1

Navicula: A Psychedelic Grunge from

by Daniel Lopez

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Bachelor of Arts Music

The Colorado College

May 9, 2019

Approved by

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Acknowledgements

First and foremost, I want to thank my advisor Dr. Victoria Levine for her assistance in securing necessary grant funding to help finance my ethnographic research in Bali, . Her support helped motivate me to make that first phone call to Indonesia to contact Lolot band’s sound engineer and to contact several other bands in the region. I want to thank professor I Made

Lasmawan and the Tangkas family for welcoming me into their banjar in Baturiti, Bali and Dr.

Elizabeth Macy for her unending support in helping me navigate my project both in the U.S. and in

Bali. I thank Putu Hiranmayena for his advice on local popular music performers in Bali, as well as his help in contacting I Wayan Balawan. I thank Meggy of Rumah Sanur, and her welcome to the

Rumah Sanur music and management family each time I decided to spectate weekly line-ups of artists at the venue. I also appreciate I Putu “Balot Ne” Sukaryana and Jonathan Adams of Insiturec for both their invitation to a temple ceremony during the Balinese Galungan and Kuningan festival, and to the “Banjar Campout" concert. I thank the CC Anthropology Department, the CC Music

Department, and the Music Library staff Dave Dymek, Daryll Stevens, and Annette Megneys for helping make my project possible. I thank the Keller Venture Grant for their assistance and support in my independent research project. Finally, this thesis is dedicated to my mother, Graciela

Santellano who has driven me to and from the airport in the early hours of the day. Without her help, it would have been almost impossible to be able to conduct this research. I wish to acknowledge my loving and supportive sister Karen Gaytan-Pizano whose advice made me certain of my educational goals pursuing music and anthropology. I also thank my brothers, Javier Gaytan and Arturo

Gaytan, for their financial support for travel and research in Bali, and to my young brother Geovanny

Lopez for reminding me of my love for metal music every time I head home to our quiet Chicago suburb Waukegan, Illinois. 3

4

Navicula: A Psychedelic Grunge Band from Bali

Indonesia’s music, particularly that of Bali, has long been of interest to scholars, musicians, travelers, and anthropologists (Gold 2004: 277; Royo 2007:57). Today this interest has been magnified by the growing trends of globalization, neoliberalism, and tourism. In recent years, musical research has shifted towards Indonesia’s contemporary popular music genres or musik negara (national music).

As I attempt to analyze the position the psychedelic grunge band Navicula holds within this broader history, I shall describe a concert experience in Milwaukee as someone who grew up listening to alternative rock and indie music during the 2000s. I then provide an overview of the current scholarship on Balinese popular music and elaborate on how it can inform our understandings of Indonesian music. Finally, I elaborate on how this connects to Navicula’s background and describe their live concert performance, focusing on two songs, including “Ibu,” a single from their 2018 Earthship album, and “Orangutan,” from their 2013 Love

Bomb album. “Busur Hujan” (Rainbow Warrior), a single released as part of a collaboration with

Greenpeace, further substantiates the political nature of Navicula’s songs. I argue that Navicula’s music exemplifies the ways in which bands localize and hybridize grunge, rock, and alternative genres to create what they call “green-grunge.”

The paper as a whole investigates the degree to which Navicula incorporates karawitan music into their artistry and analyzes what extent the terms “indie,” “DIY,” and “alternative,” have come to mean in Indonesian music study. My goal is to contribute to an understanding of the ways

Balinese musicians adapt to globalization.

5

From Milwaukee to Bali

I crisscross through a car-filled parking lot with my younger brother in Milwaukee,

Wisconsin where we see a procession of young people walking towards the concert venue ticket gates. The concert features alternative and punk-rock and bands signed to small independent music labels, such as Epitaph, Fearless, and Equalvision, as part of a larger tour here in the U.S. However, these labels do not serve the same function they did a generation ago during the 1990s, as the “Big

Five” of the music industry have slowly blurred the lines of what is considered independent. These days in the U.S., alternative and punk attract a variety of audience members including early-teens to mid-thirties attendees, with a notable presence of younger women, a trend that has developed in contrast to the music’s previous predominantly male orientation.

My brother and I fit neatly in that category as nineteen and twenty-year-olds. It is not unusual to see attendees wearing ripped jeans held together with safety pins and scribbled over with sharpie markers, topped with a t-shirt from their favorite band. In this way youth display visible markers to develop a common social identity geared towards a darker, rougher artistic style that draws from goth, punk, and emo aesthetics, as well as British and American DIY-culture. It is common for concertgoers, usually males, to engage in a mosh pit or a ritual in which attendees expose an open circular space in the crowd where people may join in physically emotive and even aggressive body movements. The mosh pit is often relished as a highlight of the concert experience.

Meanwhile, about 9,700 miles southwest across the Pacific Ocean, one can bear witness to the site of an alternative/indie music scene more than thirty years in the making. It visually and musically blends western popular music forms such as grunge, rock, punk, indie, jazz and New Age experimentalism, with musik daerah (regional music) (Baulch 2007: 91; Luvaas 2012:138). This has complicated genre distinctions and music scholars have observed that the Balinese have conflated 6 and blurred popular genres in ways that appear to be more hybridized in nature (Baulch 2007:

71). Whether they recognize it or not, the Balinese regardless of age, cultural roots, or religion grow ever cloistered in a mortar and concrete urban agglomerate that is Denpasar. Though Bali has been considered a bastion of traditional music, significant developments have resulted in new music forms taking hold on the island. It is not uncommon to drive through the city and find yourself in the middle of a Hindu ngaben (funerary) procession featuring a lavishly-decorated lembu (an image of an ox on a cremation tower), with men, women, and children playing beleganjur through central Denpasar, only to come across a 1950s-inspired rock pub ten minutes later, and a reggae bar soon thereafter (Moore 2013: 137). A walk on Jalan Raya Kunti, where I found my main base of operations, revealed to me how easy it is to find restaurants, spas, koskosans (renters), tattoo bars, and beach locales all in the immediate vicinity of Balinese shrines or temples. Likewise, foreign music genres have taken residence alongside traditional Balinese gamelan music and worldview. It is here where I began my research on Balinese popular music in Denpasar.

My research methods included audio-interviews with members of Navicula and attendance at their concerts over a period of two months. I employed a comparative studies approach when analyzing the music of Navicula and drew connections from fieldwork observations between popular music and Balinese traditional musics, broadly known as karawitan. I also considered the visual components of Balinese performers’ live concerts. I asked how Balinese bands, such as

Navicula, have negotiated between popular music genres and the karawitan cultural domain they inherently share.

While it may seem to the untrained eye that the rise of tourism suggests the

Balinese are losing their authentic cultural roots, this is far from the case (Luvaas 2012:135). By 7 contrast, the Balinese have reframed popular music cultural symbols here in Indonesia over the last fifty-years and continue to do so today.

Popular Music of Indonesia

Until relatively recently, Bali’s role in global music production has been overlooked as a site where artists have used pop music to contest the local music vernacular and the national politics of the region. When one considers Bali, the geographical space and place-name elicits images of resorts and five-star hotels lining the coast as well as vast swaths of rice paddies welcoming locals and tourist alike. Very rarely does one consider Bali the rightful home for growing alternative rock and grunge band scenes housing artists such as Navicula. Whereas Bali has inspired the interest of Western music scholars and composers, most notably Colin McPhee, the musical politics of the region have been largely neglected. Perhaps beginning with Clifford Geertz’s interpretive study of Balinese culture there has been a growing trend toward more analytical studies of

Indonesia, including music. One scholar, Emma Baulch, discusses identity politics and identity formation in Balinese popular music (2007). Rebekah Moore has researched the Balinese punk music scene, including the band Navicula (2013). Her essay discusses the Balinese soundworld, a term referring to both the liminality music spaces inhabit and create as well as their seamless ability to co-exist within a larger environment. Through deeply listening she attempts to make sense of the many song genres, styles, and cultural allusions that each genre carries, which permeate Balinese streets.

Rock harmony and punk DIY sounds in Bali intersect with often competing sounds of reggae, metal, and rockabilly. When these soundworlds collide, as is the case with grassroots music collectives, the audience becomes an amalgam of those music communities. This is 8 the case in Rumah Sanur, a restaurant hotspot where artists from different parts of the world rub shoulders and collaborate.

Navicula in Concert

For weeks, I found my consultants in Rumah Sanur. Most of the people

I met who were artists, musicians, vocalists, and others connected to the music industry in Bali,

I knew through Rumah Sanur, a popular restaurant that doubles as an artistic hub in

Sanur village. The restaurant features prominent and established artists such as Navicula, as well as up and coming local talent. The advent of local music collectives such as this has afforded artists the opportunity to collaborate as multi-instrumentalists or artists with distinct genre backgrounds. In some instances, band membership was fluid, with musicians performing in more than one band.

This fluidity was also reflected in the audience.

Rumah Sanur caters to locals and an older expat clientele; few younger tourists make it this far away from the bustle of Kuta beach. This uniquely establishes Rumah Sanur as a focal point for musical exchange between amateur artists and audience members, whether they are local or foreign; audience members are often invited to perform after a featured artist has finished their own performance set-list. One evening, Rumah Sanur hosted Navicula for a music writing workshop, followed by a music competition geared towards creating a platform for four artists. I have found that Navicula, wherever they may go, is interested in creating some form of direct impact on young people’s artistic work in Bali. Navicula also models early 1990s DIY ethics in their music distribution, overseeing many points of the marketing and dissemination of their music. 9

Figure 1. Gede “Robi” of Navicula seen here aggressively gesturing and speaking while performing at Rumah Sanur.

When arriving at Rumah Sanur for the first time, I was greeted by Megitta Ignacia, or simply

“Meggy,” who asked, “Hello, are you lost?” I quickly responded that I was interested in meeting

Navicula. After Meggy explained that the workshop would be in Bahasa Indonesia, I insisted that I was still interested in listening, or at least watching. As she walked me from the beer garden through the café and restaurant gates, we passed into the inner sanctum of Rumah Sanur towards the main stage, which doubled as the restaurant’s dining room during the day. On the other side, in one of the conference rooms connected to the Rumah Sanur main performance space, was Robi Navicula speaking in Bahasa Indonesia, inserting occasional Balinese and English words, as he presented to the fifteen aspiring young artists. About four women were present, but the space was overwhelmingly occupied by men, including myself and Navicula. They wore understated clothing, mostly black t-shirts and jeans. As I sat in on the workshop, the listeners were keenly attentive to Robi as he discussed the way in which music was constructed and 10 marketed. Robi provided insight into Navicula’s creative process and how they conceived of new melodies while on music tours. Even as I sat among the other guests, I quickly picked up on how this space had many hallmarks of what Emma Baulch and Brent Luuvas describe as DIY culture in

Indonesia. Rumah Sanur involves dedicated individuals managing the events from behind the scenes. In many ways, Rumah Sanur, with its artists, organization, and location, typifies DIY culture. Later that evening, I witnessed what was previously a dining hall transform into a large spacious dance floor and small platform stage in preparation for the night’s concert (Moore 2013:

143). Young teenagers and millennials garbed in black band t-shirts, black jeans, and all-black accessories, along with older individuals with a taste for metal and rock, filled the concert space.

Surrounding the concert space were t-shirt salesmen, sponsors of the concert, and a

Greenpeace representative. By the time Navicula set up on stage to perform, I noticed some aspects of Balinese performance that have been described in the literature of ethnomusicology; for example, audience members conversed freely and ate throughout the performance.

Nevertheless, the crowd became ever more physically emotive as Robi Navicula’s vocalizations grew in intensity. At various points, the crowd mimicked these gestures with head shaking commonly associated with metal, raising fists in the air, or simply singing along to Navicula’s songs.

Two Songs by Navicula

This brings me to the analysis of “Ibu,” the single Navicula had recently released. A promotional video for the single was screened on the performance stage wall, which also highlighted the importance and life of the late Indra, the former bassist of Navicula. 11

The music video highlights the importance of death and Balinese ceremony at various points, most notably during the transition from the second verse of the song to the third. This brings me to Navicula’s music style. The band is able to draw from these influences through the bimusicality of each member as they are involved in music projects that specialize in other genres such as neo-soul, funk, and blues.

Figure 2. A Balinese procession, potentially an ngaben, appears in Navicula’s “Ibu.”

The and vocal line in “Ibu” begin with a strong and rigid 4/4 pulse, which the guitar subdivides and drives forward relentlessly. Meanwhile, the phrase “Ibu, maafkan aku” begins on A- natural and descends to F-sharp on the off-beats. The guitar-line maintains the same melodic pattern along with the bass an octave below, and is obstinate and repeated for the first two verses. This could be akin to an understated manner of guitar performance as is most common in grunge- influenced music. As a song it could also be categorized as a rock ballad or anthem, as the lyrics referring to “Ibu,” or mother on one level, or to the broader idea of mother earth that is personