North Korean Media Campaign Signals Possible Near-Term Launch
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Nkorea's Twitter Account Hacked Amid Tension (Update) 4 April 2013, by Youkyung Lee
NKorea's Twitter account hacked amid tension (Update) 4 April 2013, by Youkyung Lee Hackers apparently broke into at least two of North sanctions against its nuclear program and joint Korea's government-run online sites Thursday, as military drills between the U.S. and South Korea. tensions rose on the Korean Peninsula. North and South have fired claims of cyberattacks The North's Uriminzokkiri Twitter and Flickr at each other recently. Last month computers froze accounts stopped sending out content typical of at six major South Korean companies—three banks that posted by the regime in Pyongyang, such as and three television networks—and North Korea's photos of North's leader Kim Jong Un meeting with Internet shut down. military officials. Meanwhile, the website for the U.S. forces Instead, a picture posted Thursday on the North's stationed in South Korea has been closed since Flickr site shows Kim's face with a pig-like snout Tuesday and their public affairs office said Friday and a drawing of Mickey Mouse on his chest. that the problem does not have to do with any Underneath, the text reads: "Threatening world hacking. peace with ICBMs and Nuclear weapons/Wasting money while his people starve to death." "Initial assessments indicate it is the result of an internal server issue," it said on the website without Another posting says "We are Anonymous" in elaboration. white letters against a black background. Anonymous is a name of a hacker activist group. A Copyright 2013 The Associated Press. All rights statement purporting to come from the attackers reserved. -
UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05771047 Date: 08/31/2015 RELEASE in PART B6 From: Sent: To
UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05771047 Date: 08/31/2015 RELEASE IN PART B6 From: PIR <preines Sent: Monday, August 16, 2010 11:48 PM To: Cc: Huma Abedin; CDM; Jake Sullivan Subject: "minister in a skirt" http://mobile.nytimes.com/a rticle?a=644869 North Korea Takes to Twitter and YouTube By CHOE SANG-HUN The New York Times August 17, 2010 SEOUL, South Korea - North Korea has taken its propaganda war against South Korea and the United States to a new frontier: YouTube and Twitter. In the last month, North Korea has posted a series of video clips on YouTube brimming with satire and vitriol against leaders in South Korea and the United States. In one clip, it called Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton a "minister in a skirt" and Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates a "war maniac," while depicting the South Korean defense minister, Kim Tae-young, as a "servile dog" that likes to be patted by "its American master." Such language used to be standard in North Korea's cold-war-era propaganda. Its revival is testimony to the increased chill in relations between the Koreas in recent months. In the past week, North Korea also began operating a Twitter account under the name uriminzok, or "our nation." Both the Twitter and YouTube accounts are owned by a user named "uriminzokkiri." The Web site www.uriminzokkiri.com is run by the Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of Korea, a propaganda agency in Pyongyang. Lee Jong-joo, a spokeswoman for the Unification Ministry in Seoul, said, "It is clear that these accounts carry the same propaganda as the North's official news media, but we have not been able to find out who operates them." The two Koreas agreed to stop their psychological war after their first summit meeting in 2000. -
Family, Mobile Phones, and Money: Contemporary Practices of Unification on the Korean Peninsula Sandra Fahy 82 | Joint U.S.-Korea Academic Studies
81 Family, Mobile Phones, and Money: Contemporary Practices of Unification on the Korean Peninsula Sandra Fahy 82 | Joint U.S.-Korea Academic Studies Moving from the powerful and abstract construct of ethnic homogeneity as bearing the promise for unification, this chapter instead considers family unity, facilitated by the quotidian and ubiquitous tools of mobile phones and money, as a force with a demonstrated record showing contemporary practices of unification on the peninsula. From the “small unification” (jageun tongil) where North Korean defectors pay brokers to bring family out, to the transmission of voice through the technology of mobile phones illegally smuggled from China, this paper explores practices of unification presently manifesting on the Korean Peninsula. National identity on both sides of the peninsula is usually linked with ethnic homogeneity, the ultimate idea of Koreanness present in both Koreas and throughout Korean history. Ethnic homogeneity is linked with nationalism, and while it is evoked as the rationale for unification it has not had that result, and did not prevent the ideological nationalism that divided the ethnos in the Korean War.1 The construction of ethnic homogeneity evokes the idea that all Koreans are one brethren (dongpo)—an image of one large, genetically related extended family. However, fissures in this ideal highlight the strength of genetic family ties.2 Moving from the powerful and abstract construct of ethnic homogeneity as bearing the promise for unification, this chapter instead considers family unity, facilitated by the quotidian and ubiquitous tools of mobile phones and money, as a force with a demonstrated record showing “acts of unification” on the peninsula. -
