Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Graduate Theses and Dissertations Dissertations
2021
Black people’s perceptions of racial inequalities, systemic oppression, and Black liberatory advancement in the United States: A critical phenomenological study
Lisa N. Dazzell Iowa State University
Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd
Recommended Citation Dazzell, Lisa N., "Black people’s perceptions of racial inequalities, systemic oppression, and Black liberatory advancement in the United States: A critical phenomenological study" (2021). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. 18484. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd/18484
This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Black people s percep ions of racial ineq ali ies, s s emic oppression, and Black liberatory advancement in the United States: A critical phenomenological study
by
Lisa N. Dazzell
A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF SCIENCE
Major: Psychology
Program of Study Committee: David Vogel, Major Professor Meifen Wei Tera Jordan
The student author, whose presentation of the scholarship herein was approved by the program of study committee, is solely responsible for the content of this thesis. The Graduate College will ensure this thesis is globally accessible and will not permit alterations after a degree is conferred.
Iowa State University
Ames, Iowa
2021
Copyright © Lisa N. Dazzell, 2021. All rights reserved.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
LIST OF TABLES iii
LIST OF FIGURES iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vi ABSTRACT vii
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 Social Dominance Theory 2 Legitimizing Myths and Internalized Racial Oppression 3 The Present Study 4
CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW 6 Racial Inequalities 6 Social Dominance Theory 17 Internalized Racial Oppression 30 Examining Perceptions of the Root of Oppression 37 Black Pe le Pe ce i f Ad a ceme a d Libe a i 38 Specific Racial Inequalities 40 Black Pe le Pe ce i f Ad a ceme a d Libe a i 41 Specific Racial Inequalities 40
CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY 43 Transformative Paradigm 43 Critical Phenomenological Approach 43 Participants 44 Reflexivity 47 Trustworthiness and Credibility 49 Hycner (1999) Data Explication Analysis 52
CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS 54 Participant Composite Summaries 54 Composite Summaries of Participant Individual Responses 55 Summary of Participant Composite Themes 61 Identification of Composite Themes 63 Re ea ch Q e i O e: Black Pe le Pe ce i f Racial I e ali ie 63 Research Question Two: Understanding of the Origins of Systemic Oppression. 95 Re ea ch Q e i Th ee: Black Pe le Idea f Black Ad a ceme a d Black Liberation 103
CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSIONS 117 Limitations 133
iii
Contributions to The Literature 134 Implications for Future Research 135 Implications for Society, Educators, and Psychologists. 140 Conclusion 147
REFERENCES 148
APPENDIX A. IRB APPROVAL 181
APPENDIX B. CONSENT FORM 183
APPENDIX C. DEMOGRAPHIC SURVEY 185
APPENDIX D. INTERVIEW PROTOCOL 188
APPENDIX E. COREQ 189
iv
LIST OF TABLES
Page
Table 1 Participant Demographics and Approach to Research Questions 166
Table 2 Black Pa ici a E la a i f S a i icall Re ed Em l me Inequities 167
Table 3 Black Pa ici a U de a di g f S a i icall Re ed I c me I e i ie 168
Table 4 Black Pa ici a U de a di g f S a i icall Re ed Healthcare Inequities 169
Table 5 Black Pa ici a U de a di g f S a i icall Re ed Police Violence Inequities 170
Table 6 Pa ici a U de a di g f The O igi f S emic O e i 171
Table 7 Black Pe le Ideas of Black Advancement 172
Table 8 Black Pe le Idea f Black Libe a i 173
v
LIST OF FIGURES
Page
Figure 1 Black Pa ici a E la a i f S a i icall Re ed Em l me Inequities 174
Figure 2 Black Pa ici a U de a di g f S a i icall Re ed I c me I e i ie 175
Figure 3 Black Participa U de a di g f S a i icall Re ed Healthcare Inequities 176
Figure 4 Black Pa ici a U de a di g f S a i icall Re ed Police Violence Inequities 177
Figure 5 Pa ici a U de a di g f The O igi f S emic O e i 178
Figure 6 Black Pe le Idea f Black Ad a ceme 179
Figure 7 Black Pe le Idea f Black Libe a i 180
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I want to extend a warm thank you to my committee members Dr. David Vogel, Dr.
Meifen Wei, and Dr. Tera Jordan.
David, thank you for your patience, flexibility, and support throughout this process.
Thank you for holding me accountable and being a thoughtful editor. I appreciate you so
much, and I am grateful that you have never discouraged me throughout this process. I
am so thankful to have you as my advisor, and I will always be appreciative of how you
ed me h gh hi ce . I ill e e f ge ha aid, I ell
, beca e I d k ha e ca able f. Tha k f belie i g i me. I
appreciate you.
Meifen, thank you for your support throughout this process. Thank you for offering me
warmth and positive energy during my proposal and defense. Overall, thank you for the
genuine encouragement, positivity, and kindness you have shown me. I appreciate you
taking the time to read and immerse yourself in my scholarship and thank you for the
e i ha ill ick i h me a d c a l emi di g me f m e ( Y ill
be a leader, mentoring the next generation. How will you impleme he da a? ). I am
grateful.
Dr. Tera Jordan, thank you for your knowledge and expertise. Thank you for your
thoughtful advice, your caring words, and your verbal and non-verbal encouragers
throughout this process. I appreciate all the articles you carefully selected to share with
me, and I appreciate your investment in my scholarship and professional growth. It was
vii
truly an honor to have you on my thesis committee. I will remember to always recognize
he e g h f Black e le, a e a ed, We e ill a di g. We e ill l i g.
We e ill raising families amid all of these things that have continued to chip away at
Black i ali a d he h ma c di i .
I would like to extend a big thank you to Dazzell Research Team Lab Director,
Dekendra Dazzell, Research Assistants, Zakiya Johnson and Jada Draine, and former
Research Member Takiya Wilson-Mueller. Thank you to each of you for your stellar
transcription services.
Limayra Castro, thank you for the uplifting conversations. Thank you for being my
emotional support during this time and thank you for opening my mind to new avenues of
Black liberation. You are deeply loved, and I appreciate your existence.
To the greatest support systems that I could ever ask for. Thank you, Lenetta Dazzell and Dekendra Dazzell, for your consistent support, and thank you for assisting me in the recruitment process and being my day ones!
Lenetta, thank you for your blessings and your words of assurance. Thank you for
speaking motivation and life into my work and for encouraging me and motivating me
throughout this process. Your words kept me disciplined and focused. Overall, you kept
me going.
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Dekendra, thank you for your words of reassurance. Thank you for all the edits and your
patience throughout this entire process. Thank you for being a wonderful editor, a
thoughtful revolutionary, critic, scholar, and an active listener.
Thank you both for the words of encouragement, for the late-night FaceTime and dreaded
Zoom calls. Thank you for being my therapists and accountability partners. I love you both deeply, and I am eternally grateful for both of you.
Thank you to my mother, Don Allison Dazzell, for the blessings you bestowed upon me and for the kiss on the forehead and blanket when I was too tired to keep writing.
Thank you to My Council. Without all of you, I could not have done this.
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ABSTRACT
Black people in the United States are systematically oppressed under a system of white supremacist capitalist patriarchy. Under this system, Black Americans are subjected to several racial inequalities such as employment, income, healthcare, and police violence disparities, which infringe upon their ability to advance within society. While previous researchers have examined these racial inequalities, little research exists on Black e le e ce i f racial inequalities, systemic oppression, and how perceptions may impact Black ideological views on
Black liberatory advancement. The present study is the first of its kind to use a critical phenomenological approach to examine a) Black e le e ce i f acial i e ali ie
(employment, income, healthcare, and police violence) during a global pandemic, b) how Black people make sense of systemic oppression, c) how these perceptions may influence Black liberatory imagination, during an upcoming presidential election.
Pa ici a fi di g eflec a mi ed approach. Generally, participants used a systems lens and an internalized racially oppressive framework to explain inequities. Ideas of Black liberatory advancement involved multi-sectoral reparations, self-determination, addressing issues in the Black comm i , a d heali g. Thi d e l ma all ed ca a d ch l gi to address damaging internalizations and perceptions in the Black community, which lead to detrimental impacts at the inner and interpersonal level. With this understanding, we may use education as a tool to promote critical consciousness and psychology as a means for healing to facilitate Black liberatory advancement. Additional contributions and implications are discussed.
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CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
Black people in the United States have endured a unique oppression. From chattel slavery followed by Jim Crow segregation to the war on drugs, mass incarceration, police violence, and systematic, institutionalized racism, Black people are consistently treated as inferior, second- class citizens in the U.S. (Hine et al., 2013; Karenga, 2021). Then as well as now, Black
Americans continue to fight for basic human rights and the freedom to exist within society.
However, 400 years following chattel slavery, years of protests, rebellions, and rightful resistance, Black people are still systematically oppressed under the system of white supremacist capitalist patriarchy (hooks, 1997; 2013; Robinson, 2013; Rucker, 2008).
White supremacist capitalist patriarchy (hooks, 1997; 2013) is a term used to describe the interlocking domains and systems of domination that oppress Black people based on race and gender. White supremacy is the distorted ideology that whites are superior to all other races, specifically, the Black race (ADL.org, 2021). The term acknowledges capitalism, the U.S. economic and political system that thrives on free or cheap Black labor and thus assigns Black people to the bottom of the hierarchy (hooks, 1997; 2013). A patriarchal system allows for men and whites' superiority over all other genders, specifically Black women and Black non-men
(hooks, 1997; 2013). The present study uses the term white supremacist capitalist patriarchy as an intersecting framework for understanding systemic racism and racial inequalities within U.S. society. Under a white supremacist capitalist patriarchy, systemic racism is inevitable. Systemic racism is the intentional destruction and repression of one racial group on every level, including political, educational, entertainment, healthcare, social, environmental, institutional, psychological, and spiritual (Welsing, 2018). A powerful tool of systemic racism is racial inequalities, which is the unequal dissemination of resources based on race. Racial inequalities
2 di ec l limi Black e le ad a ceme i hi cie a d c ib e Black ema ic oppression. Racial inequalities are maintained with the use of race-based hierarchies. Race-based hierarchies are what Social Dominance Theory describes as an arbitrary social hierarchy category, which suggests that Black people are socially inferior to whites.
Social Dominance Theory
According to Social Dominance Theory, societies maintain group-based hierarchies, which may be based on arbitrary racial distinctions. One, in particular, is race-based hierarchies
(Sidanius & Pratto, 2001). The U.S. operates as a racist white supremacist society that uses race- based hierarchies to maintain oppression. Therefore, Black people are relegated to the bottom of the societal hierarchy and are not privileged with parity of resources (Dazzell & Dazzell, 2020;
Sidanius & Pratto, 2001; Sidanius & Pratto, 2011). Social Dominance theorists have shown that within a white supremacist capitalist patriarchy, whites control societal resources and support laws, policies, institutions, and ideologies that maintain their power and status (Kestner, 2009;
Pratto et al., 1994; Poteat & Spanierman, 2012). As a result, racial inequities that deprive Black people of basic resources are justified with the use of Legitimizing Myths such as stereotypes, prejudicial ideologies, and societal myths created and perpetuated by white society for the benefit of white society (Sidanius & Pratto, 2011; Sidanius & Pratto, 2001). Power and status allow whites to control institutional policies and media representation that perpetuates
Legitimizing Myths about the Black community (Feagin, 2013). Given the systemic racism within the U.S. and the use of propaganda to maintain these Legitimizing Myths, Black people are consistently privy to anti-Black sentiments and racist stereotypes (Feagin, 2013; hooks, 1992;
WKKF, 2014), which impact how they move through the world and interpret racial oppression
(Dazzell & Dazzell, 2020; Hirsch & Jack, 2012; Williams, 2012). Consequently, Legitimizing
3
Myths and anti-Black sentiments are forced upon Black people producing internalized anti-Black racial oppression (Feagin, 2013; Jost & Banaji, 1994; Williams, 2012).
Legitimizing Myths and Internalized Racial Oppression
P e i e ea ch gge ha Black e le f ced i e ali a i f Legitimizing
Myths about the Black community, also known as internalized racial oppression, may negatively impacts on well-being (Bivens, 2005; Thomas et al., 2004; Williams, 2012). Internalized racial oppression further leads to self-deprecating attitudes and behaviors in addition to self-blame and misattribution related to oppression (Hirsch & Jack, 2012; Bivens, 2005). For instance, Black people may eventually believe that systemic oppression results from Black character flaws
(Hirsch & Jack, 2012) instead of white supremacy. However, Black people may also assume counter-narratives rooted in a historical understanding of systemic oppression that dispel the myths inherent in internalized racial oppression (Hirsch & Jack, 2012). Although both are realistic possibilities, little research exists examining how Black people perceive and make sense of systemic racial inequalities. As a result of our white supremacist patriarchal society and the ga ekee i g i he e i ed mi a l hi e e ea ch i i i , Black e le li ed experiences are often minimized, dismissed, silenced, and never discussed. Therefore, it is important to conduct a scientific study to convey these experiences, as little research has addressed the complex ways that Black people actually make sense of inequities. While it is clear that white society would like Black people to believe that racial inequities exist as a function of Black inferiority (Feagin, 2013; Tan et al., 2000), little research has addressed Black
e le c m le de a di g f i e i ies. Thus, the present study not only adds to the literature, I examine, understand, a d c e Black e le e ce i a d e e ie ce f systemic oppression with a holistic approach that values Black voices.
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The Present Study
To fully understand Black e le e ce i f acial i e i ie a d h he make sense of the root of oppression, it is essential to hear from Black people. Previous literature examining racial inequalities uses survey data, close-ended questions, and statistics and is often produced from the dominant white perspective. However, surveys do not, and closed-ended questions do not capture the context and depth necessary to understand the complexities inherent i Black e le e ce i f acial i e ali ie a d emic oppression. Existing research would benefit from an in-depth qualitative examination that allows us to wholly understand how
Black people interpret racial inequities and their origin, which cannot be quickly captured in a survey. Therefore, to add to the literature, the current study uses a critical phenomenological qualitative approach to understand how Black people explain and process racial inequalities in the U.S. and their explanations of how society evolved to be in a state that upholds systemic oppression.
Further, no researchers have e ami ed Black e le e ce i f acial i e ali ie , systemic oppression, and Black advancement during a global pandemic and an upcoming presidential election using in-depth interviews. Both the pandemic and the upcoming presidential election may impact Black e le e ce i f he f e i a he COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the foundational racial inequalities blatant within the U.S. The present
d al e l ed Black e le imagi a i related to Black societal advancement within an oppressive U.S. society. N he d ha e l ed Black e le de a di g f acial inequalities and Black perceptions of Black societal advancement during a pandemic and an upcoming presidential election. It could be that the reality of the pandemic, along with the potential optimism or cynicism of the election, ma i fl e ce a ici a e ec i e . The
5 current study allows researchers to understand how Black people make sense of systemic oppression a d h he e e ce i ma im ac Black e le ide l gical ie cie al advancement, all during a global pandemic and an upcoming presidential election. Therefore, the current study may allow researchers and educators to address damaging internalizations and perceptions in the Black community, which lead to detrimental impacts at the inner and interpersonal level. With this understanding, we may use education as a tool for awareness that may change flawed perceptions and promote critical consciousness as a means for Black liberatory activism.
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CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW
In the present study, I e ami e Black e le e ce i f emic e i a d explore how Black Ame ica i a ed e e c e (li i g d i g a gl bal a demic a d a upcoming presidential election) may influence perceptions of Black advancement. Specifically, I examined Black e le e ce i f racial inequalities and explanations of how U.S. society evolved to be in a state that perpetuates systemic oppression. This study provides an understanding of Black e le perceptions and may help educators change flawed perceptions to promote critical consciousness and Black liberatory activism. In this literature review, I will first define racial inequalities focusing on four racial inequities (employment and income inequities, healthcare disparities, and police violence inequities) that have been identified as significant obstacles for the Black community. Afterward, I discuss the hegemonic structure of
U.S. society as described by Social Dominance Theory. In particular, reviewing how systemic oppression and racial inequities are maintained and justified using Legitimizing Myths. Then, I will discuss the previously identified impacts of these Legitimizing Myths on Black individuals
(i.e., internalized racial oppression), its impact on Black societal advancement, and the need to
de a d Black i di id al elf-perceptions of racial injustices in society. Lastly, I will focus
he c e d e ea ch e i , de ig , a d c ntributions to the literature.
Racial Inequalities
The U.S. functions as a white supremacist capitalist patriarchy and upholds systemic racial inequities that hinder Black advancement (hooks, 1997, 2013). Racial inequalities are the intentional unequal treatment and the systematic disproportionate allocation of resources to a group based on race. In a national online survey conducted from January to February 2019, 6,637
American adults were asked about views on societal advancement. Fifty-six percent of all
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a ici a ag eed ha bei g Black h e le abili cceed i cie , a d 59% f he sample reported that being white places people at a societal advantage (Pew Research Center
(PRC), 2019). Also, 78% of Black Americans reported that Black people do not have equal rights, and 84% reported that racial inequalities prevent Black people from getting ahead (Pew
Research Center, 2019). Black Americans not only recognize the racial inequalities that exist within U.S. society, but they have also identified specific inequalities impacting the Black community. Black Americans reported specific racial inequalities such as employment and income disparities as significant obstacles for Black Americans (PRC, 2016, Bobo, 2004; Hirsch
& Jack 2012; WKKF, 2014). As such, I discuss the systemic racism inherent in employment and income inequities. Also, given the current socio-political climate influenced by the COVID-19 global pandemic and police murders based on race, I explore salient healthcare and police violence inequities. Therefore, in the following section, I discuss these four areas of racial inequality: employment, income, healthcare disparities, and police violence. However, this focus is brief at best, given the exhaustive historical underpinnings of each racial inequity and its continued persistence in U.S. society.
Employment Inequities
As noted above, the extant literature has documented that employment inequities are one of the most significant obstacles to racial equality (PRC, 2016; Bobo, 2004; Hirsch & Jack 2012;
WKKF, 2014). Within the U.S., Black Americans are subject to systematic employment disparities that maintain the racial divide. According to the Center for Global Policy Solutions
(2017), Black Americans have the highest systematic unemployment rate and extended periods of joblessness. Black unemployment is twice as high as white unemployment, 6.6 compared to
3.6, respectively (BLS, 2020). One contributing factor for these higher rates of unemployment is
8 racial employment discrimination. Black Ame ica experiences of employment discrimination were expressed in a recent study conducted by the National Public Radio in collaboration with
Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health (2017).
Researchers conducted a national telephone survey of 3,453 American adults, 802 of whom were
Black Americans, from January to April 2017. Participants were asked to provide information on a battery of questions relating to financial concerns. Overall, 56% of Black workers reported experiencing discrimination when applying to jobs (National Public Radio (NPR) et al., 2017).
In another study, Bertrand and Mullainathan (2004) conducted a field experiment to measure employment discrimination. Researchers responded to job opportunities published in
B a d Chicag e a e i h ide ical fic i i e me ha had ei he Black
di g ame (i.e., Jamal Jones and Lakisha Washington) hi e- di g ame (Emily
Walsh and Greg Baker). White applicants had a 50% callback rate from employers. In other words, employers were less likely to hire Black applicants, although their resumes were identical to white applicants. Bertrand and Mullainathan (2004) also created higher quality fictitious resumes (greater work experience, honors, and volunteer experiences) for both fictitious white and Black applicants. While whites with higher quality resumes received a 30% greater callback,
Black candidates did not enjoy the same privilege. In fact, this upgrade in resume quality had much smaller effects for Black candidates. This study demonstrates the deleterious impacts of systemic racism on Black employment. Black Americans are also discriminated against when seeking employment due to African features. For example, the corporate world deems predominantly Black hairstyles such as locs and braids as unprofessional, unkempt, and unruly
(Powell, 2018). These ideologies inherited from slavery have led to institutional policies which
9 ban natural Black hairstyles in the workplace (Powell, 2018), thereby oppressing and potentially deterring Black workers interested in corporate fields.
In addition to hiring discrimination, Black Americans typically have fewer job options and are more likely to be fired or laid off. In fact, in the national survey conducted by NPR et al.
(2017) described above, 71% of Black Americans expressed that Black workers in their neighborhoods have fewer employment opportunities because they are Black. Black Americans also have less access to stable professions as they typically work in retail and healthcare professions (e.g., nursing homes or home healthcare; CDC, 2020). Additionally, during recessions, Black workers are systematically unemployed for longer than other non-Black unemployed workers (Weller, 2019; BLS, 2019). For instance, while white workers spent less than 21 weeks unemployed, Black workers spent over 25 weeks unemployed (BLS, 2019).
Although trends in unemployment rates dropped, Black workers remained systematically disadvantaged and unemployed longer than other unemployed workers (BLS, 2019; Weller,
2019). Overall, these employment inequities represent some of the systematic racial inequalities unjustly targeting Black workers, making it difficult for Black Americans to find employment and maintain a stable source of income.
Income Inequities
Once Black Americans are employed, income inequalities are another roadblock to advancement. In a recent national survey from the W.K. Kellogg Foundation and Ebony
Magazine (WKKF, 2014), 1,005 Black participants were interviewed via telephone in 2014.
Participants were asked questions regarding social and financial issues impacting the Black community. While almost 66% of respondents reported improved finances compared to 5 years ago, 82% of participants expressed concern that white workers are paid more than Black workers
10 for the same employment (WKKF, 2014). These results were similar to that of the NPR et al.
(2017) study, where 57% of Black workers reported experiences of discrimination when seeking equal pay and promotion. Consistent with these reports, in the second quarter of 2020, white workers earned 21% more than Black workers in median weekly wages (U.S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics (BLS), 2020). Specifically, full-time white workers earned a median weekly wage of
$1,018, whereas full-time Black workers earned $806 weekly (BLS, 2020). Additionally, Black workers are overrepresented in low-income occupations and underrepresented in high-income fields. According to the Economic Policy Institute (2017), Black and Latino workers make up over 44% of minimum wage workers. In turn, only 2.8% of Black and Latinos are fortune 500
CEOs (Inequality, 2020).
As a result of these disparities, white Americans are 13 times wealthier than Black
Ame ica , i h a a e age e h f e $144,200, c m a ed Black Ame ica a e age net worth of $11,200 (Kochhar & Fry, 2014). These income inequities are further highlighted
he c ide i g he 10% f ea e ' i c me f e acial g . Whites in the top 10% of earners must earn an annual income of $117,986, whereas Black Americans must only earn an annual income of $60,502 (Inequality, 2020). As a result of these systemic inequities, in 2018, the U.S. poverty threshold was $25,465 for a family of four. Although nationally, Black
Americans made up only 13% of the U.S. population (Census, 2010), they accounted for 23% of individuals who fell below the poverty line (Blackdemographics, 2018). These staggering differences between Black and white income levels create barriers for Black Americans that make societal advancement difficult.
Additionally, 37% f Black familie al ha e e eal h ega i e eal h, hich refers to debt that exceeds assets (Inequality, 2020). This gap between income levels and wealth
11 between Black and white communities is particularly astonishing given that the Black community is the most educated race, with Black women being the most formally educated
(National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), 2019). From 2015 to 2016, the number of
Black students who earned a Bachel deg ee i c ea ed b 75% (NCES, 2019). Black women were 64% of Bachel deg ee ea e i hi hei ace, he highe c m a ed all he ace
(NCES, 2019). However, despite Black women being the most formally educated group, they still earn less than white peers. According to the Institute for W me P lic Re ea ch (IWPR,
2017), Black women make 38% less than white men and 21% less than white women.
Specifically, Black women earn a median annual income of $36,192, whereas white women earn
$45,741, compared to white men who earn $57,925 (IWPR, 2017). In turn, Black males earn a media i c me f $41,348 (IWPR, 2017). F he , f m 2015 2016, hile all he ace i c me i c ea ed, Black me a d Black me i c me dec ea ed (IWPR, 2017). O e all, these systematic race-based income inequalities within the U.S. demonstrate the abuse that Black workers systematically face in a white supremacist capitalist patriarchy. These systemic income inequalities continue the ongoing wealth disparities between Black and white communities.
Police Violence Inequities
The white supremacist capitalist patriarchy system does not solely exploit Black people i i c me a d em l me d mai b i hi he c imi al j ice stem. As noted by
Alexander (2012), the U.S. continues slavery through the disproportionate criminalization of
Black e le, al k a ma i ca ce a i . F ll i g he ab li hme f cha el la e , the 13th amendment of 1865 incorporated a loophole i ec i 1, hich a e Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been
12 d l c ic ed, hall e i i hi he U i ed S a e , a lace bjec hei j i dic i
(U.S. Const. art. 13, § 3).
This addition to the 13th amendment renders it ineffective in abolishing slavery.
Therefore, the U.S. government, via the criminal justice system, incarcerates Black people at disproportionate rates to maintain white supremacist capitalism (Alexander, 2012; Muhammad,
2010). F ll i g he ab li hme f la e , Black e ickl became m i h criminality (Muhammad, 2010). From the early 1870s until 1965, Jim Crow laws allowed for the lawful policing, incarceration, and murder of Black people (Karenga, 2021; Muhammad, 2010).
Af e a d, U.S. P e ide Ni i i ia ed he Wa D g begi i g i 1971. The Wa
Drugs involved harsh incarceration policies that disproportionately penalized members of the
Black community more than whites for possessing or selling the same quantity of drugs (Cocaine and Federal Sentencing Policy, 1995). As a result of racist criminal justice policies, the U.S. has the highest incarceration rate in the world (Equal Justice Initiative, 2014).
Not surprisingly, in a recent Pew Research Center study (2019), 87% of Black Americans reported that Black people are treated less fairly in the criminal justice system than whites. In fact, Black people receive disproportionately higher sentences than whites and are penalized at greater rates compared to whites. Whereas 1 in 17 white men are expected to go to jail at some point in their lifetime, 1 in 3 Black men are expected to go to jail (NAACP, 2020). Compared to white Americans, Black Americans are more likely to be arrested and receive longer arrest sentences. For instance, Black men receive 20% longer sentencing than white males (Sonja et al.,
2005). These unequal sentence policies perpetuate the ideology that Black people are violent criminals, and these assumptions are rooted in the foundation of the American justice system and maintained by the police force.
13
Black e le e e ie ce aci ea me i hi he j ice em; hi aci m translates to police interactions. In a national U.S. survey conducted via the internet and mail,
4,538 American adults (3,485 whites, 383 Black, 350 Hispanics) were interviewed from August to September 2016 on perceptions of police confidence. Results revealed that Black Americans were less likely than whites to agree that police were doing a good job in their profession (PRC,
2016). Specifically, 52% of Black people reported that police are not good at protecting people from crime, 65% reported that police are not good at treating racial and ethnic groups equally, and 69% reported that police are not good at holding other officers accountable for their misconduct (PRC, 2016). These sentiments echo the awareness and experiences Black
Americans have with police violence and further reiterate the differences in Black and white
America i e ac i i h he lice.
Further, these perceptions are also representative of police interaction with Black communities. Using 911 calls from two non-disclosed cities, Hoekstra and Sloan (2020) examined police officer use of force in minority and white neighborhoods. Researchers examined over 2 million 911 calls and found that white officers used force 60% more than Black officers. White police officers also used gun force twice as often as Black officers, and white officers are five times as likely to use gun force in predominantly Black neighborhoods
(Hoekstra & Sloan, 2020). In a previous study, Fryer (2018) also analyzed police use of force by examining four datasets from NYC Stop, Question, and Frisk program, the Police-Public Contact
Survey, Houston Police Department police-civilian interactions, and event summaries from incidents of police discharge of guns from large cities in Texas, Florida, and Los Angeles.
Results indicated that Black people are 21.2 times more likely to be harmed by police officers even when police report compliance (Fryer, 2018). Further Black and Hispanic civilians are 50%
14 more likely to experience police force during police interactions (Fryer, 2018). Black people are also 1.3 times more likely to report police use of force, including the use of a baton or physical attacks (Fryer, 2018).
In yet another study, Ross (2015) found that unarmed Black people are 3.5 times more likely to be shot by police than unarmed whites (Ross, 2015). In a recent study, Schwartz and
Jahn (2020) used Fatal Encounters, a system that uses media reports and public records, to map police violence nationally from metropolitan statistical areas. Researchers analyzed a sample of
5,494 police acts of violence consisting of 94.2%-gunshots, 3.5% taser use, 1.4% asphyxiation, pepper spray use and bludgeoning, and 0.7% other violent incidents. Results indicated that Black
Americans are 3.23 times more likely to be murdered by police compared to white Americans
(Schwartz & Jahn, 2020). These alarming a i ic de ic Black e le ec d-class status within U.S. society. Through the senseless murders, criminalization, and dehumanization of
Black Americans, U.S. society reinforces the notion that Black lives do not matter. Whether explicitly stated or not, this sentiment has been observed over the last decade with the countless murders of unarmed Black people by the hands of police officers. Names such as Eric Garner,
Philando Castile, Michael Brown, Michelle Cusseaux, Atatiana Jefferson, Natasha McKenna,
Sandra Bland, George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Tony McDade resound loudly at protests within the Black community as each person was a merciless victim of police murders. The current COVID-19 global pandemic has allowed for the intense spotlight on police violence, leading to a record where all 50 states have protested police violence (USATODAY, 2020).
Healthcare Inequities
The COVID-19 global pandemic, while exposing the systematic police violence inequities, has exposed the pre-existing racial inequities within the medical system,
15 disproportionately impacting Black communities due to systemic racism. Notably, Black people are 2.6 times more likely to contract COVID-19 compared to whites. Black Americans are also
4.7 times more likely to be hospitalized for coronavirus (CDC, 2020). In addition, Black people with coronavirus are 2.1 times more likely to die than whites with COVID-19 (CDC, 2020).
These disproportionate rates are not a symptom of Black genetic susceptibility but healthcare inequities and environmental disparities.
Black people in the U.S. experience healthcare inequalities in the U.S. medical system leading to higher death rates and increased suffering because of systemic racism (CDC, 2020).
To begin, Black Americans have less access to healthcare assistance. In 2017, 10.6% of Black
Americans did not have health insurance, compared to 5.9% of white Americans (Edward et al.,
2019). Even when services are available, Black patients receive a lower quality of care than white patients (National Healthcare Quality and Disparities Report, 2010). Sabin and Greenwald
(2012) conducted an online survey among a sample of 86 pediatricians using three implicit a cia i e mea e ide acial e e e a ie ca e f c ce ch a pain, ADHD, and urinary tract infections. Researchers found that pediatricians were less likely to provide Black patients with proper pain medication following a surgical procedure (Sabin &
Greenwald, 2012). Researchers also reported that medical professionals are less likely to prescribe appropriate pain medication to Black patients compared to white patients (Sabin &
G ee ald, 2012). U f a el , heal hca e fe i al c el a d ha mf l ea me f Black patients does not end there. Black communities are also less likely to receive care involving and innovative treatment procedures and the latest technology (National Research Council, &
Committee on Population, 2004). For example, in an examination of 400 U.S. hospitals, Black patients received older and cheaper treatments compared to white patients and were discharged
16 earlier than whites (Bridges, 2018). Black communities are also more likely to be treated by less proficient physicians (National Research Council, & Committee on Population, 2004). Georges and colleagues (2003) found that nursing staff have higher turnover rates and vacancies, increased workload, and decreased satisfaction. Together, these healthcare inequities have direct impacts on the health of Black Americans (Washington, 2008). One prominent example is that
Black women are three times more likely to die from pregnancy complications than white women (CDC, 2019). In addition, Black infant mortality rate is the highest compared to other races and is twice as high as white infant mortality rates (11 and 4.7, respectively, CDC, 2019).
These inequities highlight the true impact of racial inequalities and literally mean life or death for Black people.
Summary
Furthermore, Black people in the U.S. are continuously relegated to a second-class position, where racial inequalities directly impact general well-being and overall livelihood. The four racial inequalities (i.e., employment, income, healthcare, and police violence) mentioned above, while not exhaustive of all the inequities Black Americans suffer from, represent significant obstacles identified by the Black community. Further, these racial inequities represent the obstacles that the Black community is forced to endure during a global pandemic and continued police violence (Bobo, 2004; Hirsch & Jack 2012; EBONY, 2014; PRC, 2016).
Therefore, I examine Black people's perceptions of these four racial inequities in the current study. Next, I explain how racial inequities are maintained with a discussion of Social
Dominance Theory and the role of Legitimizing Myths (Sidanius & Pratto, 2001). Then, I will return to these four areas of racial inequalities and the need to understand Black individual's awareness of the origins of systemic oppression and its impact on ideas of Black advancement.
