Criminal Court, and withdrawn from the Antiballistic Missile (ABM) treaty, among other unilateralist foreign policies. Although the United States gained considerable international sympathy following the terrorist at- tacks of September 11, 2001, the Bush administration chose to conduct military operations against the Taliban regime in Afghanistan with the aid of only one country: Great Britain.1 In 2002 the administration announced that it would re- place the Baathist regime in Iraq, a country that posed no observable threat to attack the United States, and to do so with military force “unilaterally if neces- sary.”2 The United States went on to conquer Iraq in early 2003 despite vigor- ous efforts by many of the world’s major powers to delay, frustrate, and even undermine war plans and reduce the number of countries that would ªght alongside the United States. Since then, the United States has threatened Iran and Syria, reafªrmed its commitment to build an ambitious ballistic missile defense system, and taken few steps to mend fences with the international community. The Bush strategy is one of the most aggressively unilateral U.S. national se- curity strategies ever, and it is likely to produce important international conse- quences. So far, the debate has focused almost exclusively on the immediate Robert A.
    [Show full text]
  • Bound to Fail John J. Mearsheimer the Rise and Fall of the Liberal International Order
    Bound to Fail Bound to Fail John J. Mearsheimer The Rise and Fall of the Liberal International Order By 2019, it was clear that the liberal international order was in deep trouble. The tectonic plates that underpin it are shifting, and little can be done to repair and rescue it. Indeed, that order was destined to fail from the start, as it contained the seeds of its own destruction. The fall of the liberal international order horriªes the Western elites who built it and who have beneªted from it in many ways.1 These elites fervently believe that this order was and remains an important force for promoting peace and prosperity around the globe. Many of them blame President Donald Trump for its demise. After all, he expressed contempt for the liberal order when campaigning for president in 2016; and since taking ofªce, he has pur- sued policies that seem designed to tear it down. It would be a mistake, however, to think that the liberal international order is in trouble solely because of Trump’s rhetoric or policies. In fact, more funda- mental problems are at play, which account for why Trump has been able to successfully challenge an order that enjoys almost universal support among the foreign policy elites in the West. The aim of this article is to determine why the liberal world order is in big trouble and to identify the kind of inter- national order that will replace it. I offer three main sets of arguments. First, because states in the modern world are deeply interconnected in a variety of ways, orders are essential for facilitating efªcient and timely interactions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Geostrategic Debate in the United States of America: the Place of Eurasia, the Western Hemisphere, and Mexico
    DOI 1022491/1809-3191.v24n2.p395-418 THE GEOSTRATEGIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: THE PLACE OF EURASIA, THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE, AND MEXICO Raphael Padula1 ABSTRACT The main objective of this study is to present the geostrategic debate on the power projection of the USA, from the perspective of its most relevant authors: Zbigniew Brzezinski, Henry Kissinger, John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, Samuel Huntington and Robert Kaplan. The argument is that such authors, although following premises of the Realistic School of International Relations, have shown different positions regarding the place of Eurasia and the Western Hemisphere, and particularly of Mexico, in the security and in the geostrategic actions of the United States of America. The study is based on books and original articles by the authors, and very marginally on interviews and secondary texts about the authors. Keywords: United States of America. Geopolitics. Security. 1 Doutor. Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (COPPE - UFRJ), Rio de Janeiro - RJ, Brasil. E-mail: [email protected] R. Esc. Guerra Nav., Rio de Janeiro, v. 24, n. 2, p. 395-418. maio/agosto. 2018. 396 THE GEOSTRATEGIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA INTRODUCTION The geographic dimension has a central role in the strategic-related and foreign policy formulation of the United States of America. What would be the fundamental relations for the USA in terms of geographic axis? Would it be the North-South axis, which points to the priority of US relations with the Western Hemisphere (America)? The main objective of this study is to present the geostrategic debate on the power projection of the USA, from the perspective of its most relevant authors: Zbigniew Brzezinski, Henry Kissinger, John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, Samuel Huntington and Robert Kaplan.
    [Show full text]
  • A Review Essay
    A Review Essay Michael W. Doyle, Ways of War and Peace: Realism, Liberalism, and Socialism. New York: W.W. Norton, 1997. International relations is one of the last academic disciplines still to take seriously the Western canon, that body of philosophical and literary work that has shaped the Western world. The natural sciences and most social sciences, when bothering to notice the Aristotles and Descartes, do so to remind themselves of just how far they have come. The humanities have for years been engaged in a project of deposing “dead white males” and enthroning in their place critical theorists (many of whom are also white, male, and dead). But many international relations scholars believe that the classics more or less got it right, particularly about politico-military affairs. Other international relations scholars would prefer it if there were one less discipline that still paid attention to the dead white males. They might be disinclined to read Michael W. Doyle‘s big book, Ways of War and Peace: Realism, Liberalism, and Socialism.’ Also disinclined might be many scholars who do value the philosophical canon, because such scholars tend to be realists, and Doyle is a liberal. Both of these groups should overcome their disinclinations. Doyle has written one of the most important books on international politico- military theory since Kenneth Waltz’s Theory of International Politics.2 Doyle has made many important contributions to the field, but is best known as an early and profound expositor of the liberal (or democratic) peace, the proposition that liberal democracies do not fight wars against one another.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy Promotion and the US National
    Democracy Promotion and the U.S. National Security Strategy: U.S. National Interest, U.S. Primacy, and Coercion Strategic Insights, Volume VIII, Issue 3 (August 2009) by Richard Nere Strategic Insights is a quarterly electronic journal produced by the Center for Contemporary Conflict at the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California. The views expressed here are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of NPS, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. Introduction As a consequence of anarchy and the insecurity in the international system, the United States promotes, supports, and defends democracy. In an anarchic international system, the putative assurance of security for any state is indeed power. The United States retains a salient position in the international system as a formidable military power. To assure its security in the world the United States relies on a preponderance of power, and promotes its own form of governance, for it has proven competent—thus decreasing anarchy. Therefore, if democracy is promoted in this world, then it is indeed a logical consequence of ubiquitous anarchy—a cause of war in many cases, that is amongst power rivals. What is more, if in fact a state is coerced, then, to be sure, it was a logical result of proving baleful. If, however, the state is in fact competent, then, there is indeed no good reason for coercion. To be realistic, the logical contrapositive is, admittedly, not the world we live in; instead, it is, in this case, a world where coercion was indeed necessary. A negative corollary, incidentally, was engagement, and by this I mean, the conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq—a costly resolution for U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Neo-Conservatism and Foreign Policy
    University of New Hampshire University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository Master's Theses and Capstones Student Scholarship Fall 2009 Neo-conservatism and foreign policy Ted Boettner University of New Hampshire, Durham Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.unh.edu/thesis Recommended Citation Boettner, Ted, "Neo-conservatism and foreign policy" (2009). Master's Theses and Capstones. 116. https://scholars.unh.edu/thesis/116 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses and Capstones by an authorized administrator of University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Neo-Conservatism and Foreign Policy BY TED BOETTNER BS, West Virginia University, 2002 THESIS Submitted to the University of New Hampshire in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Political Science September, 2009 UMI Number: 1472051 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI" UMI Microform 1472051 Copyright 2009 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.