North Korea's Nuclear Weapons Development and Diplomacy
North Korea’s Nuclear Weapons Development and Diplomacy Larry A. Niksch Specialist in Asian Affairs January 5, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33590 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress North Korea’s Nuclear Weapons Development and Diplomacy Summary Since August 2003, negotiations over North Korea’s nuclear weapons programs have involved six governments: the United States, North Korea, China, South Korea, Japan, and Russia. Since the talks began, North Korea has operated nuclear facilities at Yongbyon and apparently has produced weapons-grade plutonium estimated as sufficient for five to eight atomic weapons. North Korea tested a plutonium nuclear device in October 2006 and apparently a second device in May 2009. North Korea admitted in June 2009 that it has a program to enrich uranium; the United States had cited evidence of such a program since 2002. There also is substantial information that North Korea has engaged in collaborative programs with Iran and Syria aimed at producing nuclear weapons. On May 25, 2009, North Korea announced that it had conducted a second nuclear test. On April 14, 2009, North Korea terminated its participation in six party talks and said it would not be bound by agreements between it and the Bush Administration, ratified by the six parties, which would have disabled the Yongbyon facilities. North Korea also announced that it would reverse the ongoing disablement process under these agreements and restart the Yongbyon nuclear facilities. Three developments -
Surviving Through the Post-Cold War Era: the Evolution of Foreign Policy in North Korea
UC Berkeley Berkeley Undergraduate Journal Title Surviving Through The Post-Cold War Era: The Evolution of Foreign Policy In North Korea Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4nj1x91n Journal Berkeley Undergraduate Journal, 21(2) ISSN 1099-5331 Author Yee, Samuel Publication Date 2008 DOI 10.5070/B3212007665 Peer reviewed|Undergraduate eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Introduction “When the establishment of ‘diplomatic relations’ with south Korea by the Soviet Union is viewed from another angle, no matter what their subjective intentions may be, it, in the final analysis, cannot be construed otherwise than openly joining the United States in its basic strategy aimed at freezing the division of Korea into ‘two Koreas,’ isolating us internationally and guiding us to ‘opening’ and thus overthrowing the socialist system in our country [….] However, our people will march forward, full of confidence in victory, without vacillation in any wind, under the unfurled banner of the Juche1 idea and defend their socialist position as an impregnable fortress.” 2 The Rodong Sinmun article quoted above was published in October 5, 1990, and was written as a response to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union, a critical ally for the North Korean regime, and South Korea, its archrival. The North Korean government’s main reactions to the changes taking place in the international environment during this time are illustrated clearly in this passage: fear of increased isolation, apprehension of external threats, and resistance to reform. The transformation of the international situation between the years of 1989 and 1992 presented a daunting challenge for the already struggling North Korean government. -
Cornell International Affairs Review
ISSN 2156-0536 C ORNELL I NTERNAT I ONAL A ffA I RS R E vi EW VOLUME V | ISSUE I | FALL 2011 When Should the US Intervene? The Cornell International Affairs Review is a student-run organization aiming to provide an Criteria for Intervention in Weak Countries international, intergenerational, and interdisciplinary approach to foreign affairs. Robert Keohane, Professor of International Affairs Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University Letter from Tunisia Founded in 2006, the CIAR is proud to provide the Cornell community with a semesterly Elyès Jouini, Professor and Vice-President, Université Paris-Dauphine review, bringing together views from students, professors, and policymakers on the current Former Minister for the Economic and Social Reforms, Tunisian Transition Government events shaping our world. Empowering Women in the Chinese Capitalist Factory System Sara Akl, University of Virginia, 2013 It is our firm belief that true knowledge stems not just from textbooks and lectures but from The Problems with American Exceptionalism engaging with others. Thus, the CIAR strongly emphasizes cooperation and dialogue amongst Timothy Borjian, University of California, Berkeley, 2012 all our members, both on Cornell’s campus and beyond. The Evolution of Revolution: Social Media in the Modern Middle East and its Policy Implications Taylor Bossung, Indiana University, 2012 Brazil’s China Challenge Carlos Sucre, MA Candidate, George Washington University Information Technology and Control in the DPRK Robert Duffley, Georgetown University, 2013 The Illusion of US Isolationism Eugenio Lilli, King’s College, London, Postgraduate Researcher, Teaching Fellow at the Defense Studies Department, UK Joint Services Command and Staff College Militarization of Aid and its Implications for Colombia Ian King, U.S. -