17
Social Dominance Theory
The previously discussed employment, income, police violence, and healthcare inequities highlight the systematic oppression of Black people, upheld throughout U.S. institutions and systems. Social Dominance Theorists explain that racial inequities are created and maintained using race-based hierarchies (Sidanius & Pratto, 2001). Social Dominance Theory (SDT) assumes that societal organizations are bound to produce and maintain group-based hierarchies
(Sidanius, 1994; Sidanius & Pratto, 2001; Sidanius & Pratto, 2011). Group-based hierarchies refer to differences in the social power and privilege that individuals across groups hold
(Sidanius & Pratto, 2001). Potential privileges include higher social status, higher income, protection of law enforcement, and disproportionate access to resources such as better employment options and quality healthcare (Sidanius, 1994). SDT contends that one key organizing component of these group-based hierarchies is arbitrary set systems (Sidanius, 1994).
Arbitrary set systems are founded on social constructions (i.e., race, nationality, and religion) and maintained with force or fraud (Sidanius & Pratto, 2011). Forceful maintenance refers to violence and intimidation, whereas fraudulent tactics may include stereotypes and prejudice, which justify societal inequities (Sidanius & Pratto, 2001). Fraudulent tactics are also known as legitimatizing myths and represent discriminatory ideologies that promote the idea of a high-
a eli e g , j if cie emic, f e e i e behaviors, provides insight into what group society values, and allocates resources to, and ultimately explains societal norms
(Sidanius & Pratto, 2011; Pratto & Stewart, 2012; Pratto et al., 1994).
Legitimizing Myths
The U.S. maintains a race-based arbitrary set system founded on white supremacy.
Whites represent the societally dominant group, and non-white races, specifically, the Black
18 race, represent the societally low-status group (Dazzell & Dazzell, 2020; Song, 2004). This race- based arbitrary set system places white individuals at the top of the hierarchy and relegates the
Black community to the bottom (Dazzell & Dazzell, 2020; Song, 2004). A race-based hierarchy where white is superior and Black is inferior is maintained when dominant society enforces institutional racial inequalities followed by Legitimatizing Myths, which justify the unequal treatment that Black people receive (Sidanius & Pratto, 2001). Legitimizing Myths refer to stereotypes, prejudice, and inaccurate cultural beliefs. Therefore, racial inequities are maintained using Legitimizing Myths, which explains why society is the way it is.
Common Legitimizing Myths created and disseminated by white society are the stereotypes that Black people are lazy, violent, and genetically inferior to whites (Bobo, 2004;
Cheers, 2017; Entman & Rojecki, 2001; King, 2020; Tan et al., 2000). As white Americans represent the societally dominant group, they have the power to control the societal narrative of the Black community within mainstream society. As a result, it is important to understand how white Americans perceive the Black community. Consistent with this idea, in 1991, researchers surveyed 2,223 white Americans via computer-assisted telephone interviewing to assesses
a ici a e ceptions of Black people related to laziness, violence, and determination to succeed (Peffley et al., 1997). White Americans reported that Black people lack discipline
(60%), are lazy (31%), irresponsible (20%), and aggressive (50%) (Peffley et al., 1997). Survey responses also included the option to remain neutral. Therefore, these percentages may be higher due to social desirability demands. Over a decade later, Piston (2010) examined 1,110 white
Ame ica acial e e e agai Black Ame ica d i g the Obama administration. Piston
(2010) used data from the American National Election Studies (ANES), a series of face-to-face interviews conducted throughout 2008 pre-election and post-election. Participants in the ANES
19 were asked multiple interview que i , f hich f c ed acial e e e ( a e he extent to which blacks are lazy rather than hardworking on a seven- i cale a d a e he e e hich black a e i ellige a he ha i ellige . 436, Pi , 2010). Re l indicated that 50% of participants believed that Black people are lazier than whites, and 44% believed that Back people are less intelligent than whites. Over a decade, these two studies dem a e hi e Ame ica ie f Black Ame ica a la a d lacki g intelligence.
In another study, Pasek and colleagues (2014) used data from national surveys conducted from 2008 through 2012 to compare anti-Black attitudes throughout the Obama Era. Researchers found that anti-Black attitudes slightly worsened, despite having Barack Obama, a Black president, in office (Pasek et al., 2014). Two years later, Yadon and Piston (2019) conducted a cross-sectional and panel survey using the ANES surveys to examine white Americans racial stereotypes and anti-Black attitudes compared to 2008 attitudes, 2012 attitudes, and anti-Black a i de ea he e d f Obama e ide c i 2016. Yad a d Pi (2019) f d ha hi e
Americans continue to stereotype that Black people are lazier and more violent than whites.
Overall, Yad a d Pi (2019) gge ha hi e Ame ica Legi imi i g M h f Black people as less intelligent, lazy, and violent do not change over time, even when Barack Obama, a
Black President, is in office.
These studies demonstrate the dehumanizing, degrading, racist legitimizing ideologies about the Black community in white society. These myths are especially harmful because they are woven into the fabric of U.S. society (Horton et al., 1999; King, 2020), disseminated across cultures, literature, the arts, and media outlets (Bell & Harris, 2017), and create and reinforce a narrative of Black inferiority. Further, whites have the societal power to maintain racial inequalities using these Legitimizing Myths (Entman & Rojecki, 2001; Feagin, 2010; Sidanius &
20
Pratto, 2001). In the following section, I examine the Legitimizing Myths of Black laziness,
Black violence, and Black genetic inferiority that may justify the aforementioned racial inequalities (employment, income, healthcare, and police violence).
The Legitimizing Myth of Laziness
Since the inception of U.S. chattel slavery, stereotypical propagandistic images of Black people were used by whites as a tool to justify the violence and dehumanization against enslaved
Black peoples. One prominent Legitimizing Myth created by whites that remains is that of the la Black e , e e e ed b amb a d c e (K igh , 2020; Pilg im, 2012).
Knight (2020) explained that sambo refers to the lazy, unintelligent, thoughtless, irresponsible, child-like, and content enslaved person. On the other hand, the coon caricature represents the adult Black enslaved person who dislikes their predicament but is too lazy and unintelligent to change anything (Pilgrim, 2012). These consistent derogatory caricatures perpetuate the myth of
Black la i e (K igh , 2020; Pilg im, 2012). F ll i g he ab li hme f la e , minstrelsy, a form of silent theater, was created. Minstrelsy shows were performed by white actors in Black face and depicted Black Americans as lazy, unintelligent, happy savages
(Cathcart, 2016), further denigrating Black people as lazy and reinforcing their societally contrived position at the bottom of the hierarchy.
Although we have seen a shift away from blatant expressions of racism depicted by
Legitimizing Myths (Valentino et al., 2011), subtle portrayals of damaging ideologies continue to reinforce the fallacy of the lazy Black person (Schmidt & Nosek, 2010). Mastro and
Greenberg (2000) conducted a content analysis of ethnic mino i ie , ecificall La i portrayal in prime-time television news networks (ABC, CBS, Fox, and NBC) over one week.
Researchers found that Black characters were often portrayed as lazy (Mastro & Greenberg,
21
2000). Further, this anti-Black depiction of Black characters was used to benefit Latino characters who were portrayed as motivated in comparison (Mastro & Greenberg, 2000). In addition, not only were Black characters depicted as the laziest characters but they were also portrayed as less professional than whites in subtle ways, including attire (Mastro & Greenberg,
2000). It is clear then that Blackness is consistently represented in a damaging light under the white gaze and white direction that upholds Myths such as Black laziness.
Another example is Black E e ai me Tele i i (BET) hif i c e af e ownership was transferred from a Black owner to a white owner (Cathcart, 2016). After the shift,
Ca hca (2016) de c ibe he e k g ammi g a m de -day minstrelsy. To this end,
BET commonly portrays Black characters as lazy. Other researchers also report that Black television characters are often portrayed as low achievers with lower education and status than white characters (Cheers, 2017; Greenberg & Brand 1994; Reid, 1979). Signorielli (2009) found that 60% of Black women in prime-time television shows from 2000 to 2008 were depicted without an occupation (i.e., typically portrayed at home instead of at work). When Black women were in occupational settings, they were in professions with lower prestige (e.g., household or service workers compared to doctors or lawyers; Signorielli, 2009).
Within a socio-political context, Black people are also portrayed as lazy. In 1965, Daniel
M iha , f me Se a a d ci l gi bli hed, The Negro Family: The Case for National
Ac i , e e i g hi hi e emaci aci ide l gie ab he Black famil . The
Moynihan Report, as it is commonly known, described the Black family as deviant, fatherless matriarchs, dependent on government welfare. The implication behind these claims is that Black mothers are welfare-dependent and lazy, preferring to swindle the government instead of working. The term welfare queen was later popularized in 1974 by President Ronald Regan to
22 shame Black women for alleged welfare fraud (Cook, 2016). In reality, it served its intended purpose, generalizing all Black women as lazy, dependent scammers. The welfare queen trope has made a long-lasting impact on societal ideologies about Black women (Collins, 2008) as most people have come to associate welfare with race (Moffitt & Gottschalk, 2001) and continue
dem i e elfa e eci ie a la , m i a ed, a d chea i g he em ( . 850,
Seccombe et al., 1998). Just 44 years later and the word welfare is still associated with the myth of laziness (Cammisa, 2018) and continues to be associated with the Black community. In a recent study, 991 participants (735 white, 120 Black, 80 Hispanic, 56 Other) were asked to determine whether most welfare recipients were white or Black (Delaney & Edward-Levy,
2018). Most participants, 59%, over- e ed Black e le i l eme i elfa e g am reported the number was about the same between Black and white Americans, despite whites benefiting the most from welfare policies (Delaney & Edward-Levy, 2018). Also, 63% of survey respondents overestimated the number of Black people receiving food stamps. This inaccurate notion furthers the ideology that Black people are solely dependent on welfare programs and lazy. Gile (1996) f d ha hi e i i elfa e g am e l ed f m elfa e association to the myth that Black Americans are lazy. Therefore, opposition to welfare is the opposition to Blackness and Black laziness (Gilens, 1996). The idea that Black people are lazy is rooted within white supremacist capitalist patriarchal institutions and throughout U.S. society.
This Legitimizing Myth of laziness is then used to justify racial inequities resulting from systematic racial inequalities.
The Myth of Black Laziness as a Justification for Employment and Income
Inequities. The myth of the lazy, unmotivated Black American who is content with cheating the system instead of working hard to achieve may be used as a justification and continuation of
23 systemic employment and income racial inequalities (Wooten, 2019). Take the comparative unemployment rates of Black and white Americans. Black workers have a quarterly average unemployment rate of 5.6% compared to white workers, who have an unemployment rate of
3.4% (BLS, 2019). Since Black people have higher unemployment rates, the justification of the
Legitimizing Myth of laziness may be if Black e le a e em l ed a g ea e a e , i m be beca e Black e le a e la a d d a a j b. C e (2018) suggests that whites justify employment inequities with the inaccurate ideology that Black people are lazy, inferior, and do not want to work. This myth also explains some of the findings discussed above (e.g., job a lica h had Black di g ames being hired at lower rates, even though their credentials were the same as whites; Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004). Bertrand and Mullainathan
(2004) and other researchers demonstrate that Legitimizing Myths inform applicant employment selection (Ba e al., 2016; Pager & Shepherd, 2008).
The Legitimizing Myth of laziness may also be used as a justification for systematic income disparities. Specifically, white workers in the U.S. earn 21% more than Black workers in median weekly wages (BLS, 2020). This comparative statistic may lead to a justification rooted in the myth of Black laziness. Individuals employing the myth of Black laziness may claim
Black e le d k a ha d a hi e ; he ef e, he a e de e i g f e al a , e e f he ame lab (C e, 2018; DeSa e, 2013). In fact, among a sample of 1,000 participants,
DeSante (2013) assigned individuals to complete an experimental budget task that required participants to allocate $1500 to two fake candidates in need of $900. Candidate race (Black or white) and level of hard work (no work history vs. excellent workmanship vs. poor workmanship) were experimentally manipulated. Researchers found that Black candidates were punished more for being just as lazy as white candidates, and white candidates were rewarded
24 more for being just as hardworking as Black candidates (DeSante, 2013). Therefore, even when
Black people work hard, they are still seen as lazy and do not receive adequate compensation for their labor.
Additionally, the myth of laziness also becomes synonymous with both a character trait and a choice (Darity, 2017; Reyna, 2000). With this idea, individuals may justify income and employment inequities with the sentiment that Black people do not deserve equal pay as they are inherently lazy and because they choose to be lazy (Reyna, 2000). Thus discrepancies in em l me a a e Black e le fa l .
Legitimizing Myth of Violence
Another Legitimizing Myth that upholds racial inequalities and white supremacy is the myth of Black violence. In the media, Black people are depicted as criminals (Oliver, 2003) and are disproportionately overrepresented as violent compared to whites (Bogle, 2001; Dixon, 2008;
Dixon & Linz, 2000; Entman & Rojecki, 2000; Mastro, 2000; Tan, Fujioka & Tan, 2000). For example, Entman (1992) conducted a six-month analysis of news coverage and found that 84% of all crime stories portrayed Black people as violent. Also, news depictions of Black suspects portrayed Black individuals handcuffed and physically restrained by police officers. More recently, Dixon (2017) examined news programming and found that while there have been improvements in the portrayal of Black people, 47% of violent criminals were depicted as Black, whereas 31% of criminals were whites. The myth of Black violence and criminality is also present in television shows (Dixon, 2008). Bell and Harris (2017) discuss the trope of Black male violence within the media by examining the television show, Parenthood, which centers a
Black male, Alex. Throughout the show, Alex is shown as violent and aggressive, requiring police intervention and restraint. The Black male protagonist is also depicted as having two
25 previous offenses. Oliver (2003) notes that these overrepresentations in the media lead viewers to misidentify Black people and to perpetuate an implicit or explicit acceptance of the myth that
Black people are violent.
The Myth of Black Violence/Criminality as a Justification for Police Violence
Inequities. The violent and criminal portrayal of the Black community serves as a justification for police violence inequities. For example, if presented with the comparative statistic: Black
Americans are three times more likely to be murdered by police compared to whi e (Sch a
& Jahn, 2020), individuals unaware of systemic racist law enforcement policies may use this as a justification for police violence inequities. The Legitimizing Myth of violence here serves to undermine the insidious systemic police violence inequalities that strategically and unjustly target Black people and criminalize the Black body.
The myth of Black violence is also embedded in the sentiment of "Black on Black crime." The idea here is that if Black people kill each other, police officers should be permitted to murder Black people. However, crime by proximity, racial segregation, and economic inequalities, to name a few, demonstrate why this statement is problematic (Headley, 1983;
Taylor, 2020). This statement of Black on Black crime is also a deflective anti-Black sentiment rooted in the ideology that Black people are inherently criminals and deserve to be murdered.
The general myth here is that Black people are violent. Therefore, police officers must use excessive force, and Black murder can be justified with the myth of Black violence and criminality. In addition, these myths suggest that the murder of Black people can be explained away with this subtle yet dangerous Legitimizing Myth of Black violence. Thus, the brutal murders of Black people and generally Black lives do not matter.
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The effects of these inaccurate myths can be seen as early as grades K through 12, where
Black children receive harsher punishment than white students (Crenshaw et al., 2015; Okonofua
& Eberhardt, 2015; Skiba et al., 2011). In fact, Black girls are suspended six times more than white girls, and Black boys are suspended three times more than white boys (Crenshaw et al.,
2015). This perception of Black youth continues throughout the criminal justice system and allows for the justification of police inequities (e.g., Black people are 21.2 times more likely to be harmed by police officers and three times more likely to be murdered by police than whites
(Schwartz & Jahn, 2020). This can be seen in the consistent murders of unarmed Black
Americans by police officers. On August 24, 2019, an unarmed 23-year-old young man, Elijah
McClain, was murdered by police officers who used unrequired excessive force (Lampen, 2020).
Less than a year later, on March 13, 2020, Breonna Taylor, a 26-year-old Black woman, was brutally murdered in her home by three police officers who broke into her apartment (North &
Cineas, 2020). George Floyd, yet another unarmed Black person, was murdered by police on
May 25, 2020 (Hill et al., 2020). The murders of these unarmed Black Americans demonstrate the insidious impact of the myths of Black violence and Black criminality.
Legitimizing Myth of Genetic Inferiority/Superiority
In addition to being portrayed as lazy and violent, Black people are also depicted as genetically inferior compared to whites. Muhammad (2010) suggests that the myth of Black criminality, for example, upholds the notion that Black people cannot control their inherently criminal, animalistic, and violent urges and thus are inferior to white people who do not have these violent, animalistic tendencies. Within the healthcare system, the myth of genetic inferiority, also known as Black vulnerability, suggests that Black people are more susceptible to certain diseases than whites (Hoberman, 2012). While Black people do experience greater health
27 disparities than whites (e.g., chronic illnesses, asthma, obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes, cardiovascular disease, and premature death (American Lung Association, 2020; Center for
American Progress, 2020; Hilmers et al., 2012; National Research Council, 2009) these disparities are due to inadequate access to health services and environmental inequities (e.g., food access and insecurity; air pollution; American Lung Association, 2020; National Research
Council, 2009; U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, 2018).
Black people are also paradoxically depicted as subhuman usi g i i e e e e that portray Blackness as genetically, physically superior. For instance, the stereotype of the athletic Black male or the good Black dancer reinforces the myth that Black people are only physically adroit as opposed to intellectually adept (Conyers, 2017). This myth can play out in the medical profession as Van Ryn and Burke (2000) found that physicians perceived Black patients as less intelligent and less educated than white patients.
The impact of these portrayals of genetic differences is also reflected in healthcare
fe i al ide l gie . H ffma a d c lleag e (2016) f d ha 40% f he hi e, fi a d second-year medical students believed that Black people have thicker skin and are less likely to feel pain. A prime e am le f Black e le e e ie ce f ai bei g di c ed i he e of professional tennis player Serena Williams. Williams almost died in labor after medical professionals dismissed her concerns about a pulmonary embolism (Villarosa, 2018). Thus within the medical system, Black people are viewed as having special immunity or special vulnerability (Hoberman, 2012). Both notions are rooted in the myth of Black genetic superiority and vulnerability and justify and maintain racial inequalities within the healthcare system.
The Myth of Black Genetic Inferiority/Superiority as a Justification for Systemic
Healthcare Inequities. As with other myths, the stereotype of Black genetic
28 i fe i i / e i i ma affec e le e ce i f acial heal hca e i e i ie . A example of this justification may be observed when individuals learn that Black people are dying at disproportionately higher rates due to COVID-19 (CDC, 2020). Individuals may rely on
Legitimizing Myths of genetic inferiority to explain this statistic. For example, individuals may justify the disproportionate COVID death rates by citing Black people's "inherent" susceptibility to pre-existing health conditions (e.g., asthma, diabetes, and high blood pressure) rather than systemic healthcare and environmental inequities. Specifically, individuals may not consider how healthcare inequities and environmental racism predispose Black people to many contributing health factors (e.g., air pollutants, diabetes, and hypertension). For instance, environmental racism interacts with healthcare inequities leading to disproportionate effects of
COVID-19 on the Black community. Food deserts, or the inability to access healthy, nutritious, fresh produce, are more abundant in Black communities than white communities (Hilmers et al.,
2012; National Research Council, 2009). Food deserts are associated with various health concerns such as chronic illnesses, obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes, cardiovascular disease, and premature death (Hilmers et al., 2012; National Research Council, 2009). Therefore, Black communities, which are often racially segregated neighborhoods deemed food deserts, have higher rates of chronic illnesses.
Health disparities highlight the insidious impacts of governmental racial segregation and systemic environmental racism, such as the placement of Black communities in food-insecure neighborhoods. According to the Center for American Progress (2020), 13.8% of Black people reported fair or poor health compared to 8.3% of whites. In 2017, 42% of Black adults had high blood pressure compared to 28.7% of white adults (Center for American Progress, 2020).
Therefore, government-produced racially segregated ghettoes and food deserts leave Black
29 people ill-equipped to fight against food injustices and environmental racism, resulting in high blood pressure rates, diabetes, and heart disease (National Research Council, 2009).
Black communities are also strategically segregated in areas with higher air pollution, producing higher asthma rates in the Black community (American Lung Association (ALA),
2020). In 2017, 12.6% of Black children had asthma compared to 7.7% of white children (Center for American Progress, 2017). Further, Black Americans are at a greater risk of dying from harmful air pollutants and dying prematurely from long-term exposure to particle pollution
(ALA, 2020). Air pollution exposure is associated with asthma and may trigger asthma symptoms and other respiratory illnesses (U.S. Environmental protection Agency, 2018). These disproportionate statistics represent the impact of systemic environmental racism and residential segregation. Black Americans are at a higher risk of residing in areas with poor air quality and air pollution than white communities (ALA, 2020) and may develop respiratory illnesses as a result.
Additionally, myths can lead individuals to blame Black people for healthcare inequities instead of recognizing the systemic impacts (e.g., access to quality healthcare, environmental racism, employment, and income inequities) pre-dating the current pandemic. For instance,
Black workers are likely to be essential workers in low-income jobs such as retail and healthcare
(CDC, 2020). The ef e, Black ke em l me acce limi hei abili emai i elf- quarantine. Given all the previously mentioned systemic factors, the myth of genetic inferiority and superiority discounts centuries of environmental racism and healthcare inequalities, which leave Black people vulnerable to the COVID-19 pandemic and other medical and chronic illnesses.
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Summary
Furthermore, Black people within the U.S. are subjected to systematic, intentional racial inequalities which impact their livelihood. According to Social Dominance Theorists, societal oppression, such as racial inequalities, is maintained using Legitimizing Myths (Sidanius &
Pratto, 2001). Legitimizing Myths provide justifications for societal oppression (Sidanius &
Pratto, 2001). Nonetheless, it is crucial to recognize that racial inequalities such as employment, income, police violence, and healthcare inequities exist because of white supremacist capitalist racism. These systems of oppression are then maintained with the use of stereotypes created and spread by whites, which wrongfully suggest that Black people are deserving of a second-class status as they are erroneously labeled lazy, violent, and genetically inferior to whites. In the next section, I di c he im ac f Black e le internalization of Legitimizing Myths.
Internalized Racial Oppression
As discussed above, Black people in the U.S. are systematically and institutionally oppressed under white supremacist racist capitalist patriarchy (hooks, 1997, 2013). Systemic oppression is then maintained by creating anti-Black stereotypes to justify racial inequalities
(Sidanius & Pratto, 2001). Following, Black people may internalize some of these anti-Black sentiments that are detrimental to their mental and physical health (Bivens, 2005; Gale, 2020;
Jost & Banaji, 1994; Williams, 2012). This process is known as internalized oppression he incorporation and acceptance by individuals within an oppressed group of the prejudices against
hem i hi he d mi a cie (Phe e , 1986, . 148). Jost and Banaji (1994) suggest that when societally oppressed group members view Legitimizing Myths as credible, consistent, and fair, members may value privileged group members more than members of their group.
31
The ef e, i e ali ed acial e i c i f ha ed f e g i he f m f a i-
Black sentiments, ideologies, statements, and behaviors (Bivens, 2005).
Not surprisingly, internalized racial oppression is linked to adverse psychological and physical health outcomes (Gale, 2020; Gainor, 1992; Taylor 1991; Williams, 2012). For example, among an inner-city sample of 289 Black women, Taylor and Jackson (1990) found that internalized racial oppression is associated with greater alcohol consumption. Subsequently,
Taylor and Jackson (1991) conducted survey interviews using a battery of questionnaires such as the Nadanolitization Scale (Taylor & Grundy, 1996) to measure internalized racism, a physical health problems checklist, and the Hopkins Symptom Checklist (HSCL-90) to measure mental health symptoms, among a sample of 289 inner-city Black women. Researchers found that internalization of negative stereotypes was associated with psychiatric symptoms such as obsessive-compulsive disorder, anxiety, depression, and somatic symptoms (Taylor & Jackson,
1991). In another study, Wester and colleagues (2006) reported a relationship between internalized racial oppression and anxiety among 130 Black male participants. Similarly, in a recent meta-analysis, Gale and colleagues (2020) reviewed 29 studies from 1999 to 2015.
Researchers found a relationship (i.e., r = .26) between internalized racism and adverse mental health outcomes such as anxiety and depression. Gale (2020) also found that internalized racism is associated with cardiovascular concerns (hypertension, heart disease), diabetes, and maladaptive eating, with small but consistent effects (average r = .11). Further internalized racial oppression has been linked to shame (Speight 2007), lower self-esteem (Brown et al., 2017), and self-blame (Bobo, 2004).
While most of the extant literature has focused on the adverse mental and physical health outcomes, it is crucial to consider the psycho-social impacts of internalized racial oppression.
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Endorsement of Legitimizing Myths that result in internalized racially oppressive frameworks may influence how Black people perceive, justify, or explain societal racial inequities (Bobo,
2004; Hirsh & Jack, 2012). In other words, Black individuals internalization of anti-Black
e ime ch a : M Black e le a e la Black e le d k hard, Black
Black c ime may lead to internalized racially oppressive justifications of racial inequalities that influence views of social advancement. Further, endorsement of Legitimizing Myths may lead to Black people blaming the Black community for white supremacist created systemic
e i a d e iall lead di a ci g a d ha ed f e Black e .
In a book chapter, Bobo (2004) theorizes on the acial ide l gie ha im ac Ame ica views on racial inequalities and contribute to the U.S. racial divide. Specifically, Bobo (2004) ill a e a ici a experiences and views of racial inequalities from two separate focus groups. One focus group contained nine Black participants and the other nine white participants from an Eastern city. Participants in both focus groups were asked, Wha i he bigge blem faci g c mm i ? (Bobo, 2004, p.13). While the question was general, examples of the racial inequalities experienced by Black participants emerged. For example, one Black female participant shared her experience with police violence. The participant informed moderators of police response after she requested assistance for a home burglary. In the interaction, the woman defended herself from the burglar by using a bat and called the police for backup. When police arrived, they handcuffed her and took the burglar to the hospital. In the end, the woman was arrested and sent to jail for two days. Bobo (2004) follows up the story by stating:
The situation was so dire, the woman explained, that had a black police officer who lived in the neighborhood not shown up to help after the patrol car arrived with sirens blaring, she felt certain the two white police officers who arrived, guns drawn, would probably ha e h he S meh I d b ha a i gle, middle -aged, churchgoing white woman in an all-white neighborhood who had called the police to report that she apprehended a
33
burglar in her home would end up handcuffed, arrested, and in jail alongside the burglar. (p.15)
This acknowledgment of standard differential police treatment highlights the racial inequalities i lice i e ac i a d Black e le a a e e f he e i e i ie . In theorizing about the continued racial inequalities in America, Bobo (2004) suggests that laissez-faire racism, a new form of Jim Crow racism, involves support for color-blind attitudes and leads to the maintenance and rationalization of racial inequalities that then e e a e he c acial di ide. U de laissez-faire racism, Legitimizing Myths are readily disseminated with stereotypes, which result in blaming Black people for the systemic oppression.
Subsequently, Hirsch and Jack (2012) demonstrated the impact of this laissez-faire racism by capturing the self-blame ed i a ici a e e racial inequalities and
a ici a use of Legitimizing Myths intended to explain inequities. Hirsch and Jack (2012) analyzed data from 150 middle-and working-class Black Americans aged 25 to 26 residing in
New Jersey. These interviews were initially collected as part of a more extensive study by
Lamont and Mizrachi (2012) examining coping mechanisms for racism and discrimination utilized by minority groups in Brazil, Israel, and the U.S. Interviews were then qualitatively analyzed to understand Black Americans experiences and perceptions of race and racial inequalities. Hirsch and Jack (2012) f c ed he i e ie e i : Wha d hi k a e
me b acle faci g Af ica Ame ica igh ? (p. 134). Participants responded with nine salient obstacles: racism, lack of racial solidarity, family, economics, education, youth, opportunity, incarceration, and crime.
In addition to identifying these racial inequalities, participants shared reasons that these inequities might exist. Although Hirsch and Jack (2012) did not specifically focus on
Legitimizing Myths i hi hi d , i i clea ha a ici a e e elici ed internalized
34 racially oppressive sentiments related to the myth of laziness and inferiority. While most participants, 55%, identified structural racism as a salient obstacle impacting the Black community, a close examination of the descriptive qualitative analysis suggests that racial inequalities were rationalized using Legitimizing Myths of Black characteristic flaws. For instance, Hirsch and Jack (2012) report that one middle-class woman speaking about the systemic financial disparities stated:
Yeah, poverty is one [an obstacle], which includes not having access to certain resources that other races might have or they are available but a lot of people, African Americans d k ab i . O me a e j ma be la k fi d ab . . . B I think, obstacles? I think laziness, ignorance, poverty is one of them. (p. 143)
Although the participant briefly identified systemic factors such as lack of resources and opportunities impacting Black Americans, she also expressed internalized racially oppressive sentiments of Black laziness and ignorance. This statement highlights that within a white supremacist racist society, Black people may explain racial inequities using a mixed approach that highlights systemic factors and internalized racially oppressive frameworks that attribute inequities to the Black community. This internalized racially oppressive ideology may lead to the flawed perception that Black people deserve to be poor or are poor because of laziness and ignorance.
In another quote provided by Hirsch and Jack (2012), a participant used an internalized racially oppressive framework to suggest that economic inequities result from the Black c mm i materialistic mindset:
Everyone is trying to get the Benz. Everybody is trying to get through the doors of Neiman Marcus. Everybody is trying to just get the biggest and the best rather than trying fig e ha eall im a m e f a d. The ca gh i ha material crap to really look at the situation. (p. 144)
In this quote, the participant suggests that Black people are more concerned with consumerism than financial literacy and making smart financial decisions. This internalized racially oppressive
35 sentiment attributes blame to Black people for the systemic income and employment inequities, which prevent the Black community from achieving financial security. As described in these descriptive quotes, several Black participants used an internalized rascally oppressive framework guided by Legitimizing Myths to make sense of racial inequities. However, not all participants in the sample seemed to endorse Legitimizing Myths when making sense of racial inequalities. For instance, one middle-class man discussing financial concerns demonstrated his awareness of the damaging Legitimizing Myths in the media about Black people. He stated, i h ma media,
he image a ed a e he image ha I ee bei g. I ee he a e age e le h a e working and trying to provide for their families, not out there trying to bling-bling. (Hirsch &
Jack, 2012, p. 144). In this quote the participant acknowledges the damaging portrayals that exist about the Black community, yet he clarifies that there is a difference between what is portrayed in the media and what he sees. This statement serves as a reminder that some Black people are aware of the damaging myths which exist about the Black community and discard some of these myths given their reality.
Another participant, a Black middle-class woman, highlighted the stereotypes that white
America portrays about the Black community and expressed strong disagreement:
I keep saying that they think all Black men are thieves and thugs, and all Black women are on welfare squeezing out children, just sucking he em. Tha ha he hi k e a e, a d ha e. I . (Hirsch & Jack, 2012, p. 139)
One more participant also noted:
Beca e f aci m, he he i b le b le, i e d h ld e le back. Y and I go in for the same job, the same qualifications. Unfortunately, the White person will get that job before you or I will. (Hirsch & Jack, 2012, p. 138)
Summary
Pa ici a e ided b Hi ch a d ack (2012) dem a e ha Black e le approach racial inequities from what I call a mixed approach, acknowledging systemic factors
36 and operating from an internalized racially oppressive framework. Overall, these quotes from participants in B b (2004) a d Hi ch a d Jack (2012) dies highlight Black a ici a awareness of Legitimizing Myths within society and provide a snippet of the differing ways
Black people may make sense of racial inequalities. Specifically, the results provide some initial evidence that Black people may hold various levels of awareness of societal Legitimizing Myths and may differ on their level of endorsement of these myths. For instance, while some participants used internalized racially oppressive sentiments and endorsed myths of Black laziness and ignorance, other participants acknowledged the systemic factors such as the myths of violence and laziness in the media and structural racism within employment.
Despite the rich descriptions provided in these previous works (Bobo, 2004; Hirsch &
Jack, 2012), it is still unclear how Black participants may perceive racial inequities when asked directly. In both studies, researchers focused on identifying the inequities and did not ask participants why the inequities exist. For instance, Bobo (2004) expressed certainty that police officers would have used excessive police violence (i.e., shooting) during an encounter with a
Black female participant. However, no additional questions were asked about this experience,
did B b e ami e a ici a de a di g f he emic i e i ie ela ed lice violence. Furthermore, although Hirsch and Jack (2012) focused he b acle faci g Af ica
Ame ica igh (p.134), there was no discussion of the root of historical and continued racial inequalities in the U.S. nor the systemic racism impacting the Black community. As such, it is necessary to understand how Black people perceive racial inequalities and how they make sense of existing systemic oppression.
