Philippines Philippines at a Glance: 2004-05
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Philippine Election ; PDF Copied from The
Senatorial Candidates’ Matrices Philippine Election 2010 Name: Nereus “Neric” O. Acosta Jr. Political Party: Liberal Party Agenda Public Service Professional Record Four Pillar Platform: Environment Representative, 1st District of Bukidnon – 1998-2001, 2001-2004, Livelihood 2004-2007 Justice Provincial Board Member, Bukidnon – 1995-1998 Peace Project Director, Bukidnon Integrated Network of Home Industries, Inc. (BINHI) – 1995 seek more decentralization of power and resources to local Staff Researcher, Committee on International Economic Policy of communities and governments (with corresponding performance Representative Ramon Bagatsing – 1989 audits and accountability mechanisms) Academician, Political Scientist greater fiscal discipline in the management and utilization of resources (budget reform, bureaucratic streamlining for prioritization and improved efficiencies) more effective delivery of basic services by agencies of government. Website: www.nericacosta2010.com TRACK RECORD On Asset Reform and CARPER -supports the claims of the Sumilao farmers to their right to the land under the agrarian reform program -was Project Director of BINHI, a rural development NGO, specifically its project on Grameen Banking or microcredit and livelihood assistance programs for poor women in the Bukidnon countryside called the On Social Services and Safety Barangay Unified Livelihood Investments through Grameen Banking or BULIG Nets -to date, the BULIG project has grown to serve over 7,000 women in 150 barangays or villages in Bukidnon, -
People Power II in the Philippines: the First E-Revolution?
People Power II in the Philippines: The First E-Revolution? Julius Court With the new Century over a year old, technology has now played critical yet very different roles in bringing two of the world’s leaders to power. Among others things, Florida will remembered for technological hitches that plagued the ballot counting and possibly pushed the outcome of the U.S. election in favor of George W. Bush. On the other hand, a new information and communications technology (ICT) - the mobile phone - was the symbol of the People Power II revolution in the Philippines. Arguably, the most lasting image of Ms Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s new Presidency was when, on being asked in a news conference whether a Lt. Gen. Espinosa was planning a coup, she called him up on her mobile phone. In moment of high drama she asked him directly if this was the case and after a brief conversation reported it wasn’t. But it was the use of cellphones for “texting” rather than calls that was the most intriguing part of People Power II and was also the key to its success. The lack of attention to the role of technology is surprising. People Power II was arguably the world’s first “E-revolution” - a change of government brought about by new forms of ICTs. “Texting” allowed information on former President Estrada’s corruption to be shared widely. It helped facilitate the protests at the EDSA shrine at a speed that was startling - it took only 88 hours after the collapse of impeachment to remove Estrada. -
The Rise to Power of Philippine President Joseph Estrada
International Bulletin of Political Psychology Volume 5 Issue 3 Article 1 7-17-1998 From the Movies to Malacañang: The Rise to Power of Philippine President Joseph Estrada IBPP Editor [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.erau.edu/ibpp Part of the International Relations Commons, Leadership Studies Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Editor, IBPP (1998) "From the Movies to Malacañang: The Rise to Power of Philippine President Joseph Estrada," International Bulletin of Political Psychology: Vol. 5 : Iss. 3 , Article 1. Available at: https://commons.erau.edu/ibpp/vol5/iss3/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Bulletin of Political Psychology by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Editor: From the Movies to Malacañang: The Rise to Power of Philippine President Joseph Estrada International Bulletin of Political Psychology Title: From the Movies to Malacañang: The Rise to Power of Philippine President Joseph Estrada Author: Elizabeth J. Macapagal Volume: 5 Issue: 3 Date: 1998-07-17 Keywords: Elections, Estrada, Personality, Philippines Abstract. This article was written by Ma. Elizabeth J. Macapagal of Ateneo de Manila University, Republic of the Philippines. She brings at least three sources of expertise to her topic: formal training in the social sciences, a political intuition for the telling detail, and experiential/observational acumen and tradition as the granddaughter of former Philippine president, Diosdado Macapagal. (The article has undergone minor editing by IBPP). -
United Nations Juridical Yearbook, 1997