    [Show full text]
  • Kissinger Seminar: History, Strategy, and American Statecraft SA.200.738.01 Instructors: Hal Brands, Francis Gavin, James Steinberg Thursday, 8:00-10:30AM R206
    Kissinger Seminar: History, Strategy, and American Statecraft SA.200.738.01 Instructors: Hal Brands, Francis Gavin, James Steinberg Thursday, 8:00-10:30AM R206 Description What are the major patterns in the history of American strategy and statecraft? How has the United States handled key diplomatic and military crises in the past? What challenges have the most important American statespeople faced, and what strategies did they develop to advance U.S. interests? What lessons do their experiences hold for leaders today and in the future? This course is structured around an effort to answer these questions. This course is part 1 of 2 of the new Henry A. Kissinger Center curriculum in history, strategy, and statecraft; it provides students with an introduction to issues of strategy, war, and diplomacy, framed against the history of U.S. foreign policy. The course will begin with a discussion of the nature of strategy and statecraft, and of how history can help us understand these issues. The bulk of the course will explore American statecraft and strategy by looking at the policies and personalities of important American leaders, from Washington through Obama. We will examine the range of factors that went into their strategy and statecraft, including personal and political history, ideas, beliefs, and traditions in American foreign relations, and the pressing challenges of the day. Our hope is that this course will help students generate basic principles and guidelines that can be used to improve American approaches to strategy, war, and diplomacy in the years to come. The second part of this course (offered in the spring semester) will encourage students to apply these principles to the particular foreign policy challenges the United States confronts today.
    [Show full text]
  • INR 6607 – Hozic
    INR 6607 International Relations Theory Fall 2016 Class meeting time: Thursday 5th-7th Period, 216 Anderson Hall (Conference Room) INSTRUCTOR Dr. Aida A. Hozić, Associate Professor Contact Info: [email protected], 331 Anderson Hall Office Hours: T 5th-6th Period, R 8th Period COURSE DESCRIPTION This seminar introduces students to the field of International Relations (IR). The course has two main purposes: (1) to familiarize students with key debates in IR and (2) to help prepare MA and PhD students for comprehensive exams in IR. Students who plan to take comprehensive exam in IR should not take this syllabus as an exhaustive guide to the field of IR but rather as a starting point. To be adequately prepared for the exam, you will need to develop a general sense of the discipline, acquired both by following citation trails in the readings for this course and by familiarizing yourselves with the general IR reading list. SEMINAR PARTICIPATION This is a discussion-based class. Students are expected to attend every class; to come to class prepared, having completed all the readings for that particular seminar meeting in advance; and to participate in discussions in a thoughtful, disciplined and deliberate manner. All readings in this syllabus are required and will be discussed in class. If, for some reason, you are unable to do ALL the readings for a particular seminar, please email me in advance but do not do so more than twice in the course of the semester. In addition, if you are for some reason unable to actively participate in class conversations, email me your contributions ahead of time.
    [Show full text]
  • Theories, Methodologies, and Levels of Analysis in the Study of World Politics Lucas M
    Hamline University DigitalCommons@Hamline Departmental Honors Projects College of Liberal Arts Fall 2014 Three Pluralisms: Theories, Methodologies, and Levels of Analysis in the Study of World Politics Lucas M. Dolan Hamline University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.hamline.edu/dhp Part of the International Relations Commons, Philosophy of Science Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Dolan, Lucas M., "Three Pluralisms: Theories, Methodologies, and Levels of Analysis in the Study of World Politics" (2014). Departmental Honors Projects. 27. https://digitalcommons.hamline.edu/dhp/27 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts at DigitalCommons@Hamline. It has been accepted for inclusion in Departmental Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Hamline. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Three Pluralisms: Theories, Methodologies, and Levels of Analysis in the Study of World Politics Lucas M. Dolan An Honors Thesis Submitted for partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with honors in Political Science from Hamline University 12/01/2014 Abstract For much of its history, the discourse of International Relations (IR) has been characterized by clashes between paradigms, exclusion of non-positivist research methodologies, and the marginalization of various subfields. Since the fourth debate “pluralism” is rapidly becoming a buzzword within the literature, but without serious conceptual analysis “pluralism” risks becoming another intellectual fad given lip-service but not engaged with in a way that could produce positive change within the discipline. This paper examines three varieties of pluralism: theoretical, methodological, and pluralism of level of analysis.
    [Show full text]