37
Examining Perceptions of the Root of Systemic Oppression
Li le e ea ch e i Black e le e ce i f acial i e ali ie a d emic oppression. However, King (1991), as described in King (2015), examined factors that foster justification and acceptance of societal inequities hile ga gi g e le e la a i f he of systemic oppression. From 1986 to 1988, King (1991) asked a total of 57 white undergraduate students for their reaction to societal inequities. Specifically, participants were presented with a comparative statistic: C m a ed Whi e child e , Black child e a e ice a likel die i the first year of life, (King, 1991; p.136) f ll ed b he e i , h did cie ge be hi a ? This specific question was important to elicit perceptions of root causes directly.
Using content analysis, King (1991) found that students held a lack of consideration for the various systematic ways in which Black people are oppressed, a process she termed
d c ci aci m. Dysconscious racism is the lack of critical awareness about systems of oppression which, in turn, foster a justification and acceptance of societal inequities.
Although King (1991) examined white students responses to racial inequities and their systemic roots, it is essential to consider how members of the Black community may explain
acial i e i ie a d a e he e i , h did cie ge be hi a ? (King 1991;
King, 2015). While Black people in our current society cannot be racist, it is important to examine Black e le e la a i f societal oppression and understand their perceptions of the root of systemic oppression. It could be that members of the Black community, who have internalized Legitimizing Myths, hold unidimensional beliefs about societal inequities, which impact the Black community. In other words, pa ici a explanations may vary when asked to identify the root of racial inequities. For instance, a participant could explain the use of police violence from (a) an internalized racially oppressive framework that uses Legitimizing Myths of
38
Black violence and Black criminality (e.g., personally believing that Black men are thieves and thugs); (b) participants could discuss the systemic factors such as the damaging media portrayals of Black people that are a result of white supremacist anti-Black systems; or (c) use what I call a mixed approach that incorporates the use of systemic factors and an internalized racially oppressive in other words a mix of a) and b).
It is not clear the degree to which participants (a) use an internalized racially oppressive framework to attribute systemic racial inequalities to the Black community, (b) recognize the systemic factors that result from systemic racism and its roots or (c) a mix of both. Therefore, in the current study, I aimed to understand the nuances that e i i Black e le e ce i f systemic oppression. Understanding internalized racially oppressive sentiments and fallacies of oppression may allow educators to target and debunk specific myths related to the root of Black
e le emic oppression. U de a di g Black e le e ce i f he f oppression may also assist psychologists in working with Black clients. It is crucial to examine
Black people explanations of racial inequities and systemic oppression as this influences Black
e le de a di g f deh ma i a i a d e i (Hi ch & Jack, 2012) b d mi a white society. In addition, these perceptions may influence ideas of Black advancement
(Stoetzler & Yuval-Davis, 2002).
Black Peoples Perception of Advancement and Liberation
Societally marginalized groups experience a multitude of behavioral and emotional patterns, such as self-blame, deference to the dominant group, compliance with white supremacist systems, hopelessness, despair, and lack of group attachment (Bivens, 2005;
Williams, 2012), because of internalized oppression. These emotional and behavioral patterns ma likel im ac Black e le abili e i i Black cie al ad a ceme . Therefore, it is
39 important to understand how internalized racial oppression and the potential endorsement of
Legitimizing Myths may infl e ce Black e le abili e i i a be e f e. Previous scholars and researchers (e.g., Bobo, 2004; Hirsch & Jack, 2012; King, 1999) have focused on the inequalities Black people face. However, e ea che did e l e a ici a perceptions of Black advancement. As a result, we have limited understanding of how operating from an internalized racially oppressive framework or using a systemic approach, or both, may im ac i di id al idea f Black libe a ad a ceme . Further, we do not yet have a clear
de a di g f h Black e le a a e e f he hi ical f emic e i may influence their present understandings of racial inequalities and future ideas of Black liberatory advancement.
While researchers have not focused on how endorsing internalized racially oppressive sentiments or taking a systemic approach, or both may influence understandings of Black advancement, a recent Pew Research Center study (PRC, 2010) examined Black participants general perceptions of Black progress. Researchers from the PRC surveyed a nationally representative sample of 2,884 Americans (1,447 whites, 812 Black, 376 Hispanics) via telephone from October 2009 to November 2009, he ea af e Obama presidential election.
Participants were asked a series of questions, three related to Black Americans progress and future advancement in the U.S. Pa ici a perception of Black progress in 2009 was compared to responses in 2007. Overall, 39% of Black participants reported that Black people were better off in 2009 than they were five years ago, 53% optimistically reported that life for Black people would be better in the future, and 74% reported that the election of Barack Obama would result in better race relations. In comparison, in 2007, only 20% of Black participants reported that
40
Black people were better off than they were five years before, and only 44% reported that Black people would have a better future (PRC, 2010).
Although this study (PRC, 2010) provides useful information about how Black people may view progress within the U.S. after an election, participants were not asked to consider how this societal advancement might occur. For instance, participants were not asked about ideas of
Black advancement or Black liberation. In addition, this study was conducted after a Black president, Barack Obama was elected and not when a presidential election was looming. This alone may produce different perceptions from the PRC (2010) study, as Black participants believed that Barack Obama e ide c would have their best interest at heart. In comparison,
a ici a imi m ma diffe as there is no Black presidential candidate. Further, the study was conducted using telephone surveys which limit participa ability to provide in-depth answers. In addition, participants were not asked about their perceptions of Black liberatory advancement. With this in mind, it is crucial to understand Black e le ideas of Black liberatory advancement and whether it is stifled by anti-Blackness, internalized racial oppression, and fallacies of oppression, or whether Black people can begin to imagine outside of the white supremacist racist capitalist patriarchy which continuously works to suppress the Black community. I i al im a de a d ha e e Black e le imagi a i f advancement may be limited, or not, by the current racial inequalities (employment, income, police violence, and healthcare disparities).
Specific Racial Inequalities
As discussed above, there are several racial inequalities facing the Black Community.
Salient racial inequalities identified by Black participants in previous studies were financial concerns related to unemployment and income (Hirsch & Jack, 2012; PRC, 2010; WKKF, 2014).
41
Further, the COVID-19 global pandemic has highlighted racial inequalities in healthcare (CDC,
2020). Additionally, there has been a rise in the social media coverage of police violence and reactions to continued police murders (USA TODAY, 2020). Protests against police violence and police murders of Black Americans have occurred in all 50 states (USA TODAY, 2020).
Therefore, examination of these specific inequalities (i.e., employment, income, healthcare, and police violence), separately, may capture nuances evident in Black pe le e ce i f systemic racial oppression. Black Ame ica perceptions may shift depending on the racial inequality presented. For instance, a participant might understand that systemic factors such as white supremacist capitalism is the direct cause of police violence, yet, the same participant may explain employment inequities using an internalized racially oppressive framework. When e l i g a ici a ie Black ad a ceme , i di id al ma express optimism about the improvement of racial inequities but share hopelessness related to Black liberation in the U.S.
Furthermore, given recent events in the U.S. (COVID-19 global pandemic, upcoming presidential election, and widespread attention to police violence), it is both crucial and timely to conduct an in-depth qualitative study to better understand how Black people make sense of systemic oppression and how these perceptions impact Black e le ideas of Black liberatory advancement.
The Present Study
Although researchers have examined the racial inequalities existent in society (Inequality,
2020; Pager & Shepherd, 2008), researchers have not explored participants explanation of (1) the existence of specific racial inequities related to employment, income, healthcare, and police violence (2) the systemic roots of these inequities, nor (3) a prescriptive vision of Black advancement and Black liberation, after considering these racial inequalities. In addition, no
42 study has focused on all three components in conjunction, specifically during a global pandemic and an upcoming presidential election. These significant events may impact how Black people e i i Black libe a ad a ceme . U de a di g Black e le e ce i f acial inequalities during a pandemic which has allowed for widespread media attention of racial inequalities, may allow us as educators, researchers, and psychologists to grasp how embedded
Legitimizing Myths and internalized racial oppression may be within the Black community. As such, the present study used a critical phenomenological qualitative approach to explore Black people explanation of four specific racial inequities present within U.S. society (e.g., employment, income, healthcare, and police violence), how society got to be this way, and ideas for Black liberatory advancement. O e all, hi d ma all de a d Black e le perceptions of systemic inequities and oppression, and it may be a catalyst for conscious analysis and liberatory work for Black people. The current study has three research questions:
1. How do Black people explain present-day racial inequalities (i.e., employment and
income inequities, healthcare disparities, and police violence)?
2. How do Black people explain the origins of systemic e i (i.e., H did
cie ge be hi a (King, 1991)?
3. What do Black people believe is necessary for Black advancement and Black liberation?
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CHAPTER 3. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
Transformative Paradigm
The transformative paradigm shaped my approach in the present study. Guided by the paradigm, I recognized societal oppression and marginalization, while acknowledging, critiquing, and analyzing power differentials, privileges, human rights, and cultural norms throughout the present study (Mertens, 2010; Phelps, 2020). At the end I use my research findings to suggest transformative practices to further social justice initiatives.
Critical Phenomenological Approach
Research questions were examined using a critical phenomenological qualitative approach. Creswell & Creswell (2018) suggests that qualitative research is used when we want to get a complex understanding of an issue. Phenomenological research is used to understand a particular thing, an experience, or a human phenomenon (Moustakas, 1994). Phenomenological studies are also used to understand, interpret, and make meaning of an experience (Miles et al.,
2018; Moustakas, 1994). The current study ce e Black e le ice a d m l idime i al experiences. Therefore, a phenomenological approach is used to understand the complex and descriptive approach that Black people use to make sense of their world and human experience.
This is approach is particularly important as extant literature examining racial inequalities are typically conducted using surveys and close-ended questions that limi e ea che abili ca e he a ce f Black e le e e ie ce .
The current study also addresses systems of oppression which serve to marginalize the
Black community. As such, a critical phenomenological approach is used to recognize the oppressive power systems, such as hierarchical systems which systematically oppress and marginalize the Black community (hooks, 1997, 2013; Miles et al., 2018; Sidanius & Pratto,
44
2001). Critical research goes beyond interpreting text, with the examination of privilege and power (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011). This approach is focused on collective change, with the recognition that knowledge is both power and political. The critical lens is important for this study because participants come from a socially marginalized racial group and interview questions addressed power and oppression as well as advancement in the Black community. I employed a critical research lens to center empowerment and social justice, while challenging systems of oppression (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011).
Participants
Participants were 12 Black New York City (NYC) residents aged 19-28. Individuals lived i NYC f a a ge f h ee 27 ea . Pa ici a ed ca i le el a ged f m high school degrees to higher education degrees. Ethnically, participants were Caribbean (n = 5), Caribbean and African American (n = 3), African (n = 2), African American (n = 1), and Multi-ethnic (n =
1). Guest et al. (2006) suggest that data saturation occurs at the twelfth participant and themes that appear early on in beginning interviews tend to remain in later interviews. I present composite summaries for each participant in Chapter 4.
Sample and Location
Researchers suggest that a phenomenon should be explored by those who experience it
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Hycner, 1999; Miles et al., 2018;). Therefore, I used purposive and snowball sampling (Campbell et al., 2020; Luborsky & Rubinstein, 1995) to recruit Black individuals. Participants were recruited from NYC. The City has one of the largest Black populations in the U.S., as over 24% of its residents are Black (Census, 2020). Besides being a melting pot of Black ethnic diversity, at the beginning of the pandemic, NYC was a focal point for COVID-19, with over 200,000 confirmed cases within three months (CDC, 2020). As of
45
March 2021, one year and one month after the first COVID-19 outbreak, Black New Yorkers are still disproportionately affected by COVID-19 (Aapmresearchlab, 2021). Pre-existing employment and income inequalities may explain these alarming statistics. Employment and income inequities are heightened in NYC because Black workers are disproportionately over- represented in the service industry (healthcare, fast food industries, retail (BLS, 2020; BLS,
2019). As a result, Black workers have an increased chance of contracting COVID and dying from the virus.
In addition to the healthcare, employment, and income inequities, police violence is another concern. Following the murder of George Floyd, New Yorkers organized a series of protests to defund and abolish the police (NYC DOI, 2020). In response to these protests, the
NYPD unleashed a brutal continuation of violence, enforcing their power and brutality (Deese,
2020; Griffith, 2020; Guerguerian & Tarleton, 2020; NYC DOI, 2020). Recent acts of police violence from May to June 2020 (NYC DOI, 2020), coupled with the longstanding history of police brutality and over-policing in New York, reinforce policing disparities. Therefore, the c e d aimed de a d Black Ne Y ke e ce i f acial i e ali ie d i g an unprecedented time when residents are exposed to the jarring inequalities in employment, income, healthcare, and policing.
Procedures
I contacted gatekeepers, what Andoh-Arthur (2020) defines as social networks or
media , to recruit Black participants of varying backgrounds. The first gatekeeper is the former community liaison for the Senator of a small town in NYC, primarily composed of Black residents. The second gatekeeper is also a resident of a small predominantly Black town in NYC and has access to Black residents of different educational and ethnic backgrounds due to her
46 former position as the Executive Administrative Assistant of a small NYC non-profit organization. The third gatekeeper is NYC resident from a predominantly Black and Hispanic neighborhood in NYC and currently works at a Criminal Defense practice. After receiving IRB approval for the study (see Appendix A), recruitment emails were sent to gatekeepers, and interested participants contacted me or were contacted by me via email to express interest in the study. I emailed participants the link to Qualtrics consent forms (see Appendix B), which were signed electronically. Participants also completed a brief Qualtrics demographic survey (see
Appendix C). Data collection occurred with the use of one-on-one audio-recorded semi- structured interviews via WebEx video calls or telephone calls. Van den Berg (2005) suggests that interviews are an effective approach to capture participants lived experiences. Interview times and dates were determined via email or phone call. I conducted all interviews in a secure home location, protecting participants confidentiality. Throughout each interview, no one was present besides myself and the research participant. Audio recordings were stored on Iowa State
U i e i ec e and encrypted storage system, Cybox. Interviews ranged from 25 minutes to
57 minutes. All participants were interviewed from November 2020 to January 2021. Afterward, audio recordings were transcribed by the Dazzell Research Team. The Dazzell Research Team is an all-Black woman research lab consisting of undergraduates, graduate students, and recent graduates.
Interview Protocol
Participants were asked the six semi-structured interview questions to get an understanding of how Black e le e ce i f racial inequities and ideas of Black liberatory advancement (see Appendix D). This allowed participants to describe their perceptions of racial inequities, explain their understanding of the root of systemic oppression, and envision
47
Black advancement and liberation. To develop interview questions for research question one, I followed procedures set forth by King (1991). Thus, the first four interview questions address research question one by presenting participants with a racial comparison statistic and asking,
h d hi k hi i ? Participants were sequentially provided four comparative statistics selected in order to address each of these domains related to unemployment, income, healthcare, and police violence inequalities.
To examine research question two, focused on participants understanding of the origins of systemic oppression, individuals were asked, H did cie ge be hi a ? (King,
1991). Finally, to address research question three, participants were asked, Wha ca be d e ad a ce he Black c mm i ? a d Wha d e Black libe a i l k like to you? to get an understanding of how awareness of each of racial inequity and understanding of systemic oppression may influence ideas of Black liberatory advancement (see Appendix D).
Reflexivity
Reflexivity is self-a a e e a d ec g i i f he e ea che le i im ac i g
a ici a i e ld a d he e ea ch (G ld e , 1971; Palaga a e al., 2017). Re ea che should examine their backgrounds, situated contexts, experiences, ideologies, and how presuppositions impact the research (Palaganas et al., 2017). In other words, researchers must acknowledge their positionality (Palaganas et al., 2017). Further, Saldaña and Omasta (2016) suggest that researchers state the lens from which they approach the research.
Reflexivity Statement
I am a first-generation, Black Guyanese gender fluid, young adult woman. I currently attend graduate school at an overwhelmingly white institution (OWI). I have two Bachel degrees in Africana Studies and Psychology from the City University of New York. At present, I
48 am an Africana Studies instructor and a Practicum Counselor. As a Black Guyanese American woman who comes from a low-socioeconomic background and has witnessed the impacts of structural, systemic injustices on the Black community while growing up in NYC, my lived experiences have shaped me. It is the intersection of these identities which have shaped my reflexivity in this research. Through community activism, interviewing Black people, teaching, and my own lived experiences, I have witnessed the impact of critical consciousness on advocacy and activism. Therefore, my reflection is informed by my passion for empowering
Black e le libe a ac i i m through critical consciousness. Overall, my approach is focused on Black liberation and decolonizing the mind. The lens through which I approach the present research is discussed in the following paragraphs.
Reflexivity Lens
I exist within a white supremacist racist capitalist patriarchy. As a result, I hold internalized racially oppressive views and am indoctrinated in anti-Blackness. Through bracketing, consistent reflections, and inner work, I aim to decolonize my mind and un-work the anti-Black ideologies that I hold. Throughout this study, it is important to name that I do not blame any Black person for our internalization of racially oppressive ideologies. My standpoint is emancipatory, believing that Black liberation requires abolishing all white supremacist racist capitalist systems or any system that harms the Black community. Further, I am in favor of Black self-determination and Black Nationalism. A a e l , I ma be c ide ed lef i b me a d
adical b he .
My background in Africana Studies and my lived experiences as a Black woman from
NYC at a large Mid-western OWI allows me to take a critical approach to this research. I am fortunate to have majored in Africana Studies at CUNY Lehman College. There, I learned about
49 the insidious impacts of systematic racism and white supremacy. Now, I consistently consider the systems of oppression that attempt to subjugate the Black community (continued police violence, healthcare disparities, income, and employment inequities, to name a few). Therefore, the lens in which I view this work is focused on recognizing the systemic factors that continuously attempt to oppress Black people. At the same time, my work is Black empowerment-focused. I invite all of us to consider that even under intentional government violence and systemic harms, Black people continue to exist and continue to fight. As we engage in this study, we must remember that Black people never have and will never be passive victims while systemic oppression exists. It is out of this awareness and understanding that the present
d a b . La l , I ec g i e ha m ie d eflec all Black e le views, nor can they be generalized to all Black people. In the next section, I describe the trustworthiness and credibility of this study.
Trustworthiness and Credibility
Trustworthiness is a vital component of qualitative research (Guba, 1981; Maxwell,
2005; Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Trustworthiness and credibility in qualitative studies differ from quantitative studies as qualitative studies focus on capturing a ici a inner world and subjective realities (Krefting, 1991). Guba (1981) suggests that the four aspects of trustworthiness are truth value, applicability, consistency, and neutrality. Each aspect relates to qualitative terms of credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability, respectively.
Truth Value-Credibility
Guba (1981) states that credibility is accomplished when truth value is present. Truth
al e de e mi e e ea che c fide ce i he h f he fi di g ba ed e ea ch de ig , participant experiences, and the context of the research. I used critical phenomenological
50 methodology in conjunction with a transformative paradigm, which allowed me to interpret,
lif , a d h a ici a bjec i e eali ie a d li ed e e ie ce . F he , I c d c ed i - depth interviews ranging from 25 minutes to 57 minutes, which allowed me to establish what
Guba (1981) calls persistent engagement or spending time with participants. Therefore, credibility is established in this study.
Applicability-Transferability
Guba (1981) shares that applicability is the second component of trustworthiness in qualitative research. Applicability is described as the extent to which the phenomenon or i di id al e e ie ce ma be ge e ali ed ac diffe e c e . Q ali a i e die recognize that generalizability is not relevant (Maxwell, 2012; Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). In fact,
he e g h f ali a i e die i highligh he i e heme e e i a ici a li ed experiences (Guba, 1985; Maxwell, 2012). Therefore, applicability in qualitative studies is met when researchers provide what Guba (1981) calls thick descriptive data such as participant quotes. Applicability requires transferability and fittingness. I used purposive sampling to recruit participants, which ensures that findings are context-relevant and transferable. Further, while the
e e d i ge e ali able, I ide im lica i ba ed hi d fi di g ha ma be transferred to different contexts. In addition, transferability was met as I conducted one-on- one in-depth interviews that were transcribed to produce descriptive data that upholds participants lived experiences and perceptions of the phenomena of racial inequities and Black liberatory advancement.
Consistency-Dependability
Consistency is determined by dependability which ack ledge a ici a i abili d i g he e ea ch (G ba, 1981). Th gh each i e ie , I ec g i ed a ici a
51 instability or shifts in emotions, insight, and awareness as we discussed racial inequities, followed by systemic oppression and Black liberatory advancement. In the present study, I aimed
de a d h a ici a e ce i f acial i e ali ie ma i fl e ce Black libe a ad a ceme . The ef e, I aid cl e a e i i di id al e l i g i igh d i g he e- on-one interviews. I also bracketed throughout the present study, thereby meeting another dependability component that Guba (1981) calls an audit trail. Further, variability in qualitative research is inevitable (Krefting, 1991) and should be reported and explained (Guba, 1981;
K ef i g; 1981). De e dabili i me i hi d a I add e a ici a a iabili b reporting general and unique themes, as encouraged when following Hycner's (1999) data explication technique.
Neutrality-Confirmability
Lastly, Guba (1981) suggests that neutrality is accomplished when confirmability is met.
Confirmability occurs when researchers bracket, produce interview notes and journals. This study meets confirmability criteria as I practiced reflexivity and bracketed throughout the study to understand my predispositions, the lens through which I approach this work (Saldaña &
Omasta, 2016), and my emotional reactions, thoughts, feelings, ideas, and lived experiences.
Finally, triangulation was also implemented during coding as I spoke to the Co-Founder of the
Dazzell Research team, Dekendra Dazzell, a Black woman with a B.S. in Sociology.
Triangulation is the process of peer review and consultation to receive various perspectives and establish credibility (Guba, 1981).
Summary
On a final note, trustworthiness was accomplished in this study as I implemented careful steps such as bracketing to create an audit trail and establish dependability and confirmability. I
52 implemented peer debriefing and triangulation by consulting to establish confirmability. I reported both general and unique themes in findings and descriptive quotes to meet the criteria of transferability. Therefore, this study can be viewed as trustworthy and credible, as all four aspects of trustworthiness described by Guba (1981) are met. Lastly, Tong et al. (2007) suggest that researchers complete a Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research Checklist
(COREQ; see Appendix E). The COREQ is a 32-item checklist that examines three domains 1)
Research team and reflexivity, 2) Research design, and 3) Analysis and findings. The Checklist promotes researcher transparency and establishes rigor, trustworthiness, and credibility in qualitative studies (Booth et al., 2014). Using guidelines from both Guba (1981) and Tong et al.
(2007), this study can be viewed as trustworthy, credible, and rigorous.
Hycner (1999) Data Explication Analysis
Analysis
Following the interviews, participant data were transcribed and explicated. Hycner
(1991) suggests that it is not appropriate to have prefixed steps for phenomenological research as
hi ld im e me h d a he me hich damage he i eg i f he e ea ch.
However, there is recognition that some steps are helpful for researchers (Groenwald, 2004;
Hycner, 1999). As such, Hycner (1999) recommends useful steps to conduct phenomenological data explication. I used H c e (1999) data explication model condensed and cited by
Groenewald (2004):
Step 1: Bracket: Bracketing, also referred to as phenomenological reduction, invites the researcher to engage in reflection, identification, and acknowledgment of presuppositions.
Throughout participant interviews and coding, I engaged bracketing by reflecting on my own experiences, viewpoints, ideologies, and how this situated context may influence the work.
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Step 2: Delineate Units of Meaning: During step two, I extracted units that capture the meaning of the phenomenon from each a ici a interview. I determined what units were significant and extracted relevant statements from the interview, removing redundant units.
Step 3: Cluster Units of Meaning to Form Themes: In step three, I examined the previously delineated units of meaning in step two and clustered units of meaning. I clustered similar grouping items and identified significant topics that determine the meaning of statements and the essence of the phenomenon.
Step 4: Summarize Each Interview: In step four, I summarized a ici a i e ie and provided themes in each interview to reconstruct participant e e ie ce. During this step,
Hycner (1999) stated that it is vital to recognize that participants have their individual lived experiences but that experiences can be c ec ed he e e ie ce . He ce, he h li ic nature of phenomenological research (Hycner, 1999).
Step 5: General and Unique Themes and Composite Summary: After the first four steps were completed, I found common themes throughout while recognizing unique differences.
Here, I determined general and unique themes for all the interviews and created a composite summary (Hycner, 1999). I present the themes from the data and a summary/interpretation of the themes and the overall essence of the phenomenon in Chapter 4.
At each stage of the phenomenological data explication process, I bracketed to acknowledge my own emotions, feelings, and overall presupposition. When uncertain about general and unique themes, I engaged in the process of triangulation, consulting a knowledgeable researcher, Dekendra Dazzell, as explained above. In the following chapters, I discuss findings from participant interviews, contributions to the literature, and implications for future research.
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CHAPTER 4. FINDINGS
The e f hi c i ical he me l gical d a e ami e Black e le perceptions of systemic oppression and their ideas of Black liberatory advancement. Consistent with Hycner's (1999) data explication approach, I first present participant composite summaries f each a ici a e e a d he e e he c m i e heme .
Participant Composite Summaries
Thi ec i i a b ief c m i e mma f each a ici a dem g a hic a d responses to the research questions, as suggested by Hycner (1999). All participants are Black and have lived in New York City for over five years. The following summaries provide brief i f ma i ab a ici a age, e h ici , a d e all a ach acial i e ali ie , Black societal advancement, and Black liberation. Systemic approaches efe a ici a awareness of the systemic racism and institutional factors that have created and maintained racial disparities. Internalized racially oppressive frameworks or ideologies refer to participant responses influenced by internalized racial oppression, resulting from living within a white supremacist racist society. Internalized racially oppressive ideologies ascribe blame to Black people for systemic disparities, which are only attributable to white supremacist systems. A mixed approach is one where participants explain racial inequities using both a systemic lens and an internalized racially oppressive framework. Participant approaches ranged from fully systemic to mixed approach with majority responses mixed, with a heavy focus on systemic issues, while others were mixed, with greater use of an internalized racial oppressive framework.
A summary of participant demographics and approaches is provided in Table 1, along with pseudonyms. Below, I provide each a ici a composite summary.
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Composite Summaries of Participant Individual Responses Kwame
Kwame (she/her/hers) is a 23-year-old Black Haitian cis woman born and raised in New
York City (NYC). Kwame answered the research questions using a mixed-internalized racially oppressive approach. It was clear that she understood the systemic factors producing racial inequalities and systemic oppression. Also, Kwame explained some racial inequalities using an internalized racial oppressive framework, which directly results from living within a white supremacist society. Overall, Kwame expressed awareness of Legitimizing Myths and the impact of racism on racial inequalities. In some of her responses, Kwame attributed racial inequalities within U.S. society to the ignorance, complacency, lack of drive, and lack of motivation of Black people. She suggested that Black advancement involves education, community, support, inclusivity, and funding. When asked to envision Black liberation, Kwame also expressed the importance of inclusivity, equality, sustainability, and generational wealth.
Nina
Nina (she/her/hers) is a 27-year-old Black Trinidadian cis woman who has lived in NYC for 13 years. She explained racial inequalities from a systemic approach, highlighting systematic racism, Legitimizing Myths, and white privilege as contributing factors that influence racial inequities. Nina explained that the systemic origins of racial oppression are due to global white
emac a d hi e ef al acce hei a ci ie . F Ni a, Black advancement requires a multi-sectoral reparations approach, safety, equity, and the removal of Legitimizing Myths.
Although she was pessimistic about Black liberation, Nina explained that liberation looks like
Black people existing and living freely, Black people having exclusive access to what is theirs, not having to seek opportunities outside of the country, and returning to Africa.
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Septima
Septima (she/her/hers) is a 22-year-old Black American and West Indian cis woman, b a d ai ed i NYC. Se ima e e eflec ed a mi ed-internalized racially oppressive approach. When speaking about the Black community, Septima identified the Legitimizing
Myths commonly used by society, which labels Black people as lazy and violent. While Septima was aware of the impact of systemic oppression on Black lives, she also verbalized internalized racially oppressive statements by referring to Black-on-Black crime when explaining police violence inequities. Overall, Septima reported that systemic oppression is a function of white supremacy, Legitimizing Myths and trauma. She also expressed the need for equal opportunity a d Black e le k ice a ha d he sharing ideas of Black advancement. There was evident uncertainty, however, when Septima described Black liberation. She shared that
Black liberation is settling and becoming comfortable amidst discomfort and violence, with the hope for emotional release.
Coretta
Coretta (she/her/hers) is a 22-year-old Caribbean, Black woman who has lived in New
York City for 20 years. Her responses demonstrate a systemic approach. Coretta explained each racial inequality with an awareness of the systemic causes, systemic racism, and white supremacist ideology at the root of the oppression. Some systemic causes for the various racial inequalities included: Legitimizing Myths about the Black community and misogynoir inherent in the medical system. She explained the origins of these disparities with a holistic focus on chattel slavery, global systemic racism, Black trauma, mass incarceration, imperialization, internalized racism, and white harm and ignorance. Although she felt a sense of cynicism when discussing Black advancement, Coretta shared that this looks like healing, education, and
57 reparations on various levels (mental, emotional, financial, and educational). She also expressed her belief that Black liberation has already started with positive media representation, Black racial pride, and movements like Black Lives Matter.
Afeni
Afeni (she/her/hers) is a 23-year-old Black cis woman of Cameroonian descent born and raised in NYC. Afeni used a mixed-systemic approach when explaining racial inequities.
Throughout the interview, Afeni named racism and Legitimizing Myths as some of the systemic factors at the root of racial inequities. While discussing income inequalities, she shared internalized oppressive beliefs when she stated Black people lacked confidence and negotiating skills when navigating salary raises. In her explanation of the root of inequities, Afeni named that the social construction of race and racism, the lasting impact of systemic racism, continued environmental racism, and the lack of effort to rectify these systemic issues result in the continuation of systemic oppression. For Afeni, Black advancement means equity, access to resources, and Black self-determination. She was also aware that her idea of advancement is rooted in capitalism. Overall, her idea of Black liberation is living freely, choice, living on a commune, addressing issues in the Black community, and Black people doing work they love.
Thurgood
Thurgood (she/her/hers) is a 28-year-old multi-racial (Black, Native American, and
Polish) cis woman. Thurgood has lived in NYC for three years. During her interview, she demonstrated a mixed-internalized racially oppressive approach. Thurgood noted that the Black community is systematically affected by Legitimizing Myths, and governmental oppression such as the war on drugs, the school to prison pipeline, and incarceration rates. At the same time, she e e ed ha heal hca e i e i ie e l f m Black e le lack f ed ca i on medical
58 processes. Thurgood explained that societal oppression originated from chattel slavery, white supremacy, generational racism, continued Legitimizing Myths about the Black community, negative media representation, historical omission, and erasure of Blackness in schools. Her ideas of Black advancement and Black liberation centered on whites and what they can do to assist the Black c mm i . Th g d idea f Black libe a ad a ceme al f c ed diverse and culturally representative education for white people and other races, Black safety, and Black emotional well-being, although she was candid about her pessimism.
Flo
Flo is a non-binary (they/them/theirs) Black person who has lived in NYC for five years.
They explained racial inequalities from a mixed- emic a ach highligh i g Black e le systematic lack of accessibility to resources. Flo provided an explanation rooted in an internalized racially oppressive framework when they suggested that police disparities exist because of Black crime statistics. They explained that the systemic origin of racial oppression is due to inherent continuous, systematic racism suppo ed b la , hi e i e i al ig a ce f systemic issues, classism, and systemic poverty. Flo described Black advancement as c e a i be ee Black e le a d hi e , a a e e f Black e le diffe e ce , a d acknowledged that abolishing the system may be an option. For Flo, Black liberation looks like
Black separation, Black self-determination, creating a new system, and addressing problems in the Black community.
Marcus
Marcus (he/him/his) is a 27-year-old Black cis man born and raised in NYC. Marcus held a mixed-systemic approach. During the interview, Marcus shared his awareness of different systemic factors that have produced racial inequality. When discussing employment inequities,
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Marcus attributed Black apathy, lack of civic engagement, and community investment to employment disparities. He explained that the origins of racial inequalities result from institutional racism, power, and Legitimizing Myths. Marcus described Black advancement as mental health, education, adopting different perspectives, engagement in emotions, healing, economic empowerment, power, ending capitalism, representation, and inclusivity. When asked about Black liberation, Marcus expressed uncertainty; however, he also stated that it looks like an end to capitalism, new approaches, equality, valuing Black life, access, and quality care.