Extract from: UNITED NATIONS JURIDICAL YEARBOOK 1997 Part Three. Judicial decisions on questions relating to the United Nations and related intergovernmental organizations Chapter VIII. Decisions of national tribunals Copyright (c) United Nations CONTENTS (continued) Page 13. Submission of proposals by intergovernmental organiza- tions in functional commissions of the Economic and Social Council—Rules of procedure 69 (3), 71 (2>) and 74 of the functional commissions of the Council—Council decision 1995/209 451 14. Restructuring of the Secretariat—Authority of the Secretary- General 452 15. Institutional aspects of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development 459 16. Participation by Yugoslavia in international confer- ences—General Assembly resolutions 47/1 and 47/229 . 463 17. Practice of the United Nations in cases of chai lenged repre- sentation of a Member State—General Assembly resolution 396 (V) of 14 December 1950 465 18. Question whether the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) could be considered part of the United Nations sys- tem—Agreement of 24 May 1949 between WHO and PAHO—Agreement of 23 May 1950 between the Organi- zation of American States and PAHO 468 Part Three. Judicial decisions on questions relating to the United Nations and related intergovernmental organizations CHAPTER VII. DECISIONS AND ADVISORY OPINIONS OF INTERNA- TIONAL TRIBUNALS International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea The M/V "Saiga" (No. 1) Case (Saint Vincent and the Grenadines v. Guinea) Jurisdiction of a State over the exclusive economic zone—Article 73, para. 2, of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea—Right of hot pursuit in accordance with article 111 of the Convention 477 CHAPTER VIII. -
The Politics of Economic Reform in the Philippines the Case of Banking Sector Reform Between 1986 and 1995
The Politics of Economic Reform in the Philippines The Case of Banking Sector Reform between 1986 and 1995 A thesis submitted for the degree of PhD School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) University of London 2005 Shingo MIKAMO ProQuest Number: 10673052 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673052 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 2 Abstract This thesis is about the political economy of the Philippines in the process of recovery from the ruin of economic crisis in the early 1980s. It examines the dynamics of Philippine politics by focussing on banking sector reform between 1986 and 1995. After the economic turmoil of the early 1980s, the economy recovered between 1986 and 1996 under the Aquino and Ramos governments, although the country is still facing numerous economic challenges. After the "Asian currency crisis" of 1997, the economy inevitably decelerated again. However, the Philippines was seen as one of the economies least adversely affected by the rapid depreciation of its currency. The existing literature tends to stress the roles played by international financial structures, the policy preferences of the IMF, the World Bank and the US government and the interests of the dominant social force as decisive factors underlying economic and banking reform policy-making in the Philippines. -
Popular Uprisings and Philippine Democracy
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UW Law Digital Commons (University of Washington) Washington International Law Journal Volume 15 Number 1 2-1-2006 It's All the Rage: Popular Uprisings and Philippine Democracy Dante B. Gatmaytan Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons Recommended Citation Dante B. Gatmaytan, It's All the Rage: Popular Uprisings and Philippine Democracy, 15 Pac. Rim L & Pol'y J. 1 (2006). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj/vol15/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at UW Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington International Law Journal by an authorized editor of UW Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Copyright © 2006 Pacific Rim Law & Policy Journal Association IT’S ALL THE RAGE: POPULAR UPRISINGS AND PHILIPPINE DEMOCRACY † Dante B. Gatmaytan Abstract: Massive peaceful demonstrations ended the authoritarian regime of Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines twenty years ago. The “people power” uprising was called a democratic revolution and inspired hopes that it would lead to the consolidation of democracy in the Philippines. When popular uprisings were later used to remove or threaten other leaders, people power was criticized as an assault on democratic institutions and was interpreted as a sign of the political immaturity of Filipinos. The literature on people power is presently marked by disagreement as to whether all popular uprisings should be considered part of the people power tradition. -
The Phillipines Elections 2004
PARLIAMENTA RY LIBRARY DEPA RTMENT OF PA RLIA MENTA RY SERV ICES RESEARCH NOTE INFORMATION, ANALYSIS 2004–05 A ND ADV ICE FO R THE PA RL IA MENT No. 13, 11 August 2004 The Philippines elections 2004: issues and implications In the Philippines national elections of 10 May 2004, The campaign was focused heavily on the contending President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (in office since 2001) appeals of the major personalities, particularly President secured re-election with a plurality of 40 per cent of the Arroyo and Poe. Although Poe had strong public opinion votes. Pro-Arroyo parties also gained majorities in both poll ratings in early 2004, his appeal rested almost entirely chambers of Congress, the House of Representatives and on his popular image as an incorruptible figure the Senate. The election results, and the six year term in sympathetic to the disadvantaged: his speeches had little office which President Arroyo now has, have raised policy content.3 President Arroyo based her campaign expectations that the Philippines may now have enhanced heavily on her position as an incumbent with superior prospects for productive change and reform. claims in economic management and was supported heavily by the country’s business elite. The President was The new Arroyo administration, however, faces aided greatly by her popular Vice Presidential candidate, a formidable challenges, particularly in confronting nationally-known former television news host, Senator institutional ‘gridlock’, pursuing economic reform and Noli De Castro. Poe ultimately proved unable to sustain seeking to resolve ongoing insurgencies, some with links his early lead amid concerns about his lack of political and to international terrorists. -
Philippines, March 2006
Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Philippines, March 2006 COUNTRY PROFILE: PHILIPPINES March 2006 COUNTRY Formal Name: Republic of the Philippines (Republika ng Pilipinas). Short Form: Philippines (Pilipinas). Term for Citizen(s): Filipino(s). Capital: Manila. Click to Enlarge Image Major Cities: Located on Luzon Island, Metropolitan Manila, including the adjacent Quezon City and surrounding suburbs, is the largest city in the Philippines, with about 12 million people, or nearly 14 percent of the total population. Other large cities include Cebu City on Cebu Island and Davao City on Mindanao Island. Independence: The Philippines attained independence from Spain on June 12, 1898, and from the United States on July 4, 1946. Public Holidays: New Year’s Day (January 1), Holy Thursday (also called Maundy Thursday, movable date in March or April), Good Friday (movable date in March or April), Araw ng Kagitingan (Day of Valor, commonly called Bataan Day outside of the Philippines, April 9), Labor Day (May 1), Independence Day (June 12), National Heroes Day (last Sunday of August), Bonifacio Day (celebration of the birthday of Andres Bonifacio, November 30), Eid al Fitr (the last day of Ramadan, movable date), Christmas Day (December 25), Rizal Day (the date of the execution by the Spanish of José Rizal in 1896, December 30). Flag: The flag of the Philippines has two equal horizontal bands of blue (top) and red with a white equilateral triangle based on the hoist side; in the center of the triangle is a yellow sun with eight primary rays (each containing three individual rays), and in each corner of the triangle is Click to Enlarge Image a small yellow five-pointed star. -
Focus on the Philippines Yearbook 2010
TRANSITIONS Focus on the Philippines Yearbook 2010 FOCUS ON THE GLOBAL SOUTH Published by the Focus on the Global South-Philippines #19 Maginhawa Street, UP Village, Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines Copyright@2011 By Focus on the Global South-Philippines All rights reserved. The contents of this publication may be reproduced, quoted or used as reference provided that Focus, as publisher, and the writers, will be duly recognized as the proper sources. Focus would appreciate receiving a copy of the text in which contents of this publication have been used or cited. Statistics and other data with acknowledged other sources are not properties of Focus Philippines, and thus permission for their use in other publication should be coordinated with the pertinent owners/offices. Editor Clarissa V. Militante Assistant Editor Carmen Flores-Obanil Lay-out and Design Amy T. Tejada Contributing Writers Walden Bello Jenina Joy Chavez Jerik Cruz Prospero de Vera Herbert Docena Aya Fabros Mary Ann Manahan Clarissa V. Militante Carmen Flores-Obanil Dean Rene Ofreneo Joseph Purruganan Filomeno Sta. Ana Researcher of Economic Data Cess Celestino Photo Contributions Jimmy Domingo Lina Sagaral Reyes Contents ABOUT THE WRITERS OVERVIEW 1 CHAPTER 1: ELECTIONS 15 Is Congress Worth Running for? By Representative Walden Bello 17 Prosecuting GMA as Platform By Jenina Joy Chavez 21 Rating the Candidates: Prosecution as Platform Jenina Joy Chavez 27 Mixed Messages By Aya Fabros 31 Manuel “Bamba” Villar: Advertising his Way to the Presidency By Carmina Flores-Obanil -
My Retrospective on ASEAN