Digital Trenches
Martyn Williams H R N K Attack Mirae Wi-Fi Family Medicine Healthy Food Korean Basics Handbook Medicinal Recipes Picture Memory I Can Be My Travel Weather 2.0 Matching Competition Gifted Too Companion ! Agricultural Stone Magnolia Escpe from Mount Baekdu Weather Remover ERRORTelevision the Labyrinth Series 1.25 Foreign apps not permitted. Report to your nearest inminban leader. Business Number Practical App Store E-Bookstore Apps Tower Beauty Skills 2.0 Chosun Great Chosun Global News KCNA Battle of Cuisine Dictionary of Wisdom Terms DIGITAL TRENCHES North Korea’s Information Counter-Offensive DIGITAL TRENCHES North Korea’s Information Counter-Offensive Copyright © 2019 Committee for Human Rights in North Korea Printed in the United States of America All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior permission of the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea 1001 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 435 Washington, DC 20036 P: (202) 499-7970 www.hrnk.org Print ISBN: 978-0-9995358-7-5 Digital ISBN: 978-0-9995358-8-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2019919723 Cover translations by Julie Kim, HRNK Research Intern. BOARD OF DIRECTORS Gordon Flake, Co-Chair Katrina Lantos Swett, Co-Chair John Despres, -
Militaristic Propaganda in the DPRK the Heritage of Songun-Politics in the Rodong-Sinmun Under Kim Jong-Un
University of Twente Faculty of Behavioural, Management & Social Sciences 1st Supervisor: Dr. Minna van Gerven-Haanpaa Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster Institut für Politikwissenschaft 2nd Supervisor: Björn Goldstein, M.A. Militaristic propaganda in the DPRK The heritage of Songun-Politics in the Rodong-Sinmun under Kim Jong-Un Julian Muhs Matr.- Nr.: 384990 B.A. & B.Sc Schorlemerstraße 4 StudentID; s1610325 Public Administration 48143 Münster (Westf.) (Special Emphasis on European Studies) 004915141901095 [email protected] Date: 21st of September.2015 Table of Contents 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 2. Theoretical Framework ................................................................................................................... 3 3.1. North Korean Ideology from Marxism-Leninism to Juche ........................................................... 3 3.2. Press Theory between Marxism-Leninism and Juche .................................................................. 8 3. Methodology ................................................................................................................................. 13 3.1. Selection of Articles .................................................................................................................... 17 4. Analysis: Military propaganda in the Rodong-Sinmun .................................................................. 19 4.1. Category-system -
University of West Bohemia in Pilsen Faculty of Philosophy and Arts
University of West Bohemia in Pilsen Faculty of Philosophy and Arts Dissertation Thesis Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in International Politics Analysis of the Changes of North Korean Foreign Policy between 1994 and 2015 Using the Role Theoretic Approach Plzeň 2016 Lenka Caisová University of West Bohemia in Pilsen Faculty of Philosophy and Arts Department of Politics and International Relations Study Programme Political Science Field of Study International Relations Dissertation Thesis Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in International Politics Analysis of the Changes of North Korean Foreign Policy between 1994 and 2015 Using the Role Theoretic Approach Lenka Caisová Supervisor: doc. PhDr. Šárka Cabadová-Waisová, Ph.D. Department of Politics and International Relations University of West Bohemia in Pilsen Sworn Statement I hereby claim I made this dissertation thesis (topic: Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in International Politics ; subtopic: Analysis of the Changes of North Korean Foreign Policy between 1994 and 2015 Using the Role Theoretic Approach ) together with enclosed codebook by myself whereas I used the sources as stated in the Bibliography only. In certain parts of this thesis I use extracts of articles I published before. In Chapter 1 and 2, I use selected parts of my article named “ Severní Korea v mezinárodních vztazích: jak uchopovat severokorejskou zahraniční politiku? ” which was published in Acta FF 7, no. 3 in 2014. In Chapter 4, I use my article named “Analysis of the U.S. Foreign Policy towards North Korea: Comparison of the Post-Cold War Presidents” which was published in Acta FF no. 3, 2014 and article named “ Poskytovatelé humanitární a rozvojové pomoci do Korejské lidově demokratické republiky ” published in journal Mezinárodní vztahy 49, no. -