Frederick
Frederick (he/him/his) is a 27-year-old Black Jamaican cis man who has lived in NYC for
26 ea f hi life. F ede ick a ach as mixed with a primarily systemic focus. He approached the interview with an intersectional focus, often highlighting the experiences of
Black men and Black queer men. He acknowledged the systemic roots of racial inequalities, often explaining different forms of systemic racism, and demonstrated an awareness of
Legitimizing Myths. When Frederick explained employment inequities, internalized racial oppressive ideologies were used to explain employment inequities. He made a point to eliminate
Black women and African immigrants from the statistic, noting that Black women with multiple degrees are the highest-ea i g, a d Af ica immig a a e d i g ell. F ede ick a ed ha the origin of systemic oppression is a result of religion, capitalism, and chattel slavery. His idea of Black advancement is centered on using an intersectional lens to empower the most societally marginalized groups and eliminate Legitimizing Myths. Frederick expressed that Black liberation looks like viewing Black people as people first, acknowledging the problems, embodying the change that we want to see, and recognizing that Blackness is not synonymous with pain.
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Assata
Assata (he/him/his) is a 21-year-old Black Caribbean and Hispanic cis man who has lived in NYC for his entire life. Assata explained each racial inequality using a systemic approach. He described the systematic racism embedded in the U.S. and spoke about the impacts of systemic poverty on the Black community. Assata shared that these injustices result from chattel slavery, mental enslavement, internalized oppression, white supremacy, eurocentrism, and trauma. For
Assata, Black advancement looks like ending anti-Blackness, accepting all Black people, community understanding, using privilege to end harm, and Black people freely living. Although cynical about Black liberation in the U.S., Assata stated that liberation looks like freedom of existence, Black pride, self-determination, changing, the elimination of anti-Blackness, cultural representation, and authenticity.
Malcolm
Malcolm (he/him/his) is a 19-year-old Black cis man from Togo who has lived in NYC for 11 years. Malcolm used a Mixed-systemic approach to explain inequities. Malcolm explained that systemic oppression is at the root of racial inequalities. He expressed that the origins of oppression result from chattel slavery, imperialization, colonization, the lack of reparations, damaging Legitimizing Myths of Black people in media, systemic racism, and systemic poverty.
When speaking on Black Advancement, Malcolm recognized that Black communities need economic assistance, generational wealth, positive media representation, economic savviness, and financial support. As Malcolm spoke on Black liberation, internalized racially oppressive ideologies were present as he stated that Black people might be complacent and pessimistic at times. For Malcolm, Black liberation involves generational wealth, financial access, mental health, support, education, shifting the culture, and positive media representation.
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Medgar
Medgar (he/him/his) is a 23-year-old Black cis man from Jamaica. He has lived in NYC for five years. Medgar used a mixed systemic approach. Throughout the interview, he described the inherent systemic racism and Legitimizing Myths that sustain racial inequalities. He tied the origins of these social injustices to chattel slavery, colorism, classism, and capitalism. In expressing his ideas of Black advancement, Medgar shared his hopelessness. This hopelessness was evident in his solutions. Medgar suggested that Black people must learn from whites and abandon their materialistic culture for Black advancement to occur. Black liberation looks like going back to Africa because he does not have hope for liberation in the U.S. At the same time, however, he questioned the actual feasibility of returning to Africa.
Summary of Participant Composite Themes
Within this study, Black participants vary in age, educational background, gender, and ethnicity. Participants also varied in their perception of the root cause of racial inequalities. All
12 participants acknowledged that racial inequalities were a result of systemic factors. Of the 12, six used a mixed-systemic approach. Three participants occasionally attributed inequities to the
Black community, and three participants used a completely systemic approach.
Considerations
Despite the income, employment, healthcare, and police violence inequities, Black people continue to survive within this society. Despite the white supremacist racist systems that continue to denigrate Black people, we prevail. Through it all, Black people continue to resist a d figh f Black ad a ceme a d Black libe a i . We m c ide ha Black e le existence within a society that intends to harm us is miraculous. Therefore, when understanding the findings of the present study, we must center ourselves in the awareness that Black people
62 are phenomenal, resilient beings, and despite all forms of oppression that aim to destroy us, we survive.
Findings demonstrate that in a white supremacist inherently anti-Black society, Black people may find it challenging to examine systemic inequalities without implicating the Black community. As a result, it is important to keep in mind that Black people are not frequently asked to explain their perceptions of systems of oppression that directly impact the Black community. Therefore, I recognize the complexities evident in this study. As participants are faced with statistical inequalities, they are also asked to confront these inequities and provide their explanations directly. At the same time, Black people are indoctrinated in a society that h ld ace f Black em a h a d ie Black e le em a h a d de a di g f he
Black community merely as holding a victim mindset. Thus, the present research questions may lend themselves to Black people critiquing the Black community. This evaluation results from the notion that critique is necessary for Black advancement as opposed to awareness and white accountability. Therefore, I acknowledge the multidimensionality of Blackness and the c m le i ie a d a ce ed i Black e le h gh a d c mm ica i n. Lastly, all
Black participants recognized systemic factors at the root of each inequity, which is impressive as white supremacist society works against the Black community to make society believe that
Black people cause Black oppression. In the next section, I present the findings of the present study.
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Identification of Composite Themes
In this section, I provide general and unique themes from participant responses, as suggested by
Hycner (1999). All themes were derived from the data. Findings from a ici a interviews are organized by each research question:
1. Black e le e la a i f acial i e i ie i he a ea f (1) em l me , (2)
income, (3) healthcare, and (4) police violence inequities
2. Understanding of the origins of systemic oppression
3. Ideas of Black advancement and Black liberation
Research Question One: Black People s Percep ions of Racial Ineq ali ies
Research Q es ion One: Black People s E plana ions of Emplo men Ineq i ies
Perceptions of Employment Inequities
I hi ec i , I di c a ici a e la a i f em l me i e i ie . Pa ici a
e e e e ed i h he em l me acial c m a i a i ic: According to the Bureau of
Labor Statistics, unemployment is twice as high for Black Americans compared to white
Americans. The a ked, Why do you think this is? Please state all reasons you believe this is
e ca e Ca f a g e e? Pa ici a ide ified i ade a e ed ca i al resources, limited cultural capital, lack of employment access, and Legitimizing Myths as systemic factors at the root of employment inequities. The impact of internalized racial oppression was evident as a few participants, four out of the 12, explained employment inequities using an internalized racial oppressive framework. Participants suggested that em l me i e i ie ma be a ib ed Black e le fea f ejec i , Black a a h , a d
64 the lack of Black resistance. Table 2, Figure 1, and the following breakdown explains
a ici a e ses.
Systemic Factors Theme 1: Inadequate Educational Resources Perceptions of Employment
Inequities
The majority of participants (n = 7, 58%) identified inadequate educational resources as the source of employment inequalities. Subthemes of support and funding emerged in participant responses. Afeni, Assata, Frederick, and Thurgood described the impact of inadequate educational support on youth developmental outcomes. While Marcus, Medgar, and Malcolm each described the effects of inadequate educational funding and lack of quality support systems on youth developmental outcomes and future employment opportunities.
Inadequate Educational Support. Participants named inadequate educational support as a significant factor that hinders Black educational success and produces Black employment disparities. For example, Frederick described the impact of educational neglect with a focus on i e ec i ali . He ke ab Black ci he e e al me a d Black ee me employment attainment:
I think lli g ecificall ci aigh Black me he e alk ab g ad a i a e f high ch l, cce a e f fi i hi g c llege ell ed ca i i f c ed their development. It is not focused on helping them stay in school; i f c ed hel i g hem e ai . Al , he e lea likel eceive the services that they need, he e g a be disciplined much more often than other children. So, it actually ends up pushing them out of the system.
He continued:
he e hi k ab ee Black me h d g i c llege, he c e f c llege a k , if e [in] an institution [with] a low acceptance rate, those schools tend to have a 90% chance that you will graduate within five years; however, the open pools of schools, like majority of acceptances are men, they have a 30% and less rate of graduating. So, then you have a ton of Black men that go into institutions, and if he e [in] the elite schools he e f c ed , he e lea likely to finish because he e bei g eglec ed, a d he e f mic agg e i f hi g hem . A d a l f ime , he a e e f cce , he c ld e bee he a f hei
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institutions, a d he e c mi g a he i i ution, a d he e gi e he abili catch up if eed be, he e j deali g i h acial a ma a he ace he e i . S , I think that c ib e em l me i he e e ha , ha mea ha he e a l f now Black men that are dependent on blue-collar roles that keeps being flipped around, and they lose opportunities.
Another participant, Assata, explains the effects of inadequate educational support on employment inequities by noting the lack of guidance, support, and quality educators that Black students receive in the public school system:
I he lack f g ida ce f, le a , teachers or the quality of teachers or quality of ed ca ha a e i , f e am le, blic ch l ge a i he e i a criteria for them to teach students how to prepare for life outside of school and even then i hi he ch l hem el e . The e eachi g hem ade a el e gh i e in different settings, a d he e all g i g c llege e e ge i g i a diffe e nt field f he e he e ed eei g or their parents go into.
Participants defined inadequate educational support as lack of guidance, insufficient social and emotional support, unsatisfactory educators, racial trauma, and disproportionate disciplinary
a egie , hich c ea e emic ba ie hich limi Black de abili cceed i ch l and eventually attain quality employment opportunities.
Inadequate Educational Funding. Participants also noted that Black students are obstructed by insufficient education support and inadequate educational funding. For example,
Marcus provided a clear connection between inadequate educational funding and future employment inequities:
Education is a determinant of how many options you have in different job marketplaces. S , if ed ca i al c me a e a high, he he e g i g be le i ...a d [ he ] he e ma i e em l me , e e g a be he e ha feel i he m .
He continued to share the link between systemic poverty, educational outcomes, and employment inequities:
[Whe ] e alk ab ed ca i al c me e e alki g ab he a ie f i e again like funding in schools where Blacks go to. Specifically Blacks in neighborhoods that are under-resourced in ge e al. Y k , he e a lack f ch l f di g a l f the Black populations in America reside in these places. And if you have a lot of Black
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Ame ica ha e ide i he e lace , he e g a g ch l ha a e j underfunded. And if your sch l a e de f ded, k , i gh a fa a curriculum mapping and bringing in new resources and extra resources. You know e e kid a a ie f hi g e e kid bei g able ake i f state. To go to colleges and to see, to go to out-of-state a emblie . Y k , ha a major thing.
Medgar also shared the impact of inadequate educational funding by recounting his own experience:
I m a d c f he Black Ame ica ch l em. I e a high ch l i h e percent white people in it, a d e did ha e a b k f e e e i he cla . S , e had d ead al d i he e h g ade a d ha ki d f like emba a i g he e i a ch l em a d g d ha e he ma e ial lea he ame a [as] someone in another school district.
Inadequate educational funding was explained as lack of funding, lack of resources, and lack of opportunities. Participants provided the link between lack of funding and its impact on Black educational outcomes that influence employment opportunities.
Q ali ed ca i al e ce a e f dame al f Black de cce . Wi h adequate educational funding, Black students are severely limited to resources and opportunities.
Exposure to resources and opportuni ie e a d de mi d a d all hem imagi e employment aspirations that are not limited to their present surroundings. As Medgar alluded to, i ade a e f di g al im ac Black de che, hich ma i fl e ce h de ee themselves in the classroom and interpret their societal value, influencing future career goals.
Guidance and quality educational support is another crucial factor. Without proper guidance from school faculty, Black students are left to guide themselves, resulting in Black people seeking employment opportunities that are the most accessible but pay the least. Black students must champion these obstacles along with the challenges of being a student. These barriers may create future roadblocks in employment success, resulting in employment disparities between
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Black people and whites. Additionally, Black people may have limited cultural capital, which again hinders their employment outcomes.
Systemic Factors Theme 2: Limited Cultural Capital x Limited Employment Access
Perceptions of Employment Inequities
Cultural capital is another theme that emerged for the most participants (n = 7, 58%).
Kwame, Septima, Afeni, Marcus, Frederick, Assata, and Flo reported that lack of cultural capital leads to employment inequities. Participants defined cultural capital as networking opportunities, employment access, and Black representation. It provides Black people with a network to expand their career interests and look beyond their immediate career options. Kwame described the impact of limited cultural capital with the following analogy:
A l f ime , i like a ha d hel i g a hand. Like hey, I e ked he e, le me ee if I can get you to work here. And you ki d f j ick ha k . Y e eall exploring anything else.
Without access and connections, Black people are limited and forced into the fields they have access to, often low-wage service or retail jobs. Thus, limited cultural capital hinders Black
e le em l me ad a ceme a d d ce em l me i e i ie . Marcus described the connection between limited cultural capital, inadequate educational resources, and employment inequalities:
I hi k ha , ha acce i ie ide e e diffe e field ha they may not have been mentioned in cial ci cle, k , i famil . I e emel im a , k , i e emel im a . I hi k ha a maj ke i a kid abili make a deci i . Y k , a d a hi kid bec me a ad l , acce k , i j acce . S , k , back em l me if f di g a more of a thing in these under-resourced communities, then you may have had some more adults within our communities that would have...maybe have some jobs that are a little more secure. You know, where the e ea il e laced ea il j le g . Y know?
Fredrick expanded on the importance of having cultural capital to gain employment:
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Even within the white-collar space world, referrals make up 77% of job entries. And, at least 75% of white people only know their white people. That means that Black people, even with degrees, or experiences, or anything, are not really getting in the door, e eciall if e i a eg ega ed [e i me ]. If all k a e e le h d necessarily have oppo i ie , a d d k he e le h ha e acce he i ie , e all le i he d . S , a a ce ai le el, m j b a e a lica i ba ed, he e efe al ba ed.
Another participant, Afeni, shared the importance of cultural capital and representation as a decidi g fac i Black e le em l me deci i :
I hi k ha he e e maki g he e deci i ab j b , ab ca ee , ab f e , i e i fl e ial if e ha e e le h a e k ledgeable about those things to help guide us. And I think that's something that can be lacking. If you may come from an area where many people are not pursuing hi g ha e hi ki g ab , he i kind of like, well, who do you turn to, to then gain that information and be able to make those decisions.
Each a ici a e am le highligh h ece a c l al ca i al i f Black em l me advancement. Flo adequately described the interaction between cultural capital and employment access after they learned ha According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, unemployment is twice as high for Black Americans compared to white Americans.
Oh wow. (Sucks teeth), I think that the types of employment that are known in the Black community are quite limited. I think we tend to associate job association with hard labor ac f e ice a d ha , I d eall hi k ha a ideal i a i f a b d .
They continued:
Y k i like, l j b i i work at the Target or the Chick-fil-a or McDonalds. I can see why people rather much not work. I think that the idea of a job and ha a ailable Black e le i c mm ica ed clea l . Like ha a a big i e to me when I entered college and started to look for jobs. And the fact that people could get paid a pretty good amount of money for being just like the most random things you e e hi k f. Like e a a i a me f O e a i Ma age , and what e e e iall d i g all da i e di g email me hi g, b I think the job la d ca e i a idl cha gi g. A d i c ld mea he, he Black c mm i ie la gel lef out because when those rapid changes happen, you know we see gentrification happening in neighborhoods, and with gentrification, white people are getting jobs in these neighborhoods. And like, for these establishments to be majority Black neighborhoods, b ill ha e maj i hi e em l ee . S , I hi k i he c e the accessibility to he e j b a l f i i ki d f h k . B I feel like that might be a reason he ah non-Black people are employed. I fi d ha he e meb d ha he k .
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Y k , he e e hi f me f b i e , and they just get to work there and crunch numbers without any need for qualifications or passi g ba ie Yea, he have more connections.
Not surprisingly, participants also named limited access to employment opportunities as a source of employment inequities. Malcolm described the interaction between limited opportunities to high paying jobs and availability of low wage employment that produce employment inequalities:
Say there's not a lot [of] chain businesses, not non-local businesses that would invest in communities with predominately African Americans. Therefore, there'll be less opportunities and much more local opportunities. And local opportunities tend to just go from family or friends associated with the people who own the business.
Throughout their interviews, participants emphasized the lack of information available to the
Black community depending on their network, coupled with the already limited employment opportunities. As both operate simultaneously, Black characters continue to struggle to find adequate employment opportunities.
Systemic Factors Theme 3: Awareness of Legitimizing Myths Perceptions of Employment
Inequities
Another theme identified by most participants is that of existing Legitimizing Myths (n =
7, 58%). Legitimizing Myths serve as immediate heuristics for employers. Em l e im lici and explicit biases influence their treatment of Black candidates and Black employees during job interviews or while employed. Several participants were aware of the societal Legitimizing
Myths that cause employment inequities. Although it was clear that participants were referring to
Legitimizing Myths to discriminate against Black people, most did not readily name the myths at the root of employment inequities. For example, Septima hints at the myth of Black laziness and
Black inferiority:
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The e a l f ej dice agai Black e le. The e a l le i f Black e le a d j dgme igh ff he ba . Y k , beca e e l k a ce ai a , e e not able to perform certain duties.
She la e a e , We ha e k, ice a ha d, hich im lie ha em l e iew Black people as lazy due to the myth of Black laziness and inferiority. Medgar also alludes to the myth
f Black la i e . He ha ed hi e e ie ce i h em l e e f m h di c imi a e during the hiring process:
there is that level of discrimination when it comes to jobs... Me and someone else were applying for the same job, and someone else was able to get the job, and my resume is abl be e ha he he e a e . I ha e i e hi , I ha e he hi g ha g e ell, b he he e g he j b, a d I did . A d m i e ie kill were amazing, and the other person told me they were very e , a d he did interview too well. So, in my head, I was just like what, c ld be he reason than you bei g, hi e a d me bei g Black. S , le el f ej dice I e ha d j gi e a clear cut on why because a why staggers for the last hundreds of years so.
One participant, Kwame, did name one of the Legitimizing Myths driving employment disparities:
So the e al a bee a a a i e ma e he e k ha he Black e i j h gh be i fe i . She g e a , The kind of just expect Black people to be a li le le c m e e , a li le le a li le m e id, mm a li le le ca able.
Although most participants did not directly name the types of Legitimizing Myths influencing employer decisions, they demonstra ed hei a a e e b de c ibi g he ce a d i im ac on employment disparities.
Internalized Racially Oppressive Framework Perceptions of Employment Inequities
While several participants identified various systemic factors at the root of employment inequities, some individuals also used an internalized racially oppressive framework to explain i e i ie . I he d , me a ici a a ib ed em l me i e i ie Black e le
fea f ejec i , a a h , a d lack f e i a ce.
Kwame shared:
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I d k he ch l g behi d i , b I d hi k ha i j me hi g i illed i hi h ma a e. A l f he ime , a d I m g a a d d a from personal e e ie ce he e. A l f he ime , i j , e e l ki g f vindication, validation, satisfaction, and anything that comes in opposition to that, which would be rejection or a hi g ha ca i h e ega i e feeli g , i i he e . I alm a al f kind of stay away from things like that. So, what we end up doing is kind of limiting ourselves and limiting our potential by just imposing that restriction on us. So, if I want g f a j b, I d k ha I m g a ge i . I d k ha I m f ll alified a d ha he ld l ve me. But because I already am starting to think that I m j like, k ha , h m elf h gh he di a i me ? Why not avoid the disappointment? Le me j l k f me hi g el e beca e I d a deal with the negative feelings that I could potentially experience as a result of the ejec i . S , i ki d f ea ie j d i .
She also stated:
Fea f ejec i . S , i like e re not gonna g af e me hi g ha e d feel like [we] ca 100% ge . A d a a e l f ha , e e babl a i g c mf able i h dealing with our struggle as opposed to challenging ourselves to go for something, with the fear of rejection.
Here, Kwame suggests that Black people have a fear of rejection, and this fear hinders them from seeking better employment opportunities. Another participant, Marcus, suggested that not Black fea b Black e le lack f ci ic e gageme , hich l ima el lead Black apathy, is one factor in employment inequities:
But as you are well aware [laughs] the impact of civic engagement. If a community feels like he e ha bee m ch d e i hi hei c mm i , k , ha la a a i how focused they will be in focusing their political energy in making it better.
He continued:
You know? And so if ee a c mm i ... ha l k like i ha bee i e ed ch a h e ha e all he e NYCHA b ildi g ha ha e he e i f a c al blem b d i li e i g e e h gh e e maki g eff people are making efforts on behalf of community to get it better, or we have garbage keep piling on the side of the road and b d ick i k , il i ... he la ible mi e, he e g a ha e a l f c ib i g fac ha b eed a a h ab he c mm i me extent. B ha e e b d , b ha a l f people and understandably so.
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He continued identifying lack of Black resistance as another factor in employment inequities:
I hi k a l f ha e j b ha a e a ec e a hi e c e a , where some of these companies can easily just lay you off without much resistance from us because e e e e i h e i i .
These statements suggest that some participants attribute employment inequalities to Black
e le cha ac e ai , fea , a d Black community involvement. While participants provided examples of systemic factors at the root of employment inequities, they continued in their on-on- one interviews to attribute employment inequities to Black people. This demonstrates
a ici a mixed approach to examining inequities. These findings require us to acknowledge the power of white supremacy and its creation of internalized racial oppression, which attributes blame to the Black community. However, Black people should never be blamed for inequities as all forms of systemic racial inequities result from white supremacist racism and must be attributed to white supremacist racism.
Further, it is necessary to state that whether Black people are afraid or not, we are still deserving of adequate employment. We must continually question and expose the system that intentionally funnels one racial group toward specific employment opportunities through educational racism, Legitimizing Myths, and inadequate educational resources, to limit employment outcomes. Additionally, we must question, critique, and abolish the system that requires Black people to fight intentional obstacles simply for employment.
Employment Inequities Summary
All 12 participants identified at least one systemic factor at the root of employment inequities. Some participants connected these inequities to other systemic injustices such as inadequate educational resources, limited cultural capital, employment access, and Legitimizing
Myths. A few participants (n = 4) provided an internalized racially oppressive approach to
73 examining inequities, suggesting that Black fear, Black apathy, and lack of resistance may contribute to employment inequities. Overall, participants perceived employment inequities from a mixed-systemic approach, attributing blame to white supremacist systems and operating from an internalized racially oppressive framework by implicating the Black community. In the f ll i g ec i , I e fi di g f m a ici a e la a i f i c me i e i ies.
Research Q es ion One: Black People s Percep ions of Income Ineq i ies.
Perceptions of Income Inequities.
I hi ec i , I de c ibe a ici a e la a i f i c me i e i ie . Pa ici a
e e ld he acial c m a i i c me a i ic: In the second quarter of 2020, white workers earned 21% more than Black workers in median weekly wages. Specifically, full-time white workers earned a median weekly wage of $1,018, whereas full-time Black workers earned $806 weekly (BLS, 2020) a d e e a ked, Why do you think this is? Please state all reasons you believe this is the case. Can you think of anything else? Pa ici a e e eflec ed significant themes, discrimination based on Legitimizing Myths (n = 6, 50%) and limited employment access (n = 4, 33%). Simultaneously, participants used an internalized racially oppressive framework to suggest that inequities are due to a lack of confidence and familiarity with salary negotiation. A summary of explanations is presented in Table 3, Figure 2, and provided below.
Systemic Factors Theme 1: Discrimination Based on Legitimizing Myths Perceptions of
Income Inequities
Half of the participants named discrimination based on Legitimizing Myths as one systemic factor at the root of income inequities. Kwame, Coretta, Afeni, Thurgood, Marcus, and
Medgar all attributed income inequalities to discrimination and Legitimizing Myths rooted in
74 white superiority and Black inferiority. Marcus made the connection between the two when he said:
I mean, i i dica i e f c ...H e le ha e ea ed Black Ame ica ba ed idea f h h ld ea m e. I like he e, a d e fec Ame ica i a hi e, ich male. The e al me c a a a ell like h he ga i e e la ge bet ee a Black ma a d a hi e male. I e e c a ie , a d ha j ...i a blem. Y e d i g he ame j b. Wh am I maki g le ? A me i , g a l k i me f ide l g a he ca e. S me aci ide l g a a ca e.... I m putting i he ame am f k a , ma be e e m e a d i a ece a disparity. Why is that?
Ma c c i ed defi e aci ide l g a he belief a belief em ha b eed he idea of one group of people to be superior. Superior cognitively. In every possible facet of a human e i e ce. O he a ici a , like Medga , ha ed hei e e ie ce i h di c imi a income inequities:
I a i a c m a la ea , a d I a a chi g e le ge i g a a ge f ala . S , i was a range of salary between $68,000 to $72,000. Talking to white people, they were getting the $72,000 starting. Talking to the Black people, they were getting the $68,000.
Legitimizing Myths. In comparison to explanations of Legitimizing Myths for employment inequities, participants were more forthcoming with myths that exist about the
Black community when discussing income inequities. For example, Coretta shared the historical and continuous impacts of Legitimizing Myths of Black inferiority and white superiority, I feel like the difference in wage gaps is also due to racism. And trying to, you know, maintain the diffe e ce be ee e i a d i fe i g a ha e e em ca .
She continued:
he [ hi e ] c ea ed he idea f e rior and inferior groups to justify racism and going into countries and stealing their resources. So those types of social ideas and social constructs just stuck with us. So, we may be in 2020, almost 2021 now, but those concepts from the 1600s and beforehand are still as pervasive in our society now, and they manifest in things like economic differences between races.
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C e a e la a i f cie i he e hi e emaci ide l gie dem a e d mi a
cie e f Legitimizing Myths in justifying income disparities.
Racial and Gender Discrimination. Kwame and Marcus also addressed the intersectionality between race and gender, leading to unequal pay for Black workers, specifically
Black women. This subtheme of racial and gender discrimination also emerged as participants explained the role patriarchy and racism play in income inequities. For example, Afeni stated,
C m a ie a e ade a el laci g al e e i abl ac , diffe e ace , ac ge de .
Kwame also shared:
Y all k ab he i e ali i he a ga . Tha cc ac he diffe e ace , different demographics. So, [Black] women to a Latino woman, to white woman, versus woman to man and then across races, from Black to white and all those different demographics. So, I hi k ha b i l e f h e c ib i g fac .
Racial discrimination and the intersection of gender discrimination produce a double barrier for
Black people and contribute to income inequities. Participants were aware of the use of
Legitimizing Myths of Black inferiority to justify discriminatory pay. Participants also acknowledged the intersectionality in income inequities, as Black women are paid the least compared to Black men who are paid less than white women and even less than white men
(PayScale, 2020).
Systemic Factors Theme 2: Limited Access to Employment Opportunities Perceptions of
Income Inequities
In addition to the discriminatory policies, Septima, Assata, Malcolm, and Flo also ide ified Black e le limi ed acce to high-paying employment opportunities as another fac a he f i c me i e i ie . A a a e e ed hi c ce a i g, The fac ha
he e lack f e e he i ie a d j b Black e le, I k ake he j b ha are readily a ailable, h e j b a e icall e l aid.
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He continued,
The [The ki g ] eed h e j b i e, he ll j ake he e ha he e gi e , a d eah, I hi k Black e le ha e ake beca e he eed fi a ciall hem el e eah i defi i el a c al hi g i he e e f he d ha e he i ie ge he highe -paying jobs.
He e ded, I hi k hi e e le ha e h e i ie a d he e ce f he j b , m e ech ical j b , i hi he field a d beca e f ha he he make m e. Fl e e ed similar sentiments when provided with the income inequity statistic:
Ah, babl la gel , like he e f j b ha he e [Black e le a e] ki g i . I would say this, like people who are working retail, fast food, any of these service jobs ha a e ece a il ha d ge . The h ld be maki g m e ha enough; it should be mi im m age. O e, I e ee he diffe e ce be ee me ki g i a etail e i g e me ki g i a d c i e i g. Ca e I ece l a i i ed. I d a a g back he e ail ace. I a f l; i ab l el deg adi g... The amount of work you have to put in working in retail versus the amount of work it takes to do the job ha I m [in] c e l i e e , i e e a f ac i f he eff . I j ch a a k diffe e ce, a d I m ge i g aid m e. S , m j b i j a highe e ibili , b a he ame ime, he am f eff I m e e ing for this job is completely different. A d I fi d bei g e cial be d ai i g. S , he ha e alk ma be 50 e le 100 e le a da , ha i ece a il d ai i g. A d h e j b e d be the easiest jobs to get, and they [workers] get paid way less so. We take up a lot of the service industry, and the service industry is just not respected at all. If the service industry was a more respected industry, then I feel like those numbers would change drastically.
Both Flo and Assata illustrate the interaction between limited access to high-paying employment opportunities and its impact on income. Assata also shared that Black people are forced to take low-wage jobs due to systemic poverty, whereas white people have greater options due to financial stability. Flo reported that Black people often work in low-wage jobs that require a lot of energy and labor; however, these jobs pay the least. Therefore, participants recognize the inconvenient and often demanding situations that members of the Black community are placed in. Black people in a white supremacist society are battling systemic poverty. To make ends meet and relieve financial pressures, Black people must take readily available employment
77 opportunities. These options require extensive labor for extremely low wages. Thus, creating a cycle of poverty and burnout while maintaining income inequities.
Internalized Racially Oppressive Framework Perceptions of Income Inequities.
While all participants recognized the systemic factors such as discrimination and limited employment accessibility at the root of income inequities, some participants operated from an internalized racially oppressive framework. Participants suggested that Black e le lack f confidence and Black unfamiliarity with salary negotiation may influence income inequities.
K ame, Afe i, a d Medga ed ha Black e le i e e ie ce i h ala eg ia i hinders them from receiving adequate pay and contributes to income inequities. Afeni stated:
I think something that could counteract it is salary negotiation. Like knowing your worth, being able to value your skills and experience, and communicate. Not only communicate, but also fight for that.
Afeni extended he i b gge i g ha Black e le lack f c fide ce ma al la a role: A d he al ha like, a e e a l i g f he e j b , ma be e e c fide enough to be pushing for that. Or I mea i al e a ie -i d ci g. I kind of ca g i a d dema d be aid ha e h...S me c m a ie e ha a a fac , like he he he ll hi e i he fi lace.
Pa ici a e e i f m f he de h f i e ali ed acial e i , a i di id al attempt to understand the reason for these inequities, which leads them to implicate the Black c mm i . B h gge i f Black e le i e e ie ce i h ala eg ia i a d Black
e le lack f c fide ce a e m h ha e e f m ge i el im licating white supremacist society for its creation of Black oppression. Operating from a socialized internalized racially oppressive lens, participants are taught to do the societally appropriate thing and attribute systemic oppression to the Black community. One participant, Kwame, shared her discomfort and unease with implicating whites:
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And then, of course, you always want to chalk it up to the greedy business people. And a l f he ime , I ill a , ha he i c me h e e i g a b i e ha e e , I d hi k ha i i e i al. I d a a i c me i h malici intent that they actually pay people less.
Within our white supremacist society, Black people are taught to do what Kwame does next,
hich i a ib e he i e i Black e le, I hi k ha fac i i fl e ced ba ed ff f he c fide ce ha he ca dida e b i g . Pa ici a e e f om an internalized racially oppressive framework suggest the mental hurdles Black people must jump through to avoid naming whites for the harm and intentional subjugation and oppression of the Black community.
Under a white supremacist racist society, all Black people are socialized to believe that Black people are at fault for the systemic oppression and inequities caused and maintained by whites.
Findings in this study reflect the insidious nature of white supremacist Legitimizing Myths and the symptom of internalized racial oppression. We must recognize how this rhetoric is damaging a i blame Black e le f figh i g f ade a e a . I ead, e m al a c ide what type of systems, employers, institutions, and people, allow and require human beings to work twice as hard but receive less? As Marcus suggested, it is unacceptable that any racial group is paid less for the same amount, if not more labor.
Income Inequities Summary
As a group, participants used a mixed-systemic approach to explain income inequities.
I di id al gge ed ha i c me i e i ie e e d e Black e le lack f c fide ce a d unfamiliarity with conducting salary negotiations. Simultaneously, all 12 participants identified at least one systemic factor at the root of income inequities. The two most salient themes were: discrimination based on Legitimizing Myths and limited access to high-paying employment. In the next section, I discuss participants explanations of healthcare disparities.
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Research Question One: Black People s Percep ions of Heal hcare Ineq i ies
Perceptions of Healthcare Inequalities
I hi ec i , I di c a ici a e la a i f heal hca e i e i ie . I di id al were provided with the prompt, According to the CDC (2020), Black Americans with coronavirus are 2.1 times more likely to die compared to white Americans with coronavirus.
The a ked, W d ? P ea e a e a ea be e e e ca e.
Participants named several systemic factors at the root of healthcare inequities: medical abuse (n
= 8), systemic poverty (n = 7), lack of quality healthcare services (n = 6), and environmental racism (n = 5). Participants also operated from internalized racially oppressive frameworks, attributing Black people die a d limi ed ed ca i on medical processes to healthcare disparities. Table 4, Figure 3 and the descriptive data below, provides a detailed explanation of the findings.
The U.S. medical system is founded on murder and violence enacted on the Black community. Using white supremacy, patriarchy, and racism, white supremacists justified the violence enacted on Black people with scientific racism. Coretta explained, I think because medicine and science has also been used to kind of justify racism. [For example] Darwin himself a d hi de ce f ma de ce f ecie Medicine has been used to justify systematically oppressing us.
Another participant, Septima, expressed her thoughts on the COVID-19 virus:
I ill feel like COVID i , I d a a c i ac ca e i , i eal, b I feel like he ll ha i ha ecific ace i j diffe e . A d I m e if ha me hi g that the government is doing on purpose, but I genuinely feel that way.
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Pa ici a f ll i g e lanations of medical abuse reflect the scientific racism and governmental abuses, briefly mentioned by Coretta and Septima, that were enacted against the
Black community.
Systemic Factors Theme 1: Medical Abuse Perceptions of Healthcare Inequities
An overwhelming majority of participants identified historical and current forms of medical ab e a d i i fl e ce Black e le i he medical c mm i a e f healthcare disparities. Individuals identified two subthemes of rightful mistrust, medical biases, and disregard for Black pain. In addition, participants explained the link between medical
fe i al bia e ab Black e le a d he i fl e ce f Legitimizing Myths in healthcare.
Rightful Mistrust. Mistrust in the medical community emerged as a subtheme, as participants reflected on the Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, the abuse of Henrietta Lacks, and the white-dominated medical community. Coretta stated:
Black people have a lack of trust in the medical profession because of stories like Henrietta Lacks and Black people basically being exploited for the benefit of science, or the Tuskegee Syphilis experiment. Our experience with the medical professions which ha e bee d i e b hi e b die a d hi e ace i al a e ded badl f . S I think on one hand, Black people are distrusting of the medical professions and won't go seek help as readily as white people.
Malcolm echoed the same concerns providing present-day examples of medical abuse that illicit feelings of mistrust in Black people:
I could go on a spiel on how historically Black communities have been messed up by health administration. So, there's been that Henrietta Lacks case as well as the T kegee S hili ca e I hi k i ge e al, Black e le a e m e ied f g i g to administrations where many of them don't look like us.
He continued:
So, just in general, between the Tuskegee Syphilis case, the Henrietta Lacks case, the idea of them testing out vaccines in Africa. Those rumors going on and just general paranoia with most systems. In our society, I think that Black people are less likely to access and believe health resources.
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Fl al de c ibed h Black e le mi i he medical system influences decisions to seek care, with a personal story:
If d he h i al he d c a d , migh al be le likel g il i ge a i he e ca e e e i . S , I feel like, a l f e le ait, bef e he g . A d ha al ca be a blem. I emembe m Dad he fell ff a e tall ladder and completely shattered his arm and he decided to drive home with a ha e ed a m. Did ake him elf he h i al, I ha e idea h . S , he a d iving, ghh he a i m ch ai , I d k h he did ha . A he , m M he friend, her son, he died from a complication, from some complication of the surgery and, ha beca e he ai ed l g g he h i al.
Each e e e eflec he im ac f Black e le igh f l mi i he medical system. Due to fear of seeking assistance from an institution that historically and presently harms
Black people, injured Black people may avoid seeking necessary medical attention.
Medical Biases and Disregard for Black Pain. Legitimizing Myths and the biases that exist about Black people in healthcare also emerged as a subtheme of medical abuse as it relates to healthcare inequities. When Black people do seek medical care, they are belittled and silenced.
A Th g d a ed, medical fe i al e d , N [ ake] Black e le m m a
e i a hi e e le m m . Black e le ai , m m , a d e e ie ce a e f e ignored and myths about the Black community make it easy for medical professionals to dismiss
Black a ie c ce . Afe i a ed:
A d he al (ch ckle ), a all acial bia e i he medical ld. S , le a he e a Black ma h ...ha e c a i . Ma be he did k he had i , b then suddenly her lungs are starting to be infected, and she goes to the ER and this perception that, that we could be over-e agge a i g, e j d k ha e e talking about. Maybe not perception, but just, unconscious disregard in a way where our medical concerns are not taken as seriously. And that can definitely be a big issue because COVID affects everyone differently, and doctors really would not know unless they run every single test on you. - Afeni
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Coretta shared similar sentiments:
But medicine has been used to justify systematically oppressing us. So, I feel like there's this likelihood for medical professionals to not to take Black people as seriously when he e c mi g i a d bei g like, I have a problem, he e bei g diag ed as much.
She continued, describing the intersectionality of being Black and woman in the medical system:
he e [Medical fe i al ] ei he eei g aki g e i l he general disregard for our health and well-being, and I think that also has to go with misogynoir too. With Black women not being taken seriously by doctors or professionals a d Black me bei g e cei ed a ha i g a highe ai h e h ld ha he e le. So, we go through a lot more in terms of medical care.
K ame e e ded Afe i a d C e a i b di c i g medical fe i al e f
Legitimizing Myths and i e ec i ali di c Black e le e e ie ce a d li elih d:
The e al ead hi ki d f e- i , he e al ead hi ki d f c cei ed i about our diets, about the way we eat, about the way we consume food and nutrition that eliminates the surprise for doctors and nurses when they see us come in with different types of illnesses. So, you come in as a Black woman, with high blood pressure, or with high ch le e l, ' e edi i g elf ge i g e II diabe e . A d know, for a doctor who has more of a unconscious bias ab he Black c mm i ha ega i e, he e al ead hi ki g like babl e half f life d i ki g Kool-Aid like ea hi i babl , hi i mal. A d I ld a ha he rgency to take care of those issues probably decreases.
She continued:
Beca e f hi a med ki d f hi , hi ha he e ha ba ed ff f k hei ki c l . O [ca ] h e e ce a d ma be he hi e counterparts wh e k babl ha e had a be e die a d a be e cha ce f ec e i g. S , i alm like a 3 1 i a i . Whe ea k , ma be a i g ha 1 Black person could save three white people because of their historical diets they are assuming they had.
Participants overwhelmingly acknowledged the history and present medical abuse that Black people endure, paying particular attention to Black women who experience misogynoir. Several participants also recognized that healthcare inequities are rooted in systemic poverty.
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Systemic Factors Theme 2: Systemic Poverty Perceptions of Healthcare Inequalities
Systemic poverty was another significant explanation for healthcare inequities. Coretta stated:
With the wage gaps and economic disparities, we may not have the financial resources to go seek help from medical care professionals. So, therefore, when there's big pandemics like this, you're gonna see us dying out more than white people.
Not surprisingly, health insurance access emerged as a point of discussion, as many participants reflected on systemic poverty. Afe i a ked h he ical e i ch a , Ca e e aff d
a) g a h i al a heal h ce e ER i a ea? A d if i a ailable he e, a e able to travel and go to a diffe e e? She c i ed b c ec i g emic e to income and employment inequities:
I think that when it comes to access, also just tying in like health insurance, ha defi i el c ec i h aff dabili . A d al like he e ale ce f Black Ame ica a d em l me ki d f me ha c ec ha ca e i al like, ha a e he e f i d ie ha e le a e ki g i he e he ld be m e likel be e ed? A d he d ha e he i ilege f bei g able g work, if they work at a grocery store, or a restaurant, or things like that.
She e ded, Yea a d he e ge i g aid e gh be able aff d be e ali f ca e, a d heal h i a ce, a d all ha .
Flo also shared:
Well, I think insurance is probably one of the most confusing things ever. And, if you d ha e e i a ce d de a d i a ce, [you] may not have m e f ha e e migh e hem, e babl way less likely to go until you have to go. Cause if it turns out not to be serious and you spend all that money, he ll fi e [ ] for nothing. So definitely financial factors.
These crucial points discussed by each participant demonstrate how inequities are interwoven and can never be separated. Employment and income inequalities produce systemic poverty, impacting Black e le abili a f ade a e ca e a d b ai heal h i a ce.
Unfortunately, once Black people do have health insurance, quality healthcare is not guaranteed.
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Systemic Factors Theme 3: Lack of Quality Healthcare Perceptions of Healthcare
Inequalities
Another common explanation for healthcare inequities was the lack of quality healthcare
e ice a ailable he Black c mm i . Afe i ema ked, I hi k ha hi ab lutely connects to inequity A d he ali f h i al a d he ali f heal h ce e ac he c ,
ha a e all a e all . Se ima al e e ed, We al ead ha e c a heal h e ice
(slight laughter). I mean, Black people, I feel, we get treated so oddly, no matter what they have.
E eciall i h eg a c .
She added:
I feel like [COVID] was targeted for a while in these minority dense areas he e many people coming in for the same thing that i diffic l ea i . So you come in to be tested for it and catch it because of how many people [are] in the area. I think me ime , he ke a e a i k f ge i g ick hem el e . S i all j ck. I hi one space, everyone's close together, but let it be in a more high-cla a ea, he e ac al distancing in the space, where it needs to happen. I feel like we get less of most
While Afeni and Septima discussed lack of quality health care in the Black community, some participants like Flo provided examples from their own experiences:
It probably could be like the access of the type of care? They [Black people] have. I know i m h me , back i Fl ida, like e d g he h i al The e a h i al that is a five-minute drive for us, maybe less, but we do not go to that hospital...My Dad had something wrong with his arm, and he went to that hospital, and they just had him lying in that bed for days, and then we got him like across the street, to a place that a e e a h i al. A d he e e e e posed to be specializing in something like this. There were just doctors helping out, and they found out what was wrong with m fa he a m bef e, a d he a i ha he h i al f like h ee da . A d if he waited any longer, he coulda lost his arm. So, i li le ff like ha he e i j like why is this hospital not up to par to the hospital that was twenty minutes away from us?
Participants provided clear examples of the lack of quality healthcare services that Black communities receive. These inadequate healthcare conditions serve as additional barriers and bolster healthcare disparities.
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Systemic Factors Theme 4: Environmental Racism Perceptions of Healthcare Inequalities
Environmental racism was yet another factor that participants named at the root of healthcare inequalities. Kwame alluded to governmental food desserts:
I think also there have been studies, economic studies, about how there's more McDonalds, in [poor] areas than there are in wealthier and affluent areas. So, I think that definitely plays a part in it, in terms of choosing geographic positioning of all these like fast food restaurants that become quick hits, and easy meals, and easy dinners for people who are working so much or who quite frankly ca aff d ha m ch.
Marcus went further, connecting the placement of fast-food restaurants to the government produced food deserts that are often Black communities:
A l f Black Ame ica li e i c mm i ie ha I me i ed bef e, d ha e a l of e ce he e' a lack f e ce a d e f he hi g ha ee beca e f ha i he de el me f f d de e he e d ' ha e acce he m heal h f d
He continued:
If ha e li e all McD ald a d P e e igh e each he b f heal h al e a i e ch a like...a d i d e e e ha e be... a heal h ma ke . I could be like a community garden. If you have none of those... then you know i definitely not putting the community in the best position to sort of live a healthier lifestyle. So yeah, and food deserts is one thing. Having all these unhealthy options c de ed ge he i hi he c mm i , i like, k , ha a e g a d ?
Frederick also linked systemic poverty to the impact of environmental racism on healthcare inequities:
e -e i i g c di i i ece a il ha Black [people] are poor, but if a lot of Black people happen to be poor, a lot of poverty produces pre-existing conditions. It means that you e ge i g ea a heal h , i mea ai ali i a g d, i mea ha ha e babl ecei ed he be e ce i e m f heal h. S , e m e likel be ce ible diabe e , a d h e e i , a d f he things.
He followed:
S , I ha e ha e f like h Black e le ge a all hi ell, i Black e le a all ge hi , i ha he d ha e hi g (ch ckle ), a all g to this place. Naturally...maturing something is cance , h e e i ce ai
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hi g a e ca be he e things if they are suffering with poverty. So, between pre- e i i g c di i a d medical , i ki da like, c mm i ha e ed already not [to be] doing well health-wise and then this [COVID] just made it worse, so yep.
Internalized Racially Oppressive Framework: Perceptions of Healthcare Inequities
Several participants recognized the impact of systemic factors on healthcare inequities.
Simultaneously, some individuals used an internalized racially oppressive framework, attributing heal hca e i e i ie Black e le die a d gge ed Black ig rance on medical processes. For example, Kwame described the difference between Black American and
Ca ibbea e le die :
I hi k i defi i el me hi g ha igi a e he e i hi he Black Ame ica hi because as a Caribbean, back home, yes, we do eat the fried foods and all this stuff, but e e hi g i icked, lled f m he g d. We k e e hi g e e ea i g; e k i ha ie , e k h c k i ha e kee ie he e I g back h me, I m gai i g eigh e e if I am ea i g beca e he e like preservatives and all these different chemicals, and all these kind of genetic modifiers i hi m f d. I c mi g igh f m m back a d.
She continued:
S , I ca a ha i me hi g ge e a i al i ha e e. I hi k i me hi g ha i particular within the Black American history, that kind of infiltrates Black Americans and Caribbeans who stay here. And I think...one of the biggest factors is that...ease of convenience of kind of the bad food versus the good food for the Black community.
In this example, Kwame provides a societally internalized racially oppressive explanation for healthcare inequities. Under a white supremacist system, Black people are trained to divert attention away from white blame and instead attribute oppression to Black people. In the same way, Kwame suggests that healthcare disparities may be due to dietary choices. It is necessary to return the blame to white supremacist systems and governmental environmental racism. We must
ake f g a ed Black e le abili acce i i , ga ic, h meg f d . I i
87 also crucial that we continue to expose the systems in place that lead to internalized racially oppressive ideologies and attribute inequities to the Black community.
Another participant Thurgood, operating from an internalized racially oppressive f ame k, gge ed ha heal hca e i e i ie a e a e l f Black e le lack f k ledge on medical processes:
And it also has a lot to do with, I think, education levels too of Black people, unfortunately. Because I never went to medical school, but I do have general knowledge of, k , ha g e he g a h i al
Th g d e la a i agai dem a e he i idi a e f hi e supremacy in im lica i g he Black c mm i f hi e ac i . We m ec g i e ha Black e le concerns are frequently ignored and discounted within a racist medical system regardless of
Black patients' educational attainment. When Black patients are expressive about their symptoms, they are still ignored. Thus, holding general knowledge would not grant Black people access to quality healthcare services. Also, we must continue to remind ourselves of the injustices at hand, and thus, it should not be on Black patients to have a detailed understanding of
he heal hca e em he eeki g e e a i a ce. I ead, Black e le e e ie ce should be received as valid and formal education should not be a requirement for quality healthcare services.
Healthcare Inequities Summary
Overall, participants were the most critical of healthcare inequities, citing several systemic reasons why healthcare disparities are alarmingly high during the COVID-19 pandemic.
A a g , a ici a e e eflec ed a mixed systemic approach. While some participants used an internalized racially oppressive framework to explain healthcare inequities, all participants named systemic factors at the root of inequities. Participants reported historical and current medical abuse, systemic poverty, inadequate healthcare, and environmental racism as
88 factors at the root of healthcare disparities. They were also aware of the impacts of i e ec i ali a d mi g i Black me e e ie ce i he heal hca e em.
Additionally, participants connected these factors to pre-existing employment and income inequities. These connections demonstrate that systems work together to produce and maintain systematic oppression. In the next section, I discuss the a ici a e ce ions of police violence inequities.
Research Q es ion One: Black People s Percep ions of Police Violence Ineq i ies
Perceptions of Police Violence Inequalities
I hi ec i , I di c a ici a perceptions of police inequities. Individuals were
ided i h he m , Black Americans are 3 times more likely to be murdered by police compared to white Americans. The a ked, Why do you think this is? Please state all reasons you believe this is the case. Before we e , ca f a g e e? Participants stated that Legitimizing Myths (n = 8, 66%) and the system of policing (n = 5, 42%) were significant factors that produce police violence. One participant also operated from an internalized racially oppressive framework, suggesting Black on Black crime as a factor in police violence. Table 5, Figure 4, and the descriptive data below ide a mma f a ici a responses and is followed by a detailed explanation of findings.
Systemic Factors Theme 1: Legitimizing Myths Perceptions of Police Violence Inequalities
The majority of participants alluded to or directly named Legitimizing Myths as a critical explanation of police violence inequities. Coretta stated:
I hi k Black e le a e c imi ali ed f j e i i g. We e e cei ed, a k , b e , e cei ed a h g , , he ef e we e m e ce ible b ali beca e e e al ead i a lace f m bef e e e e e e a e a c ime. We e al ead [seen as] da ge e le. S e e al a ge i g a ge ed m e eadil ha hi e e le.
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Kwame also discussed the Legitimizing Myths that exist about Black people and its impact on police violence:
Yeah, I hi k he e defi i el me acial bia ha la i ha a a i e. Y k , especially as the media continues to portray Black people as aggressive, violent, da ge , he e ha ec cei ed a a i e ha fl a a d i a lice ffice head whenever they see a Black person, and added importantly, Black man. Especially if they kind of fit the description. The description of like a hoodie, baggy clothes, dark-skinned sadly, and overall unkempt.
In addition to discussing the myths about the Black community, Septima spoke to the irony of
hi e cie fea f Black e le, I emembe e ime i high ch l, hi ma a walking down the street, and she saw one of my Black classmates and held her purse and crossed the street, just to ge bbed b a hi e g . She al ided a e am le f h Legitimizing
Myths of Black criminality and aggression i fl e ce lice me h d , I a a Twitter video,
he e a el e e le g i g af e e g . Y d eed el e c af e e e on. What
a he g a d ? Malc lm al e lai ed h cie al fea a ig ed Black e le i he f m f m h i fl e ce lice ab e, Y e bee c di i ed fea Black e le, I hi k i g a be e ea a e hem a d e hem m e han you would either white,
Hi a ic, A ia c e a . Simila l , Medga ke hi e e ie ce f bei g fea ed b white classmates as a Dark Ski Black ma , I mea , I went to a school that was predominantly white. A lot of those kids feared me. They see Black people, they see aggression
The majority of participants easily identified Legitimizing Myths of Black criminality,
Black violence, and Black aggression, disseminated in the media and society as an important systemic factor that explains police violence inequities. However, participants did not stop there.
Several individuals also expressed that the system of policing is the cause of police violence inequalities.
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Systemic Factors Theme 2: System of policing Perceptions of Police Violence Inequalities
Several participants (n =5, 42%) critiqued the policing system and shared that the origins of policing are a significant factor explaining police violence inequities. Frederick stated, The institution of police in this c em e hea il f m c lli g Black e le , and that has never been addressed.
He continued:
S , i a i e ha he lice d X hi g beca e ha ha he e e c ea ed do, a d i e e a ke ab . A d he he e like h, h did hi ha e ? a d i like, ell, j cha ged he ame f ce ai ac ice , he e he ame. Y j did alk ab i (Ch ckle ).
Assata also discussed the origin of police and the systemic use of Legitimizing Myths to reinforce control over the Black community:
The fact that these institutions, policemen that is, were predominantly white, you had a lot of white people with these racist sentiments toward Black people and then a ed he emic c ea i f acial fili g. A nd the fact that ok because these e le a e diffe e f m a d beca e e hi k he e i fe i e ha e c l i ch a a ha e ee fi igh ? I hi k he e i fe i a d e e g a ea hem hi f a beca e a maj i f he people or a majority of the policemen were white
Police Abuse of Power and Lack of accountability. Police abuse of power emerged as a prominent subtheme. Participants described the harms committed against Black people by officers and acknowledged police ffice lack f acc abili . A a a e e ed:
The fac ha he e j b ali a i f Black e le, I think, i beca e he e [police officers] simply trying to exude their power, right? And showing that like we eall ca d a hi g e eall ca e e d a hi g c e ha k e ca (ch ckle ) ha a he c e a i . B , eah, i he e e i f ha e a a ic la g ha they think is inferior.
Simila l , Th g d ha ed, lice ffice k he e ec ed, he k he e backed, and they keep doing what they wanna do. Unfortunately, one of those things is kill unarmed, or a med, d e ' eall ma e , Black me .
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Police Training and Officer Selection. In addition to police abuse of power, police training, and officer selection emerged as another subtheme. Assata shared, I k e le i the police force, and they say that some of the things that they learn is to racially profile, right?
A d beca e f ha , he e...i ha em ha i c ea ed i hi ha i i i . Th g d al ched aci lice ai i g, a i g: I al hi k ha he fe i f lici g i taught to think that way. You know, a lot of practice targets are Black men. A lot of situations
ha e ee TV, i al a a hi e c a d a Black ma . Afe i, extending the explanation to offer selection and lack of preparedness, shared:
I hi k ha he e a) j e gh eff he a f lice departments to make e ha he e hi i g c m e e ffice , make e ha he ffice ha [ ffice ] he hi e a e able c i icall e d ha e e i e he e bei g called . Ca e I hi k ha eall he hi g he e l k a a case like Tamir Rice, where the officers ee a child h a h ldi g a g , b i h ec d f e i g he d , he e h i g him. S , i like, he e eed be me e f Like ca ef m a d ai me e h d e ha e he kill to think critically in the first place. So I think ha a maj i e. The fac ha he e le ha a e i g j i he e de a me a a large scale are not qualified to respond to every variety of issue.
Internalized Racially Oppressive Framework: Perceptions of Police Violence Inequities
All participants identified systemic factors at the root of police violence. One participant used an internalized racially oppressive framework suggesting that Black on Black crime is one root factor of police violence disparities. In addition, very few participants assigned blame to the
Black community for police brutality disparities. One participant, Septima, named Black on
Black c ime a e ea f lice b ali , a i g, B I al feel like i help that Black
e le ha e i e ha mi g each he ei he . A d , i like, i ce a ll d i , h ca we.
Se ima suggestion serves as another reminder of the impacts of white supremacist racism and the symptom of internalized racial oppression. When Black people are murdered, our
92 anti-Black society teaches us to blame the victim. Thus, we must recognize that the sentiment of
Black on Black crime, addressed above in the literature review section, is the incorporation of
Legitimizing Myths of Black violence and criminality used to justify police brutality, violence, and the murders of countless Black people. Also, it focuses on victim-blaming and minimizes the role of targeted, systemic police violence. Therefore, we must question what kind of society allows people to be murdered mercilessly? Further, what kind of society uses stereotypes to justify the brutal murders of people? What kind of society allows Black people to be murdered senselessly in broad daylight, with zero police accountability?
Police Violence Inequities Summary
As a group, participants used a mixed, primarily systemic approach to explain police violence inequities. While one participant used an internalized racially oppressive framework to suggest that Black on Black crime may influence police violence disparities, most participants named systemic factors such as Legitimizing Myths about the Black community and the system of policing as explanations for police disparities. Interestingly, no one directly expressed the need to defund or abolish the system of policing. However, participants did recognize the interlocking of previously recognized systems that compound to maintain police inequities.
Assata expressed:
I think the resounding answer for a lot of these is gonna be structural, and I just want to del e i h . B he j ice em i hi hi c i al i a c e, a d h i affec ed b c al aci m a d ema ic aci m, a d ha I mea b ha i i c a h all f hi i i e i ed. S , he a d g , f e am le, a d h i Black communities because of lack of jobs, because of the lack of our ability to get into he e ech ical ace a d eall abili , i j he lack f e ce i hi c mm i . Righ ? Beca e f ha he l a f me e le, he l a make any sort of financial step and even in my case, for example, a d he illegal things to make some sort of money. T elf a d ha ha e e e a d i hem el e a d beca e f ha immedia el d g e e made illegal, and people had d ime f ha a d he eah had h d ed f h a d of Black people in jail for that.
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Assata detailed the influence of employment, income inequities, and systemic poverty on police violence. Septima also briefly explained the interconnectedness of systems when she shared:
We ha e k ice a ha d. The e a ga . S , a l f he ime, i j diffe e beca e i ea ie ge hi g d e a j b e e if i illegal...N ha I ha e done this, but you know.
Black Americans suffer from systemic poverty, limited employment opportunities, and low wages. As a result, Black people may seek other sources of income to survive. Thus, it is clear how systems of oppression interact, producing interlocking systems of oppression. In the following section, I provide a summary of research question one.
Research Q es ion One: Black People s Percep ions of Racial Ineq ali ies S mmar
Thi ec i ide he ge e al b eakd f a ici a a ach e lai i g racial inequities, and I provide considerations for understating research question one findings.
U i g e ea ch e i e, I e ami ed a ici a e ce i f f acial i e ali ie (1)
Employment, (2) Income, (3) Healthcare, and (4) Police Violence.
Group Approach
As a group, participants explained these racial inequities using a mixed systemic approach, addressing the systemic roots of inequities while simultaneously implicating the Black community for systemic disparities. In other words, participants explained all disparities by acknowledging several systemic factors at the root of these inequities while briefly suggesting that the Black community is responsible for these disparities.
Individual Approach
Individually, three of the 12 participants explained racial inequities using a mixed, primarily internalized racially oppressive framework (n = 3, 25%). Of the 12, three participants explained racial disparities addressing purely systematic factors (n = 3, 25%). Most participants
94 individually explained racial inequities using a mixed systemic approach (n = 6, 50%). Often addressing systemic factors and using an internalized racially oppressive framework. Findings demonstrate the influence of white supremacy and subsequently internalized racial oppression on members of the Black community.
Pa ici a mi ed a ach gge ha i i im ible f Black e le e i within a white supremacist anti-Black society and not become indoctrinated into these ideologies. Because participants are privy to consistent anti-Black victim-blaming that occurs on a societal level, some individuals, based on their own experiences and exposure to consistent anti-Black sentiments, operated from an internalized racially oppressive framework. At the same time, it is essential to recognize the magnitude of systemic factors participants were aware of and their ability to readily convey the impact of complex interlocking systems of oppression on racial inequities.
Considerations
Thi ma be me a ici a fi ime sharing their perceptions of Black systemic oppression, so it is remarkable that individuals reported varied forms of oppression in such a brief time. It is necessary to add that no participant was solely operating from a completely internalized racially oppressive lens, where the Black community was blamed for all systemic injustices. This is important to recognize because perceptions may vary depending on the sample. Additionally, we must acknowledge that Black people are historically and presently problem solvers when examining societal issues. This problem-solving ability is a function of existing within a white supremacist racist society. Black people are consistently fighting interlocking systems of oppression and have learned that change may not always come from resisting the systems. Historically and presently, fighting and resisting systems take decades, if
95 not centuries. When there is finally change, if any, there is always push back from the white supremacist systems and bodies that uphold oppression. Due to this awareness, participants living within a racist white supremacist society may have altered their views to adapt to our
e e limi ed f eed m. Thi ada a i ma l k like Black e le e ami i g h Black people can improve to adapt and thrive in a system that does not serve Black people. As a result, participants may have much practice taking a double approach where they acknowledge the systems at play and c i i e Black e le ac i a d beha i , hich ma be ea ie change. This, however, is not a justification for anti-Black sentiments and rhetoric but merely an observation about the nuances rooted in understanding perceptions of oppression. Further, this is an observation of the process many of my participants cycled through when making sense of systemic inequities. In the next section, I discuss research question two.
Research Question Two: Understanding of the Origins of Systemic Oppression
I hi ec i , I ide fi di g f e ea ch e i : H d Black e le
de a d he f e i ? Af e idi g hei e ce i f f diffe e acial inequalities, participants were asked the question, Given everything we have discussed, How did our society get to be this way? (King, 1991). Pa ici a amed h ee mai emic factors: chattel slavery, Legitimizing Myths and white supremacy, and systemic racism. Table 6,
Figure 5, and subsequent explanations reflect partici a de a di g f he f emic oppression.
Systemic Factors Theme 1: Chattel Slavery Origins of Systemic Oppression
The majority of participants (n = 8, 66%), Kwame, Coretta, Thurgood, Frederick, Assata,
Malcolm, and Medgar, identified chattel slavery as one of the main reasons, systemic societal oppression exists. Chattel slavery is a unique form of oppression where Black people are viewed
96 as property without human rights. Under the system of chattel slavery, Black enslaved peoples were generationally enslaved. Medgar expressed:
al igh la e . Ok , the transatlantic slave trade was, in my opinion, the first time in hi he e ge e a i al aci m a a hi g he Eg ia e e la e f ea but this was the first time that it was not only [a] group of people, but it was a racial group of people that were basically ostracized for just being their certain skin color and a l f h e hi g la da i h c l i m a d e e if i ' c olorism it's a certain level of classism within the Black and Brown community which stems from the colorism.
Medgar highlighted that chattel slavery is rooted in colorism, and these systems still exist today, serving as another layer of oppression. Assata also cited chattel slavery and ideologies produced during slavery as one explanation of how our society got to be this way:
The e la eme f Black e le a d Black b die f m Af ica , and yeah, just the translation of those people from there to here, right? Subjugation of those people and language and subjugation of those people and spirituality and thought. I mean, because at he e d f he da , i eall he h gh ha ha cha ged e e hi g, igh ? A d I mea that in every sense of the word for both groups. The fact that white people thought that Black people were property and the fact that white people thought that Black people were material and things that can be moved from one place to another like cattle. Right? And he fac ha he a he m no more than they saw dogs. Right? To be trained and to be handled and to be corrected in any way they saw fit.
All participants who identified chattel slavery as one of the origins of systemic oppression identified its systematic impact on Black people. Some participants also identified the present- day impacts of chattel slavery. Assata discussed the psychological and mental enslavement of
Black people:
A d he fac ha ha a eall , he e d f ha , he e d f i [ la e ] a d, I a ha with quotations because really there is still mental slavery that is occurring, I think. The fact that that [our society] began that way, right?
He followed:
And then what I just explained were the thoughts of white people I think and the thoughts of Black pe le like k e a e al h gh e a e he e a feeli g f eak e beca e e ca cha ge ce ai a f i a i . The e a feeli g f eak e because of that forced translation from the place that we belong to and then the
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psychological damage ha ha e beca e f ha a d ha damage ha ha e because of that and then in some cases, people believe in inferiority which then feeds into efeed i ha h gh f aci m igh ? E e hi g ha ha e af e ha i he reason why racism is so powerful, at least in this country.
He continued:
The em i al m il ha h e e le [enslaved peoples] went through, the physical turmoil that those people went through. And the lack of safety that they felt at every point, and they could e e be hem el e a d he c ld e e eak hei language.
While Assata discussed the psychological impacts of chattel slavery, Malcolm spoke to the lasting economic impacts of chattel slavery:
None of the interests of African Americans were considered in the United States for several hundred years. And we were only seen as an economic tool to increase their own generational wealth. White people's generational wealth. No matter which way you see it, it's like your turn being skipped for 400 years, and you've [been] in jail and the Monopoly game f like, 400 ea . S ha ki d f m e ' e g a make he i ' all stacked, piled against you?
While most participants acknowledged the negative impacts of chattel slavery, one participant
Kwame, a em ed highligh Black e le e ilie c :
F a e h illi g emembe , illi g c mmem a e ha Black e le have done for the United States and for New York alone, i em e i g emembe that none-a-dis would exist if i a f me e h l k like me, h decided give birth to a man or a woman whether that was within slavery or within their freedom. S , i c l ki d f hi k like, hey, you guys keep stomping on me, shutting me out, shutting me down, but you gotta remember like the greatness that you guys are relishing in ld be he e if i a f all-a-di . If i a f he mela i , if i a f the resilience, the strength, the bravery, the courage the confidence that we had to build i hi el e a d c mm i kee g i g a d m i g f a d. S , i c l he hi k ab i like ha , i ha c e , a a Black W ma . I ice , you know, e e ac all ki da c l, a d e e a e e im a t part. And [if] you allow that to instill within your confidence it can be a positive thing to remember.
Kwame recognizes that chattel slavery was a horrible system and highligh Black e le lab and contributions in building the United States. It comes as no surprise that participants identified chattel slavery as one explanation for how society got to be in a state that upholds and
98 maintains systemic oppression. As participants stated, chattel slavery was justified by society with the use of Legitimizing Myths under our white supremacist system.
Systemic Factors Theme 2: Legitimizing Myths and White Supremacy
Legitimizing Myths operate as justifications for the societal and systematic oppression of
Black people. Participants were aware of several myths about Black people and understood how stereotypical ideologies are used to justify oppression. Coretta provided the link between chattel slavery and Legitimizing Myths:
From the time of imperialism, when white Europeans [tried] to justify racism and going i he c i e , a d kid a i g e le a d [bei g f ced d ] f ee lab , he created the idea of superior and inferior groups to justify racism and going into countries and stealing their resources instead. So those types of social ideas and social constructs just stuck with us. So, we may be in 2020, almost 2021 now, but those concepts from the 1600s and beforehand are still as pervasive in our society now, and they manifest in things like economic differences between races.
The myth of Black inferiority and white superiority at the crux of all Legitimizing Myths is rooted in white supremacy. Several participants identified the connection between Legitimizing
Myths and white supremacy and how both are foundational aspects that create and maintain systemic oppression. Septima expressed:
I feel like part of the narrative, or the biggest part for us, i ha e e mea be bel hi e e le. Tha e e not really here to succeed. We were brought here as a i a a ke . E e ill, I hi k me f he ea ie j b ha e fi d a e ill a little linked to slavery (chuckles).
Thurgood also provided a connection between chattel slavery and white supremacist
Legitimizing Myths, Ob i l , i a ed ff i h la e a d k , he belief ha he
hi e ace i e i , a d al h gh e le a e c mi g a d a i g ha a m e, i ill a
e la belief.
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Coretta extended her explanation of the origins of systemic oppression to focus on white supremacist patriarchy:
I hi k beca e f he male a ia ch a d hi e emac . A d beca e f m he ime of imperialism, white men have put themselves in a position of power where they were able to dictate the rules and laws of society and that just like...dissipated into other cultures. Even across the world, not just in America where racism is so pervasive, and it affec ma a ec f cie
Nina further expressed,
Well, k , he e a l f em i lace ma age ha e e like call hi . be efi i g f m hi e e , be efi i g f m hi e emac , be efi i g f m hi e c l e, hi e e . I d mea hi e e like ( aid i a high-pitched voice) white power! No, what I mean by white power is them as an imperialist... group nation...The e he h ld agai b die ha a e hi e. The e d i g he ame hi g he continent of Africa, to the continent of Asia, did it to the continent of Australia. And nearly wiped out all of their indigenous persons, and even here in North America, and did it to South America as well. (Deep sigh) boy, h e ge he e? (L g a e) We g he e i ma a , b l ima el . hi e emac . We li e i a time that is really affected by white supremacy. Just white power, right. Or the power white people yield.
The effect of white supremacy and Legitimizing Myths which uphold white supremacy (Black inferiority and white superiority) was a common theme that emerged when participants were asked to identify the origins of systemic oppression. Beginning with the myth of white supremacy, white colonizers introduced the system of chattel slavery for Black dehumanization and economic gain. The systems of chattel slavery and white supremacy were justified with
Legitimizing Myths that suggested Black inferiority. These systems were also maintained with the creation of systematic institutional racism.
Systemic Factors Theme 3: Systemic Racism
Not surprisingly, systemic racism was another prominent explanation for the origins of systemic oppression. Afeni stated:
I feel like i j bee a c a l e l i g imeli e f a) he c ea i f ace (ch ckle ). A d he he c i cidi g c ea i f aci m. O he fac that the establishment of race as a hierarchy essentially birth racism. And I feel like that's
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me hi g ha he c ca e e ec if , e eciall if i ac i el maki g a effort to rectify that.
Afeni discussed the social contribution of race and racism and the impact of white-dominated society, ignoring the problem of systematic racism all together. Nina also expressed this concern and discussed the benefits white society receives from the white supremacist racist society they create:
The [ hi e e le] ha e a hi f i le ce , a d e c e ac ha i le ce. I m being real. We counteract that violence by reminding the world that we are humans and that these violent things against humanity is unacceptable. And then we get blamed for it, b i ka . We a e al he e beca e g f hi e f lk . N all f hem, g f them refuse to accept the fact that times are changing.
She continued:
They [white people] need to address their atrocities, their historical atrocities, but also eali e ha ma e h ha d he , e ll , he ll , i ai g k. A d he refuseee to accept it, refuse. So, with tooth and nail, they are fighting. Why? Because white privilege and existing as a white person, they know for a fact, and this is why they defend it, hell and high water. They know for a fact if they release it, they will have to k j a ha d a he e f . A d he d a ha . The a he he alk i a m e , master, what would you like today, sir, mam. The like ha he he walk down the street, they can call the cops and get away with it. They like when they do anything, they can get away with it. The minute they have to work for it, all hell breaks loose, and they will defend it till thy kingdom come, they defend it. And, from a power e ec i e, I d blame hem f defe di g i , b f m a h ma e ec i e, ha he fuck are you doing? We are human beings. You gotta work for your shit like the rest of us.
While some participants discussed the use of racism and white ignorance to deny racism, other participants discussed the various aspects of racism that create and maintain systemic oppression.
Flo answered the question, "How did our society get to be this way" (King, 1991), a i g, A l
f ideal ha a e held i Ame ica c l e a e i he e l aci . The c i ed di c i g he impact of racism in law, finances, and education:
Hi icall bei g bla a l aci (la gh e ) a legal a d ed b he la . I a s la like, e e all ed de Black e le ha e e e fel like de i g i he
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m me . The e a e ha a g i g fac -check you or tell you what was wrong or right. Culturally it was just a part of white culture to be demeaning to Black people and, he did i e e cha ce he g , e e ace ha he g k , after the Jim Crow era, when things started to desegregate, then, you know people made their choices. The ch e f c i e ha he e al a d e (ch ckle). The e as legal changes, but culturally, there were not changes.
Flo c i ed elab a e he im ac f emic e , Cla kee k , Black
e le i he a e ha he e i ca e, he e e had he i a fe like hi e people ha e . The c i ed de c ibe ed ca i al aci m i he e i cie :
I think there was a statistic that says schools are more segregated now than they were in the 1960s. So, in the 1960s, there was a better blend of kids going to schools that had actual diversity, as people try to call it now, but now more than ever, schools are segregated so.
Thurgood extended this sentiment by speaking about generational racism:
S , I hi k i defi i el h kid a e ai ed, a d k la e . Pe le ca say all they want how quote- e l g ag i a . Fi f all, i a ha l g ag a d, ec d f all, k he e le h ed la e had kid h had kid , a d ha who is our police officers and these beliefs are just continuously passed down.
Thurgood continued, describing the intentional educational racism through historical omission a d e a e, h hi b k a e i e , h he a i i e . The ca all be a lie, and
ld e e k . She followed by speaking about hi e emaci e ce i m, a l of things that I think were successful in our country were at the hands of Black people and
e le f c l , a d he e al a a hi e face i f f i i media, e e he e igh .
Malcolm also spoke to aci m ed b la , a i g, although there's the civil rights movement and everything. They gave us legislative equality on paper, that then change the hearts and minds of people across the United States [Paus], a d e le ill ea acc di gl . Afe i
ided a diffe e le , eaki g e i me al aci m, S , em like ha i al related to the history of segregation, or redlining.
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She continued, describing the impact of segregation and redlining on present-day gentrification:
So then, no one else is gonna want to live there. And then, of course, now that kind of g e i ge ifica i , he e i like he ame em f like m gage le de , f banks are going back into these same a ea a d a i g ell, e ec g i e ha ha e did a ki d f g , a d e e g a bea if he a ea. We e g a make i be e . A d he , he e d i g a hi g hel e ide ha a e al ead he e. The e l a i g, e e j gonna take these abandoned buildings, redo hem, k make em l k ice, b he ai e he ice , ai e he e , a d ai e, ai e, ai e he ice f li i g i ha a ea. A d if ca make i , h ell.
She followed:
Beca e i like, i egration happens, a d he he e like ka , b he e' e e e iall g a kee eg ega i beca e e e elli g ha ca ' li e i hi a ea a d ha e e g a d i make i ha li e all ca aff d li e i he areas. And the e e al g a make e ha a ea i ed ha , hile e have these white families that have been living here on the other side of like the tracks, e e g a make i ha a e able li e e he e, b he e e al g a put a factory right behind your house.
As demonstrated using descriptive quotes, participants thoroughly elaborated on the interlocking systemic racism: political, educational, environmental, and societal at the root of oppression.
Research Question Two: Understanding Origins of Oppression Summary
Overall, participants answered research question two, using a primarily systemic approach. As a group, participants were aware of the intersectionality (e.g., colorism, mental health issues) that oppress Black people in a white supremacist capitalist patriarchy. Generally, participants identified critical factors at the root of systemic oppression. Participants discussed the systems of chattel slavery, white supremacy, Legitimizing Myths, and racism on the Black community. One participant, Coretta, provided a beautiful and holistic breakdown of the origins of systemic oppression. As a group, participants approached research question two from a systemic lens. In the next section, I present findings for research question three.
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Research Q es ion Three: Black People s Ideas of Black Ad ancemen and Black
Liberation
I hi ec i , I e e he fi di g f e ea ch e i h ee: Wha are Black people idea of Black liberatory ad a ceme ? Af e a icipants provided their perceptions of racial inequities and explained their understandings of how society got to be this way, individuals were asked to share their own ideas of Black advancement and Black liberation. The following section provides the breakdown of participant ideas for Black advancement and Black liberation.
Research Question Three: Ideas of Black Advancement
Participants were asked, What can be done to advance the Black community? T salient themes emerged: multi-sectoral reparations, (economic assistance, political power, mental/emotional reparations, anti-racist education, housing equity, community safety, and general systemic reparations) and education. Table 7, Figure 6, and the descriptive data below provide a breakdown of participant findings and is followed by qualitative descriptions of findings.
Systemic Factors Theme 1: Multi-sectoral Reparations Ideas for Black Advancement
Participants named multi-sectoral reparations as one factor that will assist Black people in societal advancement. Kwame shared:
S , bef e e ge he ed ca i , le ' make e he ca ead, a ell I hi k h e two are intermingled, and I think funding, of course, you know. Money makes the world go round, so I would say anything that has to do with the Black institution or with the programming, let's throw money at them. Of course, help them manage it and manage it effectively, but the lack of resources comes from a lack of funding, and lack of resources i al a c ib i g fac he lack f ed ca i . S , i j kee i i g. A d the wheel will just keep spinning into each other.
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Malcolm also strongly emphasized the need for economic assistance, ideally from the Black c mm i , I hi k ge e a i al eal h ha ld hel he Black c mm i . He continued,
But I wish there was [a] network where we could all financially support each other without the necessity of being supported by European or east or Asian, or any other, non-predominantly
Black country or nation. Clearly, under a white supremacist capitalist society, reparations in the form of economic assistance, financial stability, and generational wealth are necessary to establish power and self-determination. Marcus informed:
Another thing is economic empowerment. Owning something, you know, owning something. We need power, you know. Power. You can't get anything done in this country without some sort of power. I j h i e ec mic e i extremely important because that translates into a lot of other things. It translates into political power. It translates to...being in those rooms, having some sort of creative control.
In addition to economic assistance, participants suggested multiple forms of reparations. For example, Coretta shared:
Reparations. (laughs) I think money would heal our community a lot. At least put us on an equal playing field economically. But I think that there are mental and emotion reparations as well. I think anti-racist ed ca i i a f m f e a a i . I hi k i a e to repairing our community. First of all, tell us what the fuck really happened so we could c me e m i h i a d heal i ead f he e kid g i g il he e i hei twenties and having to do it then.
She continued:
There is so much trauma that built up from racism that they have to go and rework. Tha a l f k...Y e i g e k a ma. S , i ' like a e l i g d f j ai a d eali a i . S I hi k a i -racist education is definitely a part of it, and also, I think it helps when you have Black leaders and Black creatives who care about me al heal h beca e he Black c mm i hi icall , e ha e e beca e e e had ma ba le e c me. Y k e e had deal i h i f so long that me al heal h ha bee he fi i i li .
She ended:
We e e all ed i h e ki d f ace eek me al heal h. A d al , l s of early ch l gi a l alm all e e hi e, a d he did de a d e pective.
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A d he he e i he '70 he e e le a e a i g c ide li ical correctness and people are starting to consider the necessity of cultural awareness in psychology, so [you have] m l ic l al c eli g bab e . S , he ha e white people who try a hel , I g e . B I call h e e le I d ee c l i di id al . Th e e le h a e eall e a ed deal i h c mm i b still go and put themselves into it and just end up doing more harm than good. Because it's often that those individuals don't see their own racial biases.
Nina was also passionate about multi-sectoral reparations:
Re a a i . Tha mbe e, a d e a a i i l m e . The e a l f money. Reparations is also housing equality. Let me get it straight, not housing equality, fuck housing equality, housing equity. Because, for some odd reason, we think if we have homes, that everything is going to be okay. Or if we have access to schools that everything is okay. I HATE the phrase equal access opportunity. We're not equal! How can this be an equal opportunity institution? We are not equal. I am literally out here battling to survive, and somebody else doesn't have to do all that.
She followed:
Reparations takes many forms it is education and every system. You have the education system, you have the police system. When we say defund the police, we ain mean take all a a , ake a a all he m e a d e d a he lice. I mea hif i g ha he police stand for, and that is a form of reparations. We need police that look like us...we need community safety that looks like us. And I say community safety because you k , e le ill b g a d he ill e d a hel dee cala e he i a i , right. We need enforcers...enforcers. We need de-escalators. Police comes in or community control, or community safety keepers, safety officers, come in and deescalate a situation. So we have police, we have the education system, we have the housing system because a lot of violence against our humanity occurs within the housing system and redlining. Right, but most importantly, all of these things run on a monetary system.
She closed by stating:
We need reparations in different levels of the system to help us maintain that support but al b i g ha i . If ha e a b ke leg, e g a alk a d i , right? You have different types of physicians come in to look at the nerves, to look at the bones, to look at whatever the cast is gonna look like. You have a team that comes in for surgery. And we need a team, a reparations team, to come in to mend. Not only mend because that wound, that impact, will always be scarred on the bone, igh ? S ha inevitable, but we need a team to come in to make sure it grows in a healthy manner so that a cancer doesn't form. Or that the bone doesn't grow in a way that is uncomfortable for the patient. So reparations, but also like safety. We need safety. White people need to check white people. And for the life of God, they fraid their own selves. How you fraid a el e ? Ya j m i i f a i a ake, a j m i i li de , a j m i i tiga den, ya swinging from a bungee cord, in the middle of the sky, and ya jumpin out
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plane, but when yuh see a Black person h c i g he ad. Oh m G d I m ca ed. Wha he hell? Y h maki g a e e. Y make e e. Y ai f aid ah i e , ai f iad hem ce i ede, ai f aid f hi g, b h f aid he Black man? Yuh fraid the Black woman? That making any sense? So, reparations is also controlling the white fear that comes from white power...Them need to manage the fear. Whe he ge a ha lil fea a d he d ge he a ie i a b dle. Oka le me say that in a professional way: once they learn to manage their fear and accept the fact that diversity is not something to fear, then we will be able to move forward in a healthy manner.
Ni a e am le e e a a i e f he im a ce f ha i g m l i-sectoral reparations focused on addressing the issues within interlocking systems. Overall, participants recognized the importance of having multiple forms of reparations: economic assistance, political power, mental/emotional reparations, anti-racist education, housing equity, community safety, and general systemic reparations to address the differing racial inequalities Black people are subjected to. Individuals also named education as one factor necessary for Black advancement.
Systemic Factors Theme 2: Education- Ideas for Black Advancement
For many participants, education was one key to Black advancement. Kwame spoke to the present-day illiteracy rates that must be remedied:
Li e ac c mi g igh af e ha , like Black e le ca ead, a d he I a ha , e le hi k I m l i g ha I m elli g he h, a d I m like, I k hi icall a d statistically e ill e e e ha la ge l f illi e ac a e i hi Ame ica. Like me f ill ca ead, me e le a e eadi g, a d if he a e, he e eadi g way below [the] grade level that they should be in terms of their age and their actual schooling.
Malcolm expressed the need for not just literacy but financial literacy education:
If they taught more economic savviness in schools, that would help us all...because, sure, you have like economics class in senior year, but that's mainly just to show you how to do your taxes and move on with your life.
Both Marcus and Coretta spoke to the need for quality Black education that does not omit Black hi . C e a a ed, I feel like i c ld ge be e i h a i- aci ed ca i . We e ill ...
107 teaching kids that the pilgrims and the Native Americans we e f ie d . We e ill calli g Na i e
Ame ica I dia . Wh ? She c i ed c ec hi he mi i a d e a e f Black history in education systems:
And I work at a daycare, and I help kids with their Zoom homework, so I'm seeing what they're learning, and they're still learning about these things in these ways, and its companies like McGraw-Hill a d Sch la ic ha a e e e a i g [and] pushing these narratives that are filled with vague and indirect rhetoric, that are filled with half-truths to c f e e le ab hei igi . A d i he ame ac ic a he la e a j i i begi i g age . Le ake he e e le, le e a e hei la g age , le e a e hei c l e , le ake hei child e a a f m hem. The ha e body, isolate them, and then assimilate them to enter our society. So, they see nothing around them but whiteness.
Participants emphasized education as a crucial factor in Black societal advancement.
Pa ici a gge i f ed ca i a a separate theme highlights its importance. The spotlight on education is understandable because education represents freedom and the ability to think c i icall a d m e be d e e e ci c m a ce (Freire, 1970).
Internalized Racially Oppressive Framework-Ideas for Black Advancement
While several participants suggested ideas focused on systemic advancement, some participants used an internalized racially oppressive framework suggesting Black character changes as a tool for advancement. This is likely due to pa ici a i he e fea a d e ial pessimism related to changing a white supremacist system. Kwame, Medgar, Thurgood, and
Malcolm suggested that Black people either fix their mindset, increase drive and motivation, abandon their materialistic culture, or give up Black self-determination to learn from whites.
Kwame suggested that Black people increase their drive:
I think we need to instill a level of drive or motivation within the Black community to keep us pushing. Like listen, we are going to get so many doors closed on us. I need you to still have that motivation to keep knocking and trying to break down those stones and those barriers right, cause you can have all the knowledge in the world. If you decided to a i bed a d i d a d d hi g i h i , i ele , right.
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She c i ed, I hi k ha ki d f like bigge hi g. I like e eed i i e d i e a d fi e i he Black c mm i i e, f i i e hi g . Both Medgar and Thurgood suggested that Black people should learn from whites. Medgar shared:
Education, to be honest, and it s education on a lot of different skills, and it's also putting a certain level of ego and pride aside and learning. I feel like Black people have to i fil a e hi e cie a d lea f m h hi e e le c d c their business and e e hi g a cia ed i h b i e
Medgar continued to share:
Black people, on a whole we have this materialistic culture. We have to let go of our ma e iali ic c l e. I m alki g ab Black Ame ica Yeah, e ha e a ce ai le el of materialistic culture...
Medgar continued, begging for Black people to abandon materialism for the sake of Black advancement:
I have no clue why Black people are so materialistic. And we don't even own the real hi g [We] h ld be ma e iali ic ab h e e hi If e e m e materialistic that oh I'm a house owner or I own this much land that makes sense, but getting excited over cars and things that are flashing are more exciting to Black Ame ica
When imagining Black advancement, some participants used internalized racially
e i e f ame k . Pa ici a e ime dem a e he i idi effec f hi e supremacy. The suggestion that Black advancement will come from Black people having drive a d m i a i mi imi e Black e le c i e e i a ce i a hi e emaci cie .
Within this oppressive society, Black people remain resilient, determined, and motivated in many ways including, education, advocacy, and existing. We must recognize that regardless of
he am f d i e a g f e le ha e, if he a e c i e l ba li g acial e i , racial inequalities, and systematic racism, the odds are stacked against them. Thus, the focus should not be on Black people becoming more resilient but rather on systemic changes. Medgar
109 and Thurgood both suggested that Black people learn from whites. However, this suggestion is rooted in the white savior complex, implying that white people will save Black people from themselves. Further, contrary to Medgar's suggestions, Black people should not give up their material desires. Instead, Black people should not have to endure a system that institutes systemic poverty, crippling the Black community from developing financial security and generational wealth.
Black Advancement Summary
As a group, participants approached Black advancement using a mixed internalized racially oppressive framework. Using an internalized racially oppressive framework, some participants suggested that Black people develop their drive and motivation, learn from whites, and end their materialistic culture. Using a systemic lens, participants stated that Black advancement involves multi-sectoral reparations, which include economic assistance, adequate mental health, housing equity, educational equity, and systemic equity, to name a few.
Participants also named that Black advancement requires systemic educational changes. With these suggestions, it was clear that participants were aware of the impact of interlocking systems working to oppress the Black community.
Interestingly, as a group, participants did not demand a complete change in the system or abolishment or defunding of lice em . Ge e all , a ici a idea eflec ed hei i a ed context, as most participants did not suggest the abolition of capitalism either. In the next section
I discuss participants ideas of Black liberation.
Research Question Three: Ideas of Black Liberation
In this section, I provide a ici a idea f Black libe a i . Whe a ked he e i ,
Wha d e Black libe a i l k like ? heme f ce ai , e imi m, h ele e ,
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Black freedom, adequate representation, self-determination, addressing problems in the Black community, and healing emerged. Participants held several views on what Black liberation may look like; however, only the most common themes are discussed below. While some themes were more salient than others, I highlighted each theme that appeared across at least three
a ici a h a ici a eflec i f Black libe a i a d highligh he a ge f answers provided. Although one participant used an internalized racially oppressive framework, at one point, when considering Black liberation, I center the systemic factors and thus do not elaborate on the internalized racially oppressive framework when discussing liberation. This is i e i al, a hi ec i i ed highligh a ici a ideas for liberatory change and advancement. Table 8 (see Figure 7) and the following descriptive quotes provide additional context.
Black Liberation Theme 1: Uncertainty, Pessimism, Hopelessness
While all participants answered the question around Black liberation, several participants found it challenging to share their perceptions of Black Liberation or needed time to reflect as they were not asked this question before. Several participants expressed hopelessness and pessimism about whether Black liberation was possible in the U.S. or did not know what Black libe a i c ld be. F e am le, he a ked, ha d e Black libe a i l k like ?
Ma c e lied, I d k beca e I e e ee i [la gh ]. A a a al ha ed, A d I m not naming a lace beca e I hi k i Ame ica i e ha d d ha . O i e ha d imagi e ha i hi hi c beca e f h i b . A he a ici a Ni a e e ed he h ele e f Black libe a i i he U.S., a i g, B I ca al be liberated, even
h gh ha migh c m le el e i i Ame ica, i e i i he lace . Th g d ha ed he e imi m, I m a e imi ic e , b I hi k he i c me [bei g] Black i
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Ame ica, I am e e imi ic. She c i ed, I d hi k I ll ee i i m life ime, hich i
, agai e imi ic, b eah.
Black Liberation Theme 2: Live Freely
A he heme a ici a em ha i ed a Black e le abili li e f eel a d
im l e i . Afe i a ed, I feel like me, i j bei g able li e f eel i hi el e .
Marcus spoke to the importance of Black life:
You're going to live when you give birth as a Black woman. You're going to live as a Black woman when you [give] birth...just like a white woman lives when she gives birth. You're not gonna have some crazy statistics...compared to white women, Black women are more likely to die. That's not...going to be a thing anymore because you're a Black woman, and we don't value you.
Nina echoed and extended Ma c e ime :
Black liberation is mothers, Black mothers, not having low birth rates. Black liberation is Black mothers not dying from pre-eclampsia, not dying on [the] operating table, not dying through childbirth, not having all these these statistics of being four times likely to die in childbirth in the hospital. Black liberation is literally us living without being liced, a d e e j e i i g i eace a d i i g i eace. Wi h meb d el e feeli g he eed ca i ! Beca e e e d i g m ch, e e e celli g m ch.
Nina continued to emphasize Black people simply existing in her libe a i , A d libe a i i existing, me existing in peace with my environment without somebody disturbing it. Without me ha i g c i l hi k ab m eace bei g di bed. A a a e a ded Ni a
e ime a i g, Black libe a i i the freedom to do all of those things within the context of
Black e . S i he c e i e ce f Black e le i hi a a ic la lace.
Generally, participants acknowledged that Black liberation first requires Black people to live and survive. For participants, Black liberation extends beyond simple survival; it also includes, Black people living freely, having freedom, existing, and coexisting as is.
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Black Liberation Theme 3: Self-determination
Related to living freely, some participants noted the importance of self-determination.
I mai l a lace he e e c l, ha ed A a a. F him, libe a i mea elf- determination. Both Flo and Nina also shared this idea. Flo stated:
I feel like that would definitely look like having our own communities where we do have our own state (chuckles). Maybe they should just clear outta state. We have a new state or something.
While self-determination meant control, separation, and the power to own for Assata and Flo, respectively, Nina described self-determination differently:
I have that privilege, and I know I can get up and leave America at a blink of an eye. I ca ell m m m m elf, I g e! B i al removing that fear of returning home. So, he e m e b ai d ai f he c i e f Af ica a d predominantly Black places to c me i lace ha e, e ime, hi k e ll be m e cce f l he e beca e hi e e le ld e ld be m e cce f l. Beca e he k a a he e ce f m igi al h me . I eali i g ha e ca e rn to Africa, return to the Ca ibbea e g a lace he e Black e i he fi hi g c i le , right. Not the first thing to be noted as a way to cripple us. Let me rephrase what I mean i he fi lace, i he fi i . I going to a place where we can exist in peace because America nah fa we. We build it yes, I know, I know we build it! I know! I know, I a d all d a a le i g like hi hi mi e m hh, b al eali i g, i i m e painful to hold onto a rope than it is to let go.
For Nina, self-determination means Black people can choose to abandon the U.S. for countries that do not treat Blackness as a burden. For Assata and Flo, although both expressed hopelessness and uncertainty, Black liberation and self-determination requires power and control.
Black Liberation Theme 4: Adequate Representation
Previously when expressing the origins of systemic oppression, participants acknowledged that Legitimizing Myths are one-factor maintaining systemic inequities. Not surprisingly, some of the same participants who mentioned Legitimizing Myths earlier emphasized the importance of positive Black representation. Myths are often disseminated with
113 the use of the media, and in the culture, thus participants responses addressed both. Malcolm stated:
We should see more representation or representation doing much more positive or influential work that isn't surrounded by only limited ways of how we could be seen. Because if we just saw ourselves outside of rapping, outside of sports and stuff, I think ha ld hel a ell. Beca e I k a l f e le h j e em to see those two outlets into gaining generational and economic wealth.
Malc lm al e e ed he im a ce f cha gi g he media, S , if he cha ge he media, I
hi k ha he ld cha ge a l f a f he c l e. C e a ided a different perspective, focusing on social media:
See a l f e le b c ibi g Black c l e a d celeb a i g Black me like Li a d Mega Thee S alli . The e hback. They get pushback from other people about how we celebrate ourselves on social media. B I feel like i eall g d ha e ha ki d f f da i f g Black kid . Y k a lea all he e eei g is [not] Disney Channel or Nickelodeon or Zoey 101, those type of things, beca e ha ha I a eei g. I a M pace or Facebook or anything like that. So, now my i e i g i g , he 14, a d he Tik T k, a d he I ag am, he eei g Black me aki g ide i hem el e a d bei g celeb a ed e e if i j from Black women and not other whi e e le. I g d ee ha i i i .
Th g d ided e a he le f c ed e e e a i a i g, I c ld a hi g like m e Black e le i i i f e . Malcolm, Coretta, Thurgood, and Assata reported that within Black liberation, there is positive and multifaceted representation for Black people. In addition, Black people are represented in positions of power, and there is adequate cultural representation in every domain.
Black Liberation Theme 5: Address Issues in the Black Community
In imagining and speaking on Black liberation, participants were aware that issues in the
Black community must be addressed in order for us to move forward. As Afeni put it, I feel like
me, i j bei g able li e f eel i hi el e . A d I feel like, ha i al m l iface ed because there are issues in the Black community that need to be addressed at the same time.
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Frederick spoke to the origins of the issues:
Wha kee me a e i de a di g ha he blem e ha e ha e al a e i ed, but there were other problems. (Ch ckle ) I h e ha e ca e da ge a lace he e e ca ack ledge ha he e a a l f f ck hi [ he e ] a l f me that we did as a human race, that put us in this place.
While addressing the problems in the Black community was not a significant theme amongst all participants, individuals demonstrated their awareness of the issues in the Black community and their ability to think critically on Black concerns while not blaming Black people for their oppression.
Black Liberation Theme 6: Healing
Black liberation requires healing. Septima stated:
I m e if i d be celeb a i f a i a hi i , b I feel like i d be like some kind of cleanse (chuckles) of whatever emotions have been pent up for however long.
Thurgood expressed, I think the biggest thing for me is better emotional well-being and just feeli g afe. Fi all , Malc lm i f med:
I think that Black liberation is a network of resources that we have professionally and non- fe i all eaki g The e' a l f me al heal h blem i he Black community as well. So, if we had more resources, a wealth of resources, economic stability, generational wealth booming, a wealth of resources, and like health education, [and] more educational resources as well.
Participants were candid about the healing required in the Black community, whether that be an emotional cleanse, feeling safe, professional mental health services, or resources.
Black Liberation Summary
O e all, hile a ici a idea f Black Libe a i e e m l iface ed, me c mm themes were hopelessness, Black life, adequate positive representation, self-determination addressing the problems in the Black community, and healing. Most participants focused on
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Black e le li elih d a d self-determination, as opposed to specific institutional barriers. In this way, participants humanized Black people, supporting freedom of choice and emotional wellness. It is important to note that while every participant answered the question around Black liberation, for many participants, this may have been the first time individuals were asked about
Black liberation and given space to imagine. As a result, consideration should be given to participant responses, as some may be newly formulated ideas. Further, in our white supremacist racist society, freely imagining Black liberation is not normalized, leading some to be uncertain or hopeless about Black liberation. Therefore, responses may not reflect the most radical forms of Black liberation; however, they serve as a reflective moment for Black people imagining liberatory advancement. Lastly, to imagine freedom is a wonderfully meaningful act under a system that attempts to destroy the very idea of freedom.
Research Question Three: Ideas of Black Advancement and Black Liberation Summary
As a group, participants expressed some difficulty with imagining Black liberatory advancement. Although several participants critiqued the systems of oppression discussed in research question two, as a group, participants did not immediately suggest the abolition of white supremacist capitalist systems. Nonetheless, all participants echoed the need for some form of change in dominant society. Consideration should also be taken when understanding the lived realities of Black participants in a white supremacist-dominated society that promotes anti-
Blackness (Dazzell & Dazzell, 2020). As a result of these societal norms, we are all anti-Black and uphold anti-Blackness due to our positionality within white society.
Further, in our white supremacist racist society, freely imagining Black liberation and advancement is not normalized. While responses may not reflect radical Black liberation, it is remarkable that participants could imagine Black advancement and Black liberation on the spot,
116 even when expressing feelings of hopelessness and pessimism. In the next Chapter, I discuss these findings, limitations, implications, and suggestions for future research.
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CHAPTER 5. DISCUSSION
The purpose of this critical phenomenological qualitative study was to examine Black
Ne Y ke e ce i f acial i e ali ie , hei a a e e f he igi f emic inequities, and views on advancement and liberation within the Black community. Black
e le e ce i ns of societal inequities are necessary for critical consciousness and liberatory activism (Freire, 1970). This study contributes to the field of racial inequalities and extends the li e a e b i cl di g Black e le e ce i f acial i e i ie ith the use of in-depth i e ie . F he , hi d i he fi f i ki d e ami e Black e le e ce i f systemic inequities, the origins of systemic oppression, and Black advancement, as well as Black liberation during an upcoming presidential election and the COVID-19 global pandemic.
This Chapter provides a discussion of this study's general findings and the connection between existing literature. The discussion section is organized based on the three research questions:
1. How do Black people explain present-day racial inequalities (employment, income,
healthcare, and police violence)?
2. How do Black people explain the origins of systemic oppression?
3. Wha a e Black e le idea f Black ad a ceme a d Black libe a i ?
Afterward, I critique the Social Dominance Theory, provide implications for society, educators, and psychologists, including recommendations for future research, and conclude with the summary of this research.
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Research Q es ion One: Black people s Perceptions of Present-Day Racial Inequalities
Thi ec i add e e a ici a e all e ce i f f acial i e ali ie : employment, income, healthcare, and police violence. I will address a ici a c mposite themes for each racial inequality. Generally, participants named the systemic factors at the root of racial inequalities. At times, some participants used an internalized racially oppressive framework to make sense of racial inequities.
Participant Perceptions of Employment Inequities
Participants named that employment inequities result from inadequate educational funding, limited cultural capital, limited employment opportunities, and Legitimizing Myths.
Findings are consistent with the literature, as Black students are typically zoned to schools that have a dearth of resources, less qualified teachers, and less funding in comparison to white schools (Ascher & Branch-Smith, 2005; Darling-Hammond, 2001; NYS Department of
Education, 2015; UNCF, 2020). These early educational disparities eventually impact Black
e le em l me i ie (Le i , 2005; O field & Lee, 2005). The ef e, Black
ke c e f em l me i ie i e e el limi ed l -wage retail/service industry jobs (Economic Policy Institute, 2017; Weller, 2019). As white students may have access to various high-paying employment opportunities, Black students are disproportionately exposed to low-wage jobs. Thus, lack of employment opportunities hinders (Khosrovani &
Ward, 2011; Weller, 2019), Black people from advancing and moving upward in employment.
Due to these pre-existing systematic factors, a more significant increase in employment inequities is expected during the COVID-19 pandemic (Gemelas, 2021).
My participants explained employment inequities using a mixed systematic lens.
Participants addressed the systemic factors at the root of employment inequities and
119 simultaneously used an internalized racially oppressive framework. Participants expressed that
Black e le fea f ejec i a d Black a a h hi de he Black c mm i f m achieving employment success. However, it is crucial to recognize that in a white supremacist racist system maintained by racial inequities, Black people may develop internalized racial oppression.
Therefore, they are not to blame for systems of oppression working as intended. Each of these systemic factors produces high unemployment rates for Black Americans in comparison to whites.
Overall, four out of the 12 participants explained inequities using an internalized racially oppressive framework, attributing employment inequities to the Black community. However, all
12 participants acknowledged at least one systemic factor influencing employment inequities.
This illustrates that participants are aware of some systemic factors that produce employment inequities. Also, even though white supremacist systems and frameworks may produce internalized racial oppression, Black people consistently work against these frameworks of anti-
Blackness.
Participants Explanation of Income Inequities
Themes of Legitimizing Myths in the form of racial discrimination and limited employment access emerged as explanations for income disparities. Consistent with previous findings, the Black community has limited access to high-paying employment opportunities (AP
News, 2018; Weller, 2019). Black workers seeking employment are discriminated against based on race and gender (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004; Coleman, 2003; Frye, 2019; Leanin, 2020;
NPR et al., 2017; Lipscomb, et al., 2006; Wingfield, 2007). Therefore, Black women make less than Black men, who make less than white women and white men (Gould, Jones, & Mokhiber,
2018; IWPR, 2017; Lipscomb, et al., 2005). Further, as Black people are considered inferior and
120 lazy (Coleman, 2003; Jones & Wilson, 2017), Black workers are often paid less than white workers (BLS, 2021; Coleman, 2003), even for the same jobs (PayScale, 2020). All participants reported systemic factors at the root of income inequities. The effects of white supremacist internalized racial oppression were present. Two of the 12 participants suggested that Black people are paid less because they lack confidence and salary negotiation skills. However, it is essential to recognize tha a ici a e e a e f m a i e ali ed aciall e i e framework and are a projection of the white supremacist Legitimizing Myths that are consistently available within society.
Due to white supremacist racism, participants had a challenging time holding white people accountable for their involvement and maintenance of racial inequities. Interestingly, when explaining racial inequities, participants acknowledged other systems but did not
e helmi gl ame hi e i l eme i Black e le e i . For example, Kwame
a ed, I ill a , ha he i c me h e e i g a b i e I d hi k ha i i e i al. I d a a i c me i h malici i e ha he ac all a e le le . I a ea ie f Kwame h ld Black e le acc able. She c i ed, I hi k ha factor is influenced based off of the confidence tha he ca dida e b i g . Thi i a di ec reflection of internalized racial oppression. Within our society, Black people are blamed for the racial inequities which exist as a function of systemic oppression. On the other hand, whites who have created and maintained the systems of oppression are not held accountable for their role and benefit.
It is important to add that an NPR et al. (2017) study found that when Black people did seek a promotion at work, they were often denied based on race. Thus, even when Black people ha e he kill a d c fide ce eg ia e hei ala ie , he a e ill de ied ade a e
121 payment for their labor (Coleman, 2003). Additionally, white supremacist capitalist patriarchy, justified by Legitimizing Myths, would like us to believe that Black people are less deserving of adequate compensation for their labor. However, no one should receive less for the same labor or need to fight for their rightful salary, especially Black people who typically must work twice as hard as their white co-workers (DeSante, 2013). However, due to the interlocking systems of oppression that intentionally operate to subjugate the Black community, income equities such as
Black workers receiving 21% less median weekly wages than whites (BLS, 2020) remain.
Overall, participants approached income inequities from a mixed systemic lens with little attribution placed on the Black community. Additionally, all participants named systemic factors at the root of income inequities.
Pa icipan Pe cep ion of Heal hca e Ineq i ie
Medical abuse, systemic poverty, inadequate healthcare resources, and environmental racism were the main explanations of healthcare disparities. These findings are reflected in the literature as the healthcare system is founded on the inherent harm, anti-Blackness, and violence against Black people (Gray, 1998; Washington, 2006). From 1932 to 1972, the U.S. government kn i gl i fec ed 200, Black me i h hili c e hi e Ame ica hili
(Washington, 2006). Long after this injustice was exposed, the U.S. government continued to use
Black people as syphilis test subjects (Gray, 1998; Washington, 2006). Around this time,
He ie a Lack b d a ed i h he e mi i f he ad a ceme f medici e
(Skloot, 2011). Further, the entire system of gynecology is founded on experimental violence e ac ed Black me b die a d he lie ha Black e le d ot feel pain to the same extent as whites (Washington, 2006). The e bla a medical ab e ha e led Black e le rightful mistrust of the medical system (Commonwealth Fund, 2021; Freimuth et al., 2001).
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Interlocking systems of oppression work in conjunction to systematically oppress members of the Black community. Thus, healthcare inequities are also a function of systemic poverty. Black people are systematically impoverished (Powell, 2012). Consistent with previous literature, Black systemic poverty, em l me , a d i c me i e i ie affec Black e le ability to receive quality insurance and impacts the quality of accessible healthcare services
(Bridges, 2018; Doede, 2016; National Healthcare Quality and Disparities Report, 2010; Sabin &
Greenwald, 2012). When Black people seek medical services, they receive inadequate treatment by healthcare professionals (Bridges, 2018; Hoberman, 2012; Institute of Medicine, et al., 2003;
Nelson, 2002; Ledford, 2019; National Research Council, & Committee on Population, 2004).
All 12 participants addressed some aspect of the systematic abuse and inequities that produce healthcare disparities. Our white supremacist society justifies oppression by blaming the victim with Legitimizing Myths. One effect of societal Legitimizing Myths on the Black community is internalized racial oppression. Internalized racial oppression was reflected in two
f he 12 a ici a e e . I di id al a ib ed Black e le die a d lack f ed ca i as factors producing healthcare disparities. Generally, however, participants explained healthcare inequities by citing systemic factors. As consistent with previous literature, participants reported that environmental racism was a factor in healthcare disparities. Government-produced food desserts leave Black people with limited access to healthy and nutritious, affordable food
(National Research Council, 2009; Hilmers et al., 2012). As a result, Black people have consistent access to cheap fast-food restaurants, which impacts diet, eventually producing illnesses such as diabetes and hypertension (National Research Council, 2009).
Further, regardless of education level, Black people are consistently silenced, mistreated, and harmed in medical institutions (Institute of Medicine, et al., 2003; Villarosa, 2018).
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Therefore, each of these systematic issues works together to exacerbate the likelihood of Black people contracting COVID-19 and ultimately dying from the virus. Overall, participants explained healthcare inequities using a mixed systemic approach. In comparison to explanations of other inequities, participants were the most vocal about healthcare disparities. This is likely due to the increased information that exists about healthcare disparities during the COVID-19 global pandemic.
Pa icipan Pe cep ion of Police Violence Ineq i ie
Themes that emerged to explain police violence were societal Legitimizing Myths and the system of policing altogether. Policing began during chattel slavery (Hassett-Walker, 2021;
Kappeler, 2014; Potter, 2013). Early police, known as slave patrols, were created for white men to police, control, and capture Black people for enslavement (Hassett-Walker, 2021; Kappeler,
2014; Potter, 2013). Eventually, slave patrols became modern-day police departments (Feagin,
2014; Hassett-Walker, 2021; Kappeler, 2014; Potter, 2013). As participants stated, police are trained to discriminate and practice racial profiling (CBS News, 2019; Pierson et al., 2020).
Within our white supremacist society, police work as intended. This is reflected in accountability practices. Officers who murder Black people face little to no accountability (PRC, 2016;
Washington Post, 2020), which sets the standard for cops everywhere. In addition to the system of policing, societal Legitimizing Myths about Black violence, Black aggression, and Black criminality are rooted in the system of policing (Brunson, 2007; Carbado, 2017). Therefore, officers readily enact violence against Black people and face no real consequences.
One impact of Black people existing within a white supremacist racist society is internalized racial oppression. Although all participants named systemic factors for police disparities, one participant, Septima, suggested that Black on Black crime is one reason for
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lice i le ce di a i ie . Se ima e e i a e am le f h i idi hi e emac
is and how Legitimizing Myths work to blame Black people for oppression. Black on Black
crime is one Legitimizing Myth that exists to justify white supremacist police brutality. Black
afe a d Black i al af e lice i e ac i i a d h ld be c i ge Black
Black c ime. The should not be associated, and this idea serves as another myth to
maintain police violence inequities (Taylor, 2020). Awareness of Legitimizing Myths coupled
with the system of policing and lack of police accountability creates a legal system where Black
people are three times more likely to die from police murder than whites (Schwartz & Jahn,
2020). Generally, participants explained police inequities using a mixed-primarily systemic
approach.
Research Question One: Summary
Overall, Black participants explained present-day racial inequalities (employment,
income, healthcare, and police violence) using a mixed systemic approach. Participants
addressed the systemic roots of each inequity while at the same time expressing internalized
racially oppressive ideologies that attribute the cause of inequities to Black people. Most
participants were aware of the Legitimizing Myths in society that exist about Black people and
serve as justifications for racial inequalities. Throughout their interviews, participants either
named or alluded to the myths of Black genetic inferiority, Black violence/aggression, and Black
laziness. As a group, participants were aware of several systemic factors at the root of racial
inequalities. However, as e ec ed, a ici a a e a ime e a ed f m a i e ali ed
racially oppressive framework. This is not surprising, however, as we live within an anti-Black,
white supremacist racist society. Within our society, Black people are deemed inferior and
blamed for white supremacist systematic oppression. As such, Black people living within this
125 society eventually internalize anti-Blackness, which results in blaming Black people for purely systemic inequities (Bivens, 2005; Williams, 2012). It is important to emphasize that this is purely a result of the insidious nature of white supremacy and default for Black people living within this society. Thus, it is remarkable that participants named so many systemic factors at the root of Black systemic oppression.
Interestingly, when explaining racial inequities, participants acknowledged other systems b did e helmi gl ame hi e i l eme i Black e le e i . One participant even removed blame from white people. This is a direct reflection of internalized racial oppression. Within our society, Black people are blamed for the racial inequities which exist because of systemic oppression. On the other hand, whites who have created and maintained the systems of oppression are not held accountable for their role and privileges. In
he d , m a ici a did di ec l alk ab hi e e le c ib i a d maintenance of continued racial disparities. This is undoubtedly a learned societal response that does not hold whites accountable for their continued violence and oppression. Another
b e a i a a ici a e f a a he c ide i g h hi e ie Black e le.
Pa ici a f e aid he i ead f di ec l ami g hi e . This further removes blame from whites.
My participants were also aware of the impact of intersectionality on racial inequities, often speaking directly to gender, colorism, and sometimes sexuality. Individuals also frequently provided personal experiences with each inequity, creating connections between statistics and lived experiences. Additionally, participants were generally all aware that each inequity does not stand alone. Participants demonstrated awareness of how interlocking systems of oppression impact Black e le mai ai e i . F e am le, A a a a ed, I hi k he e di g
126 a e f a l f he e i g a be c al i a c e a d h i affec ed b structural racism and systematic racism i c a h all f hi i i e i ed. Thi awareness is important as we do not exist in a vacuum. While each racial inequity in this study was separated based on statistics, all of the systemic explanations provided for one inequity could easily be used to explain another inequity because of the multiple interlocking forms of oppression that Black people must endure daily. In the following section, I discuss research question two: a ici a de a di g f he f emic e i .
Research Question Two: Origin of Systemic Oppression
In this section, I discuss findings for research question two, which examined Black
e le e ce i f he igi f emic e i . Whe a ked he e i , H did our society get to be this way (King, 1991), participants overwhelmingly responded with chattel slavery, Legitimizing Myths, white supremacy, and systemic racism as sources of Black systemic oppression. Of course, these findings are reflected in the literature (Feagin, 2014; hooks, 1997, 2013; Karenga, 2021; King, 2020; Lawrence & Keleher, 2004;). In the 1400s, white people embarked on the genocide, mass murder, pillaging, imperialization, and colonization of the world (Karenga, 2021; Wunder & Hu-DeHart, 1992). Under the ideology and system of white supremacy, whites positi ed hem el e a e i all he ace , especially the Black race (Feagin, 2014; Spickard, 1992). This erroneous ideology of Black inferiority was used as justification for the more than 400 years of continued chattel slavery
(Karenga, 2021). Chattel slavery is a particular system of slavery in which enslaved peoples are treated as property without any human rights (Karenga, 2021). Black people were owned perpetually through this system, from generation to generation (Karenga, 2021). Under the system of chattel slavery, whites not only intended to break the Black psyche, but they also
127 hoped to suppress Black people and convince them that they were less than animals (Karenga,
2021). Using Legitimizing Myths, whites continued to justify and practice chattel slavery and white supremacy with the implementation of systematic racism. Systemic racism is inherent to the U.S. and rooted in its foundation (Feagin, 2014). Thus, it should come as no surprise how society got to be in a state that upholds systemic oppression.
As a group, participants provided a well-rounded account of how society got to be this way. Individually, participants focused on one or two critical components of systemic oppression, typically chattel slavery, Legitimizing Myths, white supremacy, and racism. Not surprisingly, these results are consistent with King (1991), as participants in that study viewed
Black e le continued oppression in a unidimensional way, acknowledging just some of the compounding and complex systematic factors that work together to subjugate Black people. One participant, Coretta provided a holistic breakdown of how society got to be this way; however, this was an exception. We must understand the overlapping forms of oppression as this provides context into why Black people continue to suffer from systemic inequities. Participants did express, however, in explaining racial inequities that systems overlap. However, it is still unclear if they consider all of these interlocking systems when understanding the systemic origins of oppression. Nevertheless, it is likely that participants do consider these systems as they are already aware f hem. I he f ll i g ec i , I e lai Black e le e ce i f Black advancement.
Research Question Three: Black Advancement and Black Liberation
This section discusses research question three: Black e le idea f Black advancement and Black liberation.
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Black Advancement
Black advancement refers to the current and immediate change that must occur for Black success. Participants overwhelmingly cited two factors multi-sectoral reparations and education.
In reporting multi-sectoral reparations, participants recognized the need for economic assistance along with a range of other assistance, including educational, mental health, housing, and systemic e i , ame a fe . Pa ici a idea f Black ad a ceme a e c i e i h existing Black organizations that advocate for reparations for African Descendants of Slavery.
Organizations such as the National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America (NCOBRA),
American Descendants of Slavery (ADOS), and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), which supports government Bill H.R. 40, also request multi-sectoral reparations.
NCOBRA defines reparations as a multi-sectoral process that addresses racial inequalities and discriminatory policies (NCOBRA, 2021). According to NCOBRA reparations also include monetary, health, and educational assistance, in addition to anti-racist education. Thus, participants ideas of Black advancement in the form of education and multi-sectoral reparations mimic NCOBRA i i , i addi i ADOS dema d f e a a i .
ADOS is an organization and a political movement that is seeking reparations for Black
American Descendants of Chattel Slavery (ADOS, 2021). ADOS expresses that reparations are due to Black American descendants of chattel slavery, who can prove that they had at least one
Black enslaved ancestor (ADOS, 2021). The organization describes reparations as educational assistance through Black affirmative action, employment assistance, a re-assessment of the prison population, increased funding to Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), a critical examination of banking discrimination, re-examination of media representation, college
129 debt forgiveness, full medical coverage, and of course direct monetary reparations (ADOS,
2021).
The government bill H.R. 40 sponsored by Michigan Representative John Conyers and
ed b he ACLU ech e ADOS e i eme f e a a i . H.R. 40 e i e he U.S. to acknowledge its evil doing during chattel slavery and to atone for its continued acts of oppression against the Black community (Congress, 2021). The Bill goes further, suggesting that reparations include addressing predatory financial schemes, providing assistance to end educational funding inequities, housing discrimination, and generally the negative effects of chattel slavery that still exist today (ACLU, 2021; Congress, 2021).
The diffe e ce be ee m a ici a idea f Black ad a ceme and NCOBRA,
ADOS, and H.R. 40 is exclusion. While NCOBRA, ADOS, and H.R. 40 limit reparations to
African Descendants of Slavery and Black Americans who have an enslaved Black ancestor, my participants suggested that all Black people receive reparations, and they were adamant about inclusivity.
Participants were also adamant about education. Education is a form of resistance and is linked to critical consciousness and freedom (Freire, 1970). However, as stated by Afeni, literacy rates are low amongst the Black community. Only 18% of Black 8th graders met the literacy requirements (NAEP, 2019), and these already low literacy rates are expected to decrease during the COVID-19 pandemic (Coleman, 2020). This staggeringly low literacy rate undoubtedly presents challenges for Black youth and may continue to impact youth in adulthood, thus affecting almost every domain of life.
Participants also expressed the importance of anti-racist education to correct the omission of Black history and false Eurocentric history in public schools. This approach is consistent with
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Carter G. Woodson, author of the Miseducation of the Negro, who suggests that Black students must learn about Black history and Black achievements within the educational system and from accurate textbooks (Woodson, 2006). Consistent with Woodson (2006), participants in my study discussed the E ce ic ed ca i al em a d i im ac he Black c mm i .
Black Advancement Summary
Generally, participants provided a range of suggestions for Black advancement.
However, the common themes were multi-sectoral reparations and education. Some participants operated from an internalized racially oppressed lens, suggesting that Black people should abide by the white savior complex and learn from white people. However, like Audre Lorde states,
he ma e l ill e e di ma le he ma e h e (L de, 2003). Th , Black e le must recognize that receiving an education from white people is limited because anti-Black white supremacist institutions function to maintain and replicate oppression (Lorde,
2003; Woodson, 2006). The ef e, ecei i g a i a ce f m hi e ma d m e ha m
Black people than good.
Participants also suggested that Black people abandon materialism and increase their drive and motivation. This suggestion is consistent with Hirsch and Jack (2012), where one
a ici a gge ed ha Black e le ma e iali ic c l e c ib e Black lack f advancement. However, it is important to note that Black people should be allowed to pursue ma e ial ha e i hi a ca i ali cie . Black e le i f ma e ial d c ib e to systemic inequities and oppression as this is solely due to white supremacist racism. Overall, participants approached Black advancement using a mixed systemic lens.
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Black Liberation
Participants varied in their ideas of Black liberation, with several participants naming hopelessness and pessimism. Hopelessness and pessimism when imagining Black liberation are likely due to participa e i e ce i hi a hi e emaci ca i ali a ia ch hich mentally intends to limit Black people from imagining a world beyond this present reality
(Bivens, 2005; Williams, 2012). This expression of hopelessness and pessimism is both consistent and inconsistent with previous literature. Ginwright (2015) suggested that, in general,
Black people experience hopelessness for Black advancement. Bivens (2005) and Williams
(2012) also suggest that Black people who hold degrees of internalized racial oppression may experience feelings of hopelessness. However, findings are mixed. In the wake of recent protests,
Black participants in a Washington Post survey expressed optimistic sentiments about change
(Washington, 2020). ACLU advocates and other Black leaders for reparations expressed cautious optimism (ACLU, 2020; Duckler, 2020). Further, systematically impoverished Black Americans tend to be more optimistic than others (Graham, 2015). Additionally, Thernstrom and
Thernstrom (1998) urge Black people to maintain their optimism as pessimism becomes a self- fulfilling prophecy.
Although e e al a ici a e e ed h ele e a d e imi m, they also expressed that Black liberation requires Black freedom, self-determination, adequate positive representati , add e i g he blem i he Black c mm i , a d heali g. Pa ici a idea of Black freedom and self-determination is consistent with the Republic of New Afrika, a Black nationalist organization (Berger, 2018), and prominent Black organizations and leaders such as the original Black Panther Party (Newton, 1980), Maria Stewart (Stewart, 1987; Waters, 2013),
Assata Shakur (Shakur, 2001), Marcus Garvey (Cronon, 1960; Garvey & Blaisdell, 2004; Moses
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1996), and Kwame Ture (Carmichael et al., 2005). These ideas of self-determination are also consistent with the overall message of the Black freedom movement and Black power movement beginning in the 1960s (NMAAHC; 2020). Further, prominent Black leaders have spoken to the importance of adequate Black representation on the Black psyche (Anderson et al., 2018;
Gammage, 2018; hooks, 1992). As consistent with previous and existing literature (Bell, 2020; hooks, 1992; Roberts et al., 2019), participants suggested that Black people must address the anti-Blackness and internalized racial oppression in the Black community to achieve Black liberation. Participants also stated that addressing Black issues and healing are necessary steps for Black liberation. This suggestion is consistent with previous scholars who have expressed the importance of Black people radical healing (Desai, 2020; French et al., 2020; Ginwright, 2010).
Black Liberatory Advancement Summary
N abl , hile a ici a idea f Black ad a ceme a d Black libe a i i l ed multi-sectoral reparations, healing, addressing issues within the Black community, self- de e mi a i , i i e e e e a i , a d Black e le abili li e f eel , hei di c i of Black liberation seemed to be within their situated context, a white supremacist capitalist patriarchy. Although some participants critiqued the system and suggested a new approach, every participant expressed Black liberation within the context of present systems as consistent with existing literature (Comaroff & Comaroff, 2019). As individuals are in a white supremacist capitalist society, their responses are within the bounds of capitalism. Several participants noted the importance of economic assistance and generational wealth for Black advancement.
Pa ici a h elessness and pessimism when imagining Black liberation are also likely due to their existence in a white supremacist capitalist patriarchy which mentally intends to limit Black people from imagining a world beyond this present reality.
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While individuals stated that it is important to address issues in the Black community, they did not detail what these issues are. However, throughout their interviews, some participants mentioned colorism, homophobia, misogynoir, and general anti-Blackness. Participants did not include issues of ableism, transphobia, and fatphobia, however. Further, when considering liberation, participants did not require an immediate end to the institutional racism and white supremacy in the U.S. Instead, they focused on specific issues and discussed what Black people could do to achieve liberation. Logically, as white supremacist racism is the cause of Black systemic oppression, it would make the most sense that these systems should be abolished immediately to achieve liberation and self-determination. However, as participants are indoctrinated in a white supremacist world, their answers are limited to their situated context and lived experiences (Comaroff & Comaroff, 2019). Nonetheless, participants' ideas of Black advancement and Black liberation are complex and nuanced. In the following section, I discuss study limitations.
Limitations
In the present study, I e ami ed Black Ne Y ke e ce i f acial i e i ie , systemic oppression, and their ideas of Black liberatory advancement. The sample was limited to
Ne Y k Ci , a d a ici a e e ma be i fl e ced b hei l ca i . Ne Y k i more progressive in comparison to other states (CBS News, 2020). Therefore, participants may have had educational opportunities to learn about the systemic root of inequities. Participants are also primarily composed of individuals who have received higher formal education. This may im ac he am le a e , d ci g g ea e ide ifica i f emic fac a a ici a may have been exposed to the systemic barriers impacting the Black community during formal education (National Council for the Social Studies, 2017). In addition, participants were young
134 adults aged 19 to 28, and their views may also reflect the new age activism that exists at this present time (Reed, 2019). Additionally, most participants were cisgender heterosexual, thin, visibly able-bodied Black people. Therefore, their ideas about Black liberation may not be representative of Black people who do not hold these identities. In the next section, I discuss contributions to the literature.
Contributions to The Literature
This study provides three significant contributions to the literature. First, this study is the fi f i ki d e ami e Black e le e ce i f acial i e ali ie , Black e le understanding of the origins of systemic oppression, and ideas of Black liberatory advancement during a global pandemic and upcoming presidential election. Further, extant literature has not di ec l e ami ed Black e le idea a d de a di g f acial i e ali ie a d hei explanations of systemic oppression. In addition, previous literature has not individually e l ed Black e le ideas of Black advancement and Black liberation in conjunction with perceptions of racial inequities simultaneously.
Second, the present study used Social Dominance Theory as its theoretical framework.
Social Dominance Theory suggests that group-based hierarchies that assign a superior and inferior status to social groups are inevitable (Sidanius & Pratto, 2001). This study extends the literature on SDT because it is one of few studies that examine Social Dominance Theory using a critical phenomenological qualitative approach. Further, when asked to explain the origins of systemic oppression, participants recognized that these systemic forms of oppression were created under the system of white supremacy and are maintained with the use of systems such as race, racism, white supremacy, and Legitimizing Myths. Based on the present study, I argue that group-based hierarchies are not inevitable but instead created and maintained by white
135 supremacist systems and then portrayed as inevitable as a justification for their maintenance.
Therefore, the myth of group-based hierarchical inevitability maintains racism and white supremacy. Individuals may not question white supremacist systems that appear inevitable as we are indoctrinated in the system of white supremacist racism. In other words, the myth of white superiority and Black inferiority is inherent within our society and normalized. Therefore, arbitrary race-based hierarchies are viewed as inevitable. Inequities and hierarchies that produce oppression that subjugates Black people, are only a result of our present realities and the society that we live in that intentionally maintain racial hierarchies. Thus, there is nothing inevitable about this; it is solely systematic and institutional.
Third, the present study highlights the importance of creating Black spaces and platforms to discuss the racial inequalities and systemic oppression that directly and consistently impact
Black people. In addition, it demonstrates the importance of having regular conversations, not only about oppression but about Black advancement and Black liberation. Many participants were stumped when asked to think about Black liberation, which is reflective of the lack of opportunities that Black people have to imagine freedom. It could be that the more space and
ime a ici a a e all ed di c Black e le emic e i a d Black advancement, the more normalized these conversations become, and the more critical Black people are of the systems oppressing the Black community. In the following section, I discuss implications for future research.
Implications for Future Research
Overall, participants identified systemic factors that influence racial inequities.
Participants were aware that chattel slavery, white supremacy, Legitimizing Myths, and continued systematic racism is at the core of systemic oppression. Individuals reported that Black
136 advancement is multi-faceted and includes multiple forms of reparations, healing, and a critical examination of the issues in the Black community. Simultaneously, participants operated from an internalized racially oppressive framework, attributing blame to the Black community for racial inequities. Thus, findings produced important questions and considerations for future research.
Center Black voices
Black people are often theorized on, reported about, or discussed within research.
H e e , li le academic e ea ch e l e Black e le c i ical h gh , idea , a d perceptions of systems and experiences which directly affect Black people. Therefore, in the present study, I aimed to uplift, highlight and center Black voices and Black critical thought by
de a di g Black e le e ce i f e i a d ad a ceme . Wi h hi i mi d, future research must continue to understand Black pe le h gh , idea , a d e e ie ce f systems that directly impact the Black community. This research suggests that Black people may not have open spaces to discuss Black advancement and Black liberation, as many participants were stumped when imagining Black liberation. For this to change, Black people should have greater opportunities to imagine freedom and express their ideas about freedom.
Narrative Qualitative Approach
The present study was a critical phenomenological study. Therefore, I focused on understanding participants' lived experiences and perceptions of a phenomenon: racial inequality.
Future studies may examine Black people's experiences of racial inequality using a narrative qualitative approach. Using a narrative approach would allow researchers to understand Black peoples' stories, the emotional impacts of racial inequities on Black people, a d a ici a experiences of undergoing of each inequity (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). For example, as opposed to presenting participants with the statistic of police violence, individuals may be asked,
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"how did you feel when you learned about the murder of George Floyd?" How did you cope during this time? Instead of being asked about a statistic, participants may be asked about their direct lived experiences. Narrative research is in line with valuing and uplifting participants' voices through storytelling (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Future research may consider using a narrative approach when working with the Black community, as Black people are natural storytellers with rich oral traditions (Brooks, 2009; Karenga, 2021). Like many of my participants (Medgar, Flo, Assata, Septima, to name a few), Black participants may express information via storytelling and lived experiences. Therefore, narrative qualitative research may be used for process, release, and heal (Dickson-swift et al., 2009). In addition, future studies might operate from a strengths-based approach, using narrative qualitative research to examine
Black e le idea f libe a i , heali g, a d cha ge. F e am le, f e die ca e ami e
Black e le e e ie ce f j , f eed m, afe , heali g, a d l e.
Representation
Next, this study suggests that Black people may have discomfort implicating white people for their involvement in maintaining systems of oppression. When speaking about whites, ma a ici a efe ed hi e e le a he i ead f igh l a i g, hi e e le.
This caution and limited attribution to whites result from white supremacist racism, which implicates all non-white groups for their own oppression. Future research with the Black community should always attempt to create and establish safe spaces for participants. One way that a safe space may be established is through representation, as Thurgood alluded to above.
Black interviewers should interview Black a ici a . The limi ed e f hi e e le suggests that Black people may be socialized to not speak directly about whites when discussing white oppression and violence. We can imagine that if this is limited when speaking to a Black
138 interviewer, it may be even more limited or may not happen with a white interviewer. Black people may likely speak with greater freedom and hold whites accountable in the presence of other Black people. Thus, to promote comfortability, authenticity, and honesty, Black participants should be interviewed by Black interviewers to establish rapport.
Internalized Racial Oppression and Its Impact of Black Liberatory Advancement
We are all anti-Black and operate within the situated context of a white supremacist capitalist patriarchy. The U.S. is an anti-Black white supremacist country. As Frederick put it,
he e a a l f f ck hi [ he e ] a l f me ha i hi lace. Therefore, it is no surprise that Black people internalize anti-Blackness and regurgitate internalized racially oppressive sentiments when asked to explain racial inequities. Future research should consider and explore the fine line between discussing racial inequities and creating a space for Black people to regurgitate internalized racially oppressive statements that reinforce anti-Black sentiments. It is also important to consider whether Black people can critique the Black community without being anti-Black. One participant, Medgar, shared that "Black people cannot say anything critical about the Black community without appearing anti-Black." This statement, of course, presents a challenge, as Black people in this study were asked to consider racial inequalities and Black liberatory advancement. Thus, it may feel like a catch 22 for participants to acknowledge systems of oppression and later consider Black advancement. This is because participants' ideas of Black advancement may involve critiquing and changing the Black community because that feels easier in comparison to changing systems. Black people have had to be problem solvers actively resisting oppression, and subsequently, Black advancement may look like changing the Black community, which may result in faster change. Nonetheless, Black people have always resisted oppression.
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At times this resistance was focused on fighting for equitable policies or abolishing systems (X, 2015; DuBois, 1903). At other times resistance meant altering the Black community to fit what Black people believed white people wanted them to be to gain societal acceptance
(Washington, 1895).). This form of respectability politics may have emerged in the Black community as a result of the continued maintenance of white supremacist systems. Each time
Black people fight to change the systems, a policy or law may be created, but what follows is white backlash and rage (Anderson, 2017). As a result, Black people may have altered their ideas of true advancement and liberation solely to achieve a minimal form of success and "freedom" in the United States.
This process of hopelessness, pessimism, and cynicism is an impact of internalized racial oppression, which is a direct symptom of white supremacy. As Black people feel discouraged and hopeless in the fight for Black liberation, they give up aspects of their freedom, settling for the bare minimum, which may not appear to be the bare minimum (Dazzell & Dazzell, 2021).
Thus, Black people become disillusioned by the system and lose hope for change. Therefore, although many individuals may name and identify the systems at the root of Black inequities, they may feel powerless in altering these systems and instead focus on controlling and changing the Black community, which may feel more manageable. In reality, Black people must continue to be critical of the systems of oppression.
Are There Any Problems in The Black Community That Cannot Be Explained By White
Supremacist Racist Capitalist Patriarchy?
Overall, participants' explanations of racial inequities were mixed-systemic. Participants' explained racial inequities from a systems lens and an internalized racially oppressive framework. However, I argue that there are no problems within the Black community: colorism,
140 fatphobia, homophobia, transphobia, ableism, and all other isms and concerns, which do not result from or are not explained by white supremacist racism. Therefore, future researchers must recognize that if participants do attribute blame to the Black community, they are solely operating from an internalized racially oppressive framework. Thus, a function of living within our anti-Black society. In the next section, I discuss implications for society, educators, and psychologists.
Implications for Society, Educators, and Psychologists
Society
Findings from this study expressed that the origins of systemic oppression are rooted in historical and current white supremacy, Legitimizing Myths, systemic racism, and chattel slavery. Therefore, on a societal level, Black advancement will occur when all systems of oppression are abolished. For true Black advancement in the U.S. to occur, whites must actively work to abolish racism and white supremacy. However, as participants suggested, whites live in so much power and privilege, grounded in the myth of white supremacy, that there is little hope that these systems may be abolished. Further, whites continue to operate from white ignorance,
e e di g ha em f e i d e i . Ni a ha ed, he [ hi e e le] eed address their atrocities, their historical atroci ie he ef eee acce i , ef e. S , i h
h a d ail he a e figh i g. Wh ? Beca e hi e i ilege. S ill, he m be laced on whites to end white supremacist racist systems, as they have created these systems, maintain them, and benefit from them. In the following two sections, I speak only to Black educators and
Black psychologists.
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Audience
In the following sections, I speak specifically to Black educators and Black psychologists. Our society is a white supremacist racist capitalist patriarchy. Within this system, all non-white people experience racism. However, only Black people experience anti-Blackness, and all non-white and non-Black groups benefit from global anti-Blackness within this system.
In recognition of this fact, I center my suggestions on Black educators and Black psychologists as I am a Black woman, educator, and psychologist aware of the systems of anti-Blackness that benefit all non-Blacks and continue to oppress all Black people.
Further recognizing my presuppositions, I acknowledge that my recommendations are inherently situated with Black people in mind. If I spoke to everyone, my approach would be incomplete as I could not provide the depth of suggestions necessary to assist in dismantling anti-Blackness in non-Blacks. Further, that task is beyond the scope of the present study. Lastly,
I believe in centering Blackness and Black people at all times. These suggestions are no exception. Thus, in the next section, I speak only to Black educations and Black psychologists.
Educators
Findings from the present study suggest that participants who have received a formal education are exposed to the white supremacy and eurocentrism inherent in our education system
(Woodson, 2006). Although participants may have learned about systems of oppression in school or independently, my sample still explained inequities using a mixed approach. As aforementioned, no racial inequities can be attributed to the Black community. Racial inequities only result from white supremacist racism. Freire (1970) suggests that education is a way to critical consciousness and ultimately liberation. When I speak about educators, I am not only referring to formal institutional education. When I refer to education, I am referring to informal
142 conversations, group gatherings, or any space where ideas and lessons can be exchanged and communicated. When I refer to educators, I am not only speaking to formal educators. I am speaking to everyone who is already aware that they have the power, ability, and skill to convey information. I am speaking to everyone who can communicate in any way.
Decolonized Education
Educators must operate from a decolonized context, actively working against anti-
Blackness and having open and honest conversations about the intersections of isms that work to suppress the Black community. Black liberation requires that Black people have the space to learn about these systems that limit, inhibit, and suppress the Black community. Therefore, Black educators must continually strive to be aware of these interlocking systems of oppression, teach students about these systems, and have candid and open conversations about disrupting systems.
Representation
Further, within the education realm, Black people must have Black educators who are aware of these systems and can instruct Black students about the interlocking systems and facilitate discussions about systems of oppression and ultimately Black liberation and Black advancement.
Mentorship
Several participants identified limited cultural capital available to Black people. Allen and Butler (2014) suggest that mentorship promotes cultural capital and resistance in white spaces. In addition, mentorship provides Black students with resources, emotional support, and personal and professional growth (Dazzell & Dangleben, 2020; Rasheem et al., 2018). Therefore,
I suggest that educators implement a mentorship model, where Black people from various backgrounds may elevate one another across different fields and in every domain. An African
143
e b a e , Each e each e (Each O e Teach O e, 2021). Th gh me hi , e ca engage in ongoing, collective learning to elevate one person as we are elevated.
Safe Spaces
It is crucial that Black people have safe spaces to actively and critically imagine Black liberation. Black people who are the most societally marginalized must be centered during discussions. During discussions it is important that educators approach learners with an open mind, patience, and willingness to listen.
Address Issues Within the Black Community
These discussions must recognize that Black oppression directly results from white supremacy. Specifically, educators must also be aware that we cannot only talk about the systems that exist. We must hold white supremacy accountable and teach by example, demonstrating to Black students how they can take a critical look at the Black community to abolish isms while also holding white supremacy accountable for its continued destruction of the
Black community. Therefore, the responsibility is not on Black people to abolish these systems.
However, our responsibility is to become aware of these systems and their impacts on the Black community (i.e., internalized racial oppression). With this awareness, we can find ways to eliminate anti-Blackness and internalized racial oppression from the Black community.
Individuals seeking to abolish the internalized racially oppressive frameworks rooted in each of us can begin by recognizing their own anti-Blackness. Next, individuals must realize the privileges they benefit from and identify the most societally marginalized groups. Individuals must do their own work and community work to abolish internal colorist, fatphobic, homophobic, transphobic, ableist, ageist, and sexist (to name a few) sentiments, ideologies, and behaviors. Individuals must do the work to call in those who operate from this lens when they
144 have the power and privilege to do so. Additionally, it is essential to recognize that this is a continuous ongoing process. Overall, this approach to education serves to cripple the impact of white supremacy and will allow Black people to move toward liberatory advancement as they decolonize their minds. In the next section, I provide suggestions for Black psychologists.
Psychologists
Participants reported that one way for Black liberation to occur is through mental health and healing. As aforementioned, fighting an intentional white supremacist system produces feelings of hopelessness, pessimism, and uncertainty in the Black community. Black psychologists will likely see clients experiencing these feelings, which may present as depression and anxiety.
Therefore, psychologists may incorporate the following steps into their practice:
1. Acknowledge systems of oppression: It is essential for psychologists to personally
recognize and name the white supremacist capitalist systems that directly harm Black
people. This acknowledgment allows for rapport building and validation of client
experiences.
2. Acknowledge the emotional, mental, and physical impacts of systems of oppression:
Oppression takes a toll on Black people's mental, physical, emotional, and overall health.
Thus, Black psychologists must acknowledge the impacts of systemic oppression, racial
trauma, microaggressions, and racism that consistently denigrates the Black community.
Further, psychologists must help clients connect the impact of living within a white
supremacist context to client's feelings of hopelessness, fear, sadness, pain, and anger.
This allows clients to recognize that their feelings and experiences are valid and do not
reflect their personhood.
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3. Operate with the awareness that our society is a white supremacist capitalist
patriarchy: As psychologists, we treat symptoms that present as "disorders" resulting
from white supremacist capitalist patriarchy. Mullen (2020) states that mental health
diagnoses and disorders directly result from systems of oppression. Psychologists must
recognize this and use this awareness to shape their practices. Operating from this
understanding would allow psychologists to avoid labeling clients and treat the symptoms
of client concerns while working from a social justice lens to establish Black liberation.
Overall, to aid in healing the Black community, psychologists must be aware of the systems that oppress Black people and the isms that impact the Black community. Black psychologists working with Black clients must work from a decolonized perspective, where they recognize the importance of attributing blame where it belongs--to white supremacy. Further,
Black psychologists must move away from the normalization of mental health issues resulting from systemic oppression. Throughout client work, psychologists should be open to discussing systems of oppression and their impact on Black people's mental health. We should also work to consider new ways of approaching therapy and healing for the Black community. This may look like healing from a spiritual perspective, healing by imagining, healing through play, healing through validation of the systems that are oppressing Black people, and a call in for both client and counselor to actively work against internalized racial oppression. In the next section, I conclude the present study.
Conclusion
The present study was a critical phenomenological qualitative study examining Black
Ne Y k Ci e ide e ce i f f acial i e ali ie (em l me , i c me, healthcare, and police violence). I al e ami ed a ici a de a di g f he igi f
146 systemic oppression and ideas for Black advancement and Black liberation. Overall, most participants used a mixed approach, explaining racial inequalities using a systemic lens and an internalized racially oppressive framework. Participants understood that the origins of systemic oppression are rooted in white supremacy, Legitimizing Myths, chattel slavery, and systemic racism. Generally, participants were uncertain about what Black advancement and Black liberation could look like, often naming their uncertainty, hopelessness, and pessimism.
Eventually, participants identified that Black advancement means multi-sectoral reparations and education. My participants suggest that Black liberation requires five significant themes: Black freedom, positive media representation, self-determination, addressing issues in the Black community, and healing.
Thi d fi di g e e d e a li e a e a hi d i he fi f i ki d conduct an in-depth ali a i e i e ie e ami i g Black e le e ce i f emic oppression and Black advancement using Social Dominance Theory during the COVID-19 pandemic and presidential elec i . Black e le ice h ld be e e e ed i hi academia and research, not simply talked about or talked on. Black e le li ed e e ie ce add he literature producing a wealth of knowledge and implications that can only add to the betterment of society.
Findings in this study demonstrate that it is crucial to understand how Black people view the world around them and, as a result, how they imagine change. Further, this study has important implications for educators, psychologists, and society at large. Educators and psychologists must recognize the role that white supremacist racism plays in our lives and how this system influences work with students and clients. Society as a whole must abolish white supremacy, and the onus must be on whites. Black people must work to decolonize their minds
147 and abolish internalized racial oppression. Engaging in conversations about Black liberation and advancement, addressing issues in the Black community, and community healing are ways to begin the decolonization process.
Finally, it is important to address that through continuous systemic oppression, anti-
Blackness, government violence, and racial inequalities, Black people survive. We persevere.
We live, and we exist in community, in love, in joy, and abundance. Black people are indeed phenomenal, and our perseverance through oppression only produces a sense of wonder for the world. How do Black people do it? How do we continue to exist and survive even amid violence and oppression? Our imagination, our ideas, and acts of liberation, even when uncertain, push us and allow us to resist our current realities. Through our collective liberatory consciousness, we resist and recognize that we are resilient resisters of oppression, continuing to fight for Black freedom and daring to dream of Black liberation.
Concluding Words and Quotes for My People:
Warning: Be careful of viewing systems as inevitable. When systems are perceived as inevitable, they appear indestructible and immutable, continuing the cycle of oppression and myth of infinite oppression. We are already free. Lisa Dazzell
I i d figh f f eed m. It is our duty to win. We must love each other and support each other. We ha e hi g l e b chai . Assata Shakur
U migh ace, ca acc m li h ha ill Marcus Garvey
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166
TABLES
Table 1. Participant Demographics and Approach to Research Questions Name Race & Nationality Age Range Education Approach Gender 1. Kwame Black cis Haitian 23 Bachelors Mixed woman Internalized Racially Oppressive
2. Nina Black cis Trinidadian 27 Masters Systemic woman
3. Septima Black cis Black 22 HS Mixed woman American, Internalized West Indian Racially Oppressive
4. Coretta Black cis Caribbean 22 Bachelors Systemic woman
5. Afeni Black cis Cameroonian 23 Bachelors Mixed woman Systemic
6. Thurgood Multi-racial African 28 JD Mixed cis woman American, Internalized Native Racially American, Oppressive Polish
7. Flo Black person Caribbean 23 Bachelors Mixed Systemic
8. Marcus Black cis man African 27 Masters Mixed American Systemic
9. Frederick Black cis man African 27 Bachelors Mixed American, Systemic Jamaican
10. Assata Black cis man Caribbean, 21 Pursuing Systemic Hispanic Bachelors
11. Malcolm Black cis man Togolese 19 Pursuing Mixed Bachelors Systemic
12. Medgar Black cis man Jamaican 23 Pursuing Mixed Bachelors Systemic
167
Table 2. B ac Pa c a E a a f S a ca Re ed E e I e e Theme: Systemic Factors Subtheme N = 12 Explanation
1. Inadequate Educational 1: Support (n = 7, 58%) Participants explained that Resources employment inequalities 2: Funding are a result of inadequate educational resources, limited cultural capital and employment access, and Legitimizing Myths (LMs). 2. Cultural Capital x (n = 7, 58%) Limited Employment Access
3. Awareness of LMs (n = 7, 58%)
Theme: Internalized N = 12 Explanation Racially Oppressive Framework
1. Fear of Rejection (n = 4, 33%) Impacted by internalized racial oppression, a direct Lack of Community result of living within a white supremacist society, Involvement x Black participants explained that Apathy employment inequities may be a result of Black Lack of Black e le fea f ejec i , Resistance lack of community involvement which leads to Black apathy, and lack of Black resistance.
Overall Employment Overall participants Inequities Approach: explained employment inequities primarily using a systemic lens and sometimes using an internalized racially Mixed Systemic oppressive framework.
168
Table 3. B ac Pa c a U de a d g f S a ca Re ed I c e I e e Theme: Systemic Factors Subtheme N = 12 Explanation
1. Discrimination Based 1: Race and (n = 6, 50%) Discrimination based on Legitimizing Myths Gender Legitimizing Myths and limited employment access were cited 2. Limited Employment (n = 4, 33%) as explanations for income Access inequalities.
Theme: Internalized Explanation Racially Oppressive Framework
1. Lack of Confidence (n = 3, 25%) Operating from an internalized racially oppressive framework, Lack of Familiarity participants suggested that lack with Salary of familiarity with salary Negotiation negotiation and lack of confidence may explain income Removing Blame inequities. Further, one From whites participant was hesitant to name em l e i l eme in maintaining discriminatory income inequity practices.
Overall Income Inequity Mixed Internalized racially Approach: oppressive
Overall participants explained income inequities primarily using a systemic lens and sometimes using an internalized Mixed Systemic racially oppressive framework.
169
Table 4. B ac Pa c a U de a d g f S a ca Re ed Hea ca e I e e Theme: Systemic Factors Subtheme N = 12 Explanation
1. Medical Abuse 1: Rightful (n = 8, 66%) Participants named Mistrust medical abuse, systemic poverty, lack 2: Medical Biases of quality healthcare and Disregard for services, and Black Pain environmental racism as roots of healthcare 2. Systemic Poverty (n = 7, 58%) inequities.
3. Lack of Quality (n = 6, 50%) Healthcare Services
4. Environmental Racism (n = 5, 42%)
Theme: Internalized N = 12 Explanation Racially Oppressive Framework
1. Black Diet (n = 2, 17%) Operating from an internalized racially Lack of Education on oppressive framework, Medical Processes participants suggested ha Black Ame ica diets and lack of education on the medical process is one factor that explains to healthcare inequities.
Overall Healthcare Overall participants Inequities Approach: explained healthcare inequities primarily using a systemic lens and sometimes using an internalized racially Mixed Systemic oppressive framework.
170
Table 5. B ac Pa c a U de a d g f S a ca Re ed P ce V e ce I e e Theme: Systemic Factors Subtheme N = 12 Explanation
1. Legitimizing Myths (n = 8, 66%) Participants reported that Legitimizing Myths and the system of policing are both systemic factors that at the root of police violence inequities. 2. System of Policing 1: Abuse of Power (n = 5, 42%) and Lack of Accountability
2: Police Training and Officer Selection
Theme: Internalized N = 12 Explanation Racially Oppressive Framework
1. Black on Black crime (n = 1, 8%) Operating from an internalized racially oppressive framework, one participant suggested that Black on Black crime may contribute to police violence inequities.
Overall Police Violence Overall participants Inequities Approach: explained healthcare inequities primarily using a systemic lens and sometimes using an internalized racially Mixed Systemic oppressive framework.
171
Table 6. Pa c a U de a d g f T e O g f S e c O e . Theme: Systemic Factors N = 12 Explanation
1. Chattel Slavery (n = 8, 66%) Participants reported that chattel slavery, systemic racism, Legitimizing Myths, and 2. Legitimizing Myths x (n = 8, 66%) white are systemic factors that explain the White Supremacy origins of systemic oppression
3. Systemic Racism (n = 5, 42% )
Overall Approach Origins Overall participants explained the origins of of Systemic Oppression: systemic oppression using a systemic approach. Systemic
172
Table 7. B ac Pe e Idea f B ac Ad a ce e Theme: Systemic Factors N = 12 Explanations
1. Multi-sectoral Reparations (n = 5, 42%) Participants explained that Black advancement requires multi-sectoral reparations and adequate education.
2. Education (n = 5, 42%)
Internalized Racially Oppressive Framework
1. Drive and Motivation (n = 3, 25%)
Abandon Materialistic Culture
Learn from whites
Overall Approach to Black Overall participants suggested ideas Advancement: for Black advancement primarily using a systemic lens and sometimes using an internalized racially Mixed Systemic oppressive framework.
173
Table 8. B ac Pe e Idea f B ac L be a Theme N = 12 Explanation
1. Uncertainty (n = 7, 58%) Participants expressed uncertainty, Pessimism pessimism and hopelessness when Hopelessness asked to imagine Black liberation. Overall participants reported that living freely, self-determination, adequate representation, addressing issues in the Black community and healing are all a part of Black liberation.
2. Live Freely (n = 5, 42%)
3. Self-determination (n = 3, 25%)
4. Adequate Representation (n = 3, 25%)
5. Address the Issues (n = 3, 25%)
6. Healing (n = 3, 25%)
174
FIGURES
Support Systemic: Inadequate
s Educational Resources
e
i t
i Funding u
q Systemic: Cultural Capital x e
n Limited Employment Access
I
t
n e
m Systemic: Awareness of LMs Fear of Rejection
y
o
l p
m Internalized Racially Lack of Community E Oppressive Framework Involvement x Black Apathy
Lack of Black Resistance
Figure 1. Black Pa c a U de a d g f S a ca Re ed E e I e e
175
s Systemic: Discrimination Based
e Race and gender
i on Legitimizing Myths
t
i
u q
e Systemic: Limited Employment n
I Lack of Confidence
Access
e
m o
c Internalized Racially Oppressive Lack of Familiarity with Salary n
I Framework Negotiation
Removing Blame from whites
Figure 2. B ac Pa c a U de a d g f S a ca Re ed I c e I e e
176
Rightful Mistrust Systemic: Medical Abuse Medical Biases x
s Disregard for Black e
i Pain
t Systemic: Systemic i
u Poverty
q
e n
I Systemic: Lack of
e Quality Healthcare r
a Services
c
h t
l Systemic: a
e Environmental Racism
H Black diet Internalized Racially Oppressive Framework Lack of Education on Medical Processes
Figure 3. B ac Pa c a U de a d g f Statistically Reported Healthcare Inequities
177
s Systemic: Legitimizing Myths
e
i
t i
u Abuse of Power x Lack of q
e Accountability
n
I
e Systemic: System of Policing
c n
e Police Training x Officer
l o
i Selection
V
e
c
i l
o Internalized Racially
P Black on Black Crime Oppressive Framework
Figure 4. B ac Pa c a U de a d g f S a ca Re ed P ce V e ce I e e
178
n
o
i
s
s e
r Systemic: Chattel Slavery
p
p
O
c
i Systemic: Legitimizing Myths m
e x White Supremacy
t
s
y
S
f o
Systemic: Systemic Racism
n
i
g
i
r O
Figure 5. Pa c a U de a d g f T e O g f S e c O e .
179
t Systemic: Multi-sectoral n
e Reparations
m
e c
n Increase Drive & a Systemic: Education
v Motivation
d
A
k
c Internalized Racially Abandon Materialistic a
l Oppressive Framework Culture B
Learn from whites
Figure 6. B ac Pe e Idea f B ac Ad a ce e
180
Uncertainty, Pessimism Hopelessness
Live Freely
n
o
i t
a Self-determination
r
e
b
i L
Adequate
k Representation
c
a l
B Address Issues in the Black Community
Healing
Figure 7. B ac Pe e Idea f B ac L be a
Institutional Review Board Office of Research Ethics Vice President for Research 2420 Lincoln Way, Suite 202 Ames, Iowa 50014 515 294-4566
Date: 10/19/2020 FAX 515-294-4267 To: Lisa Dazzell David Vogel
From: Office of Research Ethics
Title: Black People's Perception of Racial Inequities: A Critical PhenomenologicalFAX 515-294-4267 Study
IRB ID: 20-393
Submission Type: Modification Exemption Date: 10/19/2020
The project referenced above has been declared exempt from most requirements of the human subject protections regulations as described in 45 CFR 46.104 or 21 CFR 56.104 because it meets the following federal requirements for exemption:
2018 - 2 (iii): Research that only includes interactions involving educational tests (cognitive, diagnostic, aptitude, achievement), survey procedures, interview procedures, or observation of public behavior (including visual or auditory recording) when the information obtained is recorded by the investigator in such a manner that the identity of the human subjects can readily be ascertained, directly or through identifiers linked to the subjects, and an IRB conducts a LIMITED IRB REVIEW to [determine there are adequate provisions to protect the privacy of subjects and to maintain confidentiality of the data].
The determination of exemption means that:
You do not need to submit an application for continuing review. Instead, you will receive a request for a brief status update every three years. The status update is intended to verify that the study is still ongoing.
You must carry out the research as described in the IRB application. Review by IRB staff is required prior to implementing modifications that may change the exempt status of the research. In general, review is required for any modifications to the research procedures (e.g., method of data collection, nature or scope of information to be collected, nature or duration of behavioral interventions, use of deception, etc.), any change in privacy or confidentiality protections, modifications that result in the inclusion of participants from vulnerable populations, removing plans for informing participants about the study, any change that may increase the risk or discomfort to participants, and/or any change such that the revised procedures do not fall into one or more of the regulatory exemption categories. The purpose of review is to determine if the project still meets the federal criteria for exemption.
All changes to key personnel must receive prior approval.
Promptly inform the IRB of any addition of or change in federal funding for this study. Approval of the protocol referenced above applies only to funding sources that are specifically identified in the corresponding IRB application.
IRB 07/2020 Detailed information about requirements for submitting modifications for exempt research can be found on our website. For modifications that require prior approval, an amendment to the most recent IRB application must be submitted in IRBManager. A determination of exemption or approval from the IRB must be granted before implementing the proposed changes.
Non-exempt research is subject to many regulatory requirements that must be addressed prior to implementation of the study. Conducting non-exempt research without IRB review and approval may constitute non-compliance with federal regulations and/or academic misconduct according to ISU policy.
Additionally:
All research involving human participants must be submitted for IRB review. Only the IRB or its designees may make the determination of exemption, even if you conduct a study in the future that is exactly like this study.
Please inform the IRB if the Principal Investigator and/or Supervising Investigator end their role or involvement with the project with sufficient time to allow an alternate PI/Supervising Investigator to assume oversight responsibility. Projects must have an eligible PI to remain open.
Immediately inform the IRB of (1) all serious and/or unexpected adverse experiences involving risks to subjects or others; and (2) any other unanticipated problems involving risks to subjects or others.
Approval from other entities may also be needed. For example, access to data from private records (e.g., student, medical, or employment records, etc.) that are protected by FERPA, HIPAA or other confidentiality policies requires permission from the holders of those records. Similarly, for research conducted in institutions other than ISU (e.g., schools, other colleges or universities, medical facilities, companies, etc.), investigators must obtain permission from the institution(s) as required by their policies. An IRB determination of exemption in no way implies or guarantees that permission from these other entities will be granted.
Your research study may be subject to post-approval monitoring by Iowa State University’s Office for Responsible Research. In some cases, it may also be subject to formal audit or inspection by federal agencies and study sponsors.
Upon completion of the project, transfer of IRB oversight to another IRB, or departure of the PI and/or Supervising Investigator, please initiate a Project Closure in IRBManager to officially close the project. For information on instances when a study may be closed, please refer to the IRB Study Closure Policy.
Please don’t hesitate to contact us if you have questions or concerns at 515-294-4566 or [email protected].
IRB 07/2020 183
APPENDIX B. CONSENT FORM
Consent Form
Title of Study: B P P R I .S.
Introduction:
You are invited to participate in a one-on-one semi-structured interview about racial inequalities B . B perceptions of racial inequalities and systemic oppression. You are not allowed to participate if you are under the age of 18, are not fluent in English, if you do not reside in New York City and if you do not identify as Black/of African descent.
Description of Procedures:
If you agree to participate in this study, you will have a one-on-one semi-structured audio recorded interview. The interview consists of questions about your perceptions of racial inequalities. Your participation in this research study is entirely voluntary. If you decide not to participate, there will be no penalty to you. The time commitment is expected to be 60 to 120 minutes, depending on your engagement.
Risks:
Though the risks of responding to the questions are minimal, it is possible that you may experience some feelings of emotional discomfort by responding to questions about racial inequalities. You are free to skip any question that you do not wish to answer or that makes you feel uncomfortable. You can also discontinue participation at any time without penalty.
Benefits and Compensation:
There is no compensation for participating in this study. However, if you decide to participate in this study, talking to the researcher about your perceptions of racial inequalities may provide an outlet of support. It is expected that the information gained in this study will benefit the scientific B oppression during the COVID-19 pandemic and the upcoming election.
Participant Rights:
Your participation in this study is completely voluntary and you may refuse to participate or leave the study at any time.
Confidentiality:
The following procedures are in place to help maintain confidentiality. Audio recording will be used during the interview process for later transcription. Transcriptions will not include
184 identifying information (i.e., names, any third parties mentioned, locations, organizations, specific events). Furthermore, once the transcription process is completed, identifying information (i.e., emails, names, any third parties mentioned, locations, organizations, specific events) will be deleted to ensure confidentiality. As a result, your responses will not be connected to you. In order to value the time dedicated to this experience, audio recordings will be kept and stored in a confidential location, on the university's Cybox cloud storage site. The data will be stored on a password protected computer, which is behind a locked door. If the results are published, they will be presented so that all responses will remain anonymous.
Records or other information identifying participants will be kept confidential to the extent permitted by applicable laws and regulations and will not be made publicly available. However, federal government regulatory agencies, auditing departments of Iowa State University, and the Institutional Review Board (a committee that reviews and approves human subject research studies) may inspect and/or copy your records for quality assurance and data analysis. These records may contain private information. Additionally, researchers will store signed consent documents on a password protected computer, within a locked room. These documents will be kept separately from the transcripts so that participants may not be identified.
Future Use of Your Information:
De-identified information collected about you during this study may be shared with other researchers or used for future research studies. We will not obtain additional informed consent from you before sharing the de-identified data.
Contact Questions/Persons:
If you have any questions, comments or concerns about the research, you can contact the researchers by phone (515-294-1582) or email:
Lisa Dazzell: [email protected] David Vogel: [email protected]
If you have any questions about the rights of research subjects or research-related injury, please contact the IRB Administrator, 515-294-4566, [email protected], or Director, 515-294-3115, Office for Responsible Research, Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa 50011.
Statement of Consent:
I have read the above description of this research and I understand it. I have been informed of the risks and benefits involved, and all my questions have been answered to my satisfaction. Furthermore, I have been assured that any future questions that I may have will also be answered by the principal investigator of the research study. I am eighteen years or older. I voluntarily agree to participate in this study.
4/23/2021 Q a S S a
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APPENDIX D. INTERVIEW PROTOCOL
Black Peo le Pe ce ion of Racial Ine ali ie In e ie Q e ion :
I appreciate you speaking with me today. As noted in the informed consent, I will be audio recording our interview for later transcription. This transcript will not be associated with your name or any other identifying information. Please know that you can skip any question that you want or prefer not to answer, and you can end your participation in this interview at any point without penalty. If you have questions or concerns at any point throughout this interview, feel free to ask me. Do you have any questions before we begin?
1. Can you take a look at these names and select a pseudonym that I may use for you?
Next, I will read you some statistics and I would like to know all the reasons you can come up with as to why this may happen:
2. Unemployment: According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, unemployment is twice as high for Black Americans compared to white Americans. Why do you think this is? P a a a a b a Can you think of anything else?
3. Income: In the second quarter of 2020, white workers earned 21% more than Black workers in median weekly wages. Specifically, full-time white workers earned a median weekly wage of $1,018, whereas full-time Black workers earned $806 weekly (BLS, 2020). Why do you think this is? Please state all reasons you believe this is the case. Can you think of anything else?
4. Healthcare: According to the CDC (2020), Black Americans with coronavirus are 2.1 times more likely to die compared to white Americans with coronavirus. Why do you think this is? Please state all reasons you believe this is the case. Before we move on Can you think of anything else?
5. Police Violence: Black Americans are 3 times more likely to be murdered by police compared to white Americans (Schwartz & Jahn, 2020). Why do you think this is? Please state all reasons you believe this is the case. Can you think of anything else?
6. Historical/Root Causes: G , H ? (K , 1991)
7. Advancement: What can be done to advance the Black community? What does Black liberation look like to you?
That is the end of our interview. Thank you for your time.
COREQ (COnsolidated criteria for REporting Qualitative research) Checklist
A checklist of items that should be included in reports of qualitative research. You must report the page number in your manuscript where you consider each of the items listed in this checklist. If you have not included this information, either revise your manuscript accordingly before submitting or note N/A.
Topic Item No. Guide Questions/Description Reported on Page No. Domain 1: Research team and refle i i Personal characteristics Interviewer/facilitator 1 Which author/s conducted the interview or focus group? Credentials 2 Wha e e he e ea che c ede ial E.g. PhD, MD Occupation 3 What was their occupation at the time of the study? Gender 4 Was the researcher male or female? Experience and training 5 What experience or training did the researcher have? Relationship with participants Relationship established 6 Was a relationship established prior to study commencement? Participant knowledge of 7 What did the participants know about the researcher? e.g. personal the interviewer goals, reasons for doing the research Interviewer characteristics 8 What characteristics were reported about the inter viewer/facilitator? e.g. Bias, assumptions, reasons and interests in the research topic Domain 2: Study design Theoretical framework Methodological orientation 9 What methodological orientation was stated to underpin the study? e.g. and Theory grounded theory, discourse analysis, ethnography, phenomenology, content analysis Participant selection Sampling 10 How were participants selected? e.g. purposive, convenience, consecutive, snowball Method of approach 11 How were participants approached? e.g. face-to-face, telephone, mail, email Sample size 12 How many participants were in the study? Non-participation 13 How many people refused to participate or dropped out? Reasons? Setting Setting of data collection 14 Where was the data collected? e.g. home, clinic, workplace Presence of non- 15 Was anyone else present besides the participants and researchers? participants Description of sample 16 What are the important characteristics of the sample? e.g. demographic data, date Data collection Interview guide 17 Were questions, prompts, guides provided by the authors? Was it pilot tested? Repeat interviews 18 Were repeat inter views carried out? If yes, how many? Audio/visual recording 19 Did the research use audio or visual recording to collect the data? Field notes 20 Were field notes made during and/or after the inter view or focus group? Duration 21 What was the duration of the inter views or focus group? Data saturation 22 Was data saturation discussed? Transcripts returned 23 Were transcripts returned to participants for comment and/or Topic Item No. Guide Questions/Description Reported on Page No. correction? Domain 3: analysis and findings Data analysis Number of data coders 24 How many data coders coded the data? Description of the coding 25 Did authors provide a description of the coding tree? tree Derivation of themes 26 We e he e ide ified i ad a ce de i ed f he da a Software 27 What software, if applicable, was used to manage the data? Participant checking 28 Did a ici a ide feedback he fi di g Reporting Quotations presented 29 We e a ici a a i e e ed ill a e he he e fi di g Was each a i ide ified e g a ici a be Da a a d fi di g c i e 30 Wa he e c i e c be ee he da a e e ed a d he fi di g Clarity of major themes 31 We e aj he e clea l e e ed i he fi di g Clarity of minor themes 32 Is there a description of diverse cases or discussion of minor themes?
Developed from: Tong A, Sainsbury P, Craig J. Consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative research (COREQ): a 32-item checklist for interviews and focus groups. International Journal for Quality in Health Care. 2007. Volume 19, Number 6: pp. 349 357
Once you have completed this checklist, please save a copy and upload it as part of your submission. DO NOT include this checklist as part of the main manuscript document. It must be uploaded as a separate file.