My Retrospective on ASEAN Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo The Philippines hosted the ASEAN Summit in Cebu, Phi lippines, in January 2007, when I was President of the country. At that Summit, we declared our strong commitment to accelerate the establishment of an ASEAN community by 2015. It was a pivotal period in ASEAN’s development. Maphilindo I would like to think that ASEAN had a forerunner in the brief Maphilindo union founded in a Manila summit in 1963 among Malaysia, the Philippines, and Indonesia, when my father, Diosdado Macapagal, was President of the Philippines. He was then reviving the dream of a united Malay race which went back much earlier, to Filipino heroes like Wenceslao Vinzons in our 1935–1940 Commonwealth period under American tutelage, and the father of Filipino nationalism himself, ‘The Great Malay’ Jose Rizal. 55 My father believed that after centuries of colonial rule, the three Malay countries should work together on ‘Asian solutions for Asian problems’, following the Musyawarah principle of mutual consultation. Indonesian President Sukarno helped flesh out this vision during frequent trips to Manila, and Malaya’s Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman later came on board. At the Manila summit, the three declared that initial steps should be taken towards the establishment of Maphilindo by holding frequent and regular consultations at all levels, to be known as Musyawarah Maphilindo. The summit statement also enunciated what might well have been ASEAN’s own tenets: ‘This Conference ... has greatly strengthened the fraternal ties which bind their three countries and extended the scope of their cooperation and understanding, with renewed confidence that their governments and peoples will together make a significant contribution to the attainment of just and enduring peace, stability and prosperity in the region.’ Though Maphilindo was short-lived, the dream lived on. -
A Tense Handover: the 2010 Presidential Transition in the Philippines Synopsis Introduction
A TENSE HANDOVER: THE 2010 PRESIDENTIAL TRANSITION IN THE PHILIPPINES SYNOPSIS In 2010, political tensions in the Philippines threatened a stable transfer of presidential power. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo was at the end of her tenure when Benigno Aquino III, son of two national heroes, won election in May. During the campaign, Aquino had accused Arroyo of corruption and mismanagement. Animosity, lack of planning by the outgoing administration, poor government transparency, and a weak political party system created obstacles to an effective handover in a country with a recent history of instability. However, a dedicated corps of career civil servants, a small but significant degree of cooperation between the incoming and outgoing administrations, and thin but effective planning by the Aquino side allowed for a stable though bumpy transition. The handover highlighted the importance of institutionalizing the transition process to avoid conflict and facilitate uninterrupted governance. Robert Joyce drafted this case study on the basis of interviews conducted in Manila during November 2014. Case published April 2015. INTRODUCTION tradition for outgoing and incoming presidents— On June 30, 2010, outgoing Philippine but the circumstances were awkward. president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and Aquino had pledged that his administration President-elect Benigno Aquino III shared a would break with “business as usual.” He brief—and tense—limousine ride. campaigned on a platform of accountability and Throughout the campaign, Aquino had made it clear that once in office, he intended to accused Arroyo of corruption and incompetence, prosecute Arroyo. calling her nine-year tenure a “lost decade” for the The scion of a political family, Aquino had Philippines. -
Philippines | Freedom House
Philippines | Freedom House http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2013/philippines About Us DONATE Blog Contact Us REGIONS ISSUES Reports Programs Initiatives News Experts Events Donate FREEDOM IN THE WORLD - View another year - Philippines Philippines Freedom in the World 2013 OVERVIEW: 2013 In October 2012, the government signed an agreement with the Moro Islamic SCORES Liberation Front that established a framework for peace on the southern island of Mindanao. Separately, in September the president signed the Cybercrime STATUS Prevention Act despite critics’ warnings that it would curtail freedom of expression and undermine due process. The Supreme Court quickly suspended Partly the law’s implementation pending a review of its constitutionality. Former president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo remained in pretrial detention on Free corruption charges at year’s end, having initially been arrested in late 2011, FREEDOM RATING released on bail in July, then rearrested under new charges in October. 3.0 After centuries of Spanish rule, the Philippines came under U.S. control in 1898 and won independence in 1946. The country has been plagued by insurgencies, CIVIL LIBERTIES economic mismanagement by powerful elites, and widespread corruption since the 1960s. In 1986, a popular protest movement ended the 14-year dictatorship 3 of President Ferdinand Marcos and replaced him with Corazon Aquino, whom POLITICAL RIGHTS the regime had cheated out of an electoral victory weeks earlier. Aquino’s administration ultimately failed to implement substantial reforms and 3 was unable to dislodge entrenched social and economic elites. Fidel Ramos, a key figure in the 1986 protests and former national defense secretary under Aquino, won the 1992 presidential election.