Chapter 3 Formation and Evolution of Kim Jong Un's “Nuclear Doctrine
37 Chapter 3 Formation and Evolution of Kim Jong Un’s “Nuclear Doctrine”: The Current State of North Korea’s “Minimum Deterrence” in Comparison Hideya Kurata I. Preface – Components of “Minimum Deterrence” The government statement of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, North Korea), released on January 6, 2016, after testing what it claimed to be a “hydrogen bomb,” said that North Korea “will neither be the first to use nuclear weapons… as already declared as long as the hostile forces for aggression do not encroach upon its sovereignty.”1 “…as already declared” here refers to the phrase, the DPRK would “never use nuclear weapons first” emphasis added),2 used in a statement by the North Korean Foreign Ministry on October 3, 2006, that gave notice of its upcoming first nuclear test. This may be taken as an unconditional commitment to “no first use (NFU)” of nuclear weapons by North Korea. At the same time, this indicated North Korea’s potential nuclear posture under the assumption that its nuclear capability is inferior to that of the United States and falls short of mutual assured destruction (MAD) and North Korea is inferior to the combined conventional forces of the United States and South Korea. North Korea has never comprehensively unveiled its nuclear posture before, but it is closer to “minimum deterrence.” This belongs to the simple category of nuclear deterrence, but this posture represents the second-strike capability that can survive the first strike by a hostile country even when it is in an inferior positon in nuclear force, with its core factor being making a hostile country think twice about making the first strike. -
Current Affairs in North Korea, 2010-2017: a Collection of Research Notes
235 Current Affairs in North Korea, 2010-2017: A Collection of Research Notes Rudiger Frank Abstract Starting with the public introduction of Kim Jong-un to the public in autumn of 2010 and ending with observations of consumerism in February 2017, this collection of 16 short research notes that were originally published at 38North discusses some of the most crucial issues, aside from the nuclear problem, that dominated the field of North Korean Studies in the past decade. Left in their original form, these short articles show the consistency of major North Korean policies as much as the development of our understanding of the new leader and his approach. Topics covered include the question of succession, economic statistics, new ideological trends such as pyŏngjin, techno- logical developments including a review of the North Korean tablet computer Samjiyŏn, the Korean unification issue, special economic zones, foreign trade, parliamentary elections and the first ever Party congress since 1980. Keywords: North Korea, DPRK, 38North Frank, Rudiger. “Current Affairs in North Korea, 2010-2017: A Collection of Research Notes” In Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies, Volume 9, eds. Rudiger Frank, Ina Hein, Lukas Pokorny, and Agnes Schick-Chen. Vienna: Praesens Verlag, 2017, pp. 235–350. https://doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2017-0008 236 Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies Hu Jintao, Deng Xiaoping or another Mao Zedong? Power Restruc- turing in North Korea Date of original publication: 5 October 2010 URL: http://38north.org/2010/10/1451 “Finally,” one is tempted to say. The years of speculation and half-baked news from dubious sources are over. -
North Korea-South Korea Relations: Back to Belligerence
Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations North Korea-South Korea Relations: Back to Belligerence Aidan Foster-Carter Leeds University, UK For almost the whole of the first quarter of 2008, official inter-Korean relations were largely suspended in an uneasy limbo. As of late March, that void was the story. Up to a point this was only to be expected. A new conservative leader in Seoul – albeit a pragmatist, or so he tells us – was bound to arouse suspicion in Pyongyang at first. Also, Lee Myung-bak needed some time to settle into office and find his feet. Still, it was remarkable that this limbo lasted so long. More than three months after Lee’s landslide victory in the ROK presidential elections on Dec. 19, DPRK media – which in the past had no qualms in dubbing Lee’s Grand National Party (GNP) as a bunch of pro- U.S. flunkeys and national traitors – had made no direct comment whatsoever on the man Pyongyang has to deal with in Seoul for the next five years. Almost the sole harbinger of what was to come – a tocsin, in retrospect – was a warning snarl in mid-March against raising North Korean human rights issues. One tried to derive some small comfort from this near-silence; at least the North did not condemn Lee a priori and out of hand. In limbo Yet the hiatus already had consequences. Perhaps predictably, most of the big inter- Korean projects that Lee’s predecessor, the center-left Roh Moo-hyun, had rushed to initiate in his final months in office after his summit last October with the North’s leader, Kim Jong-il, barely got off the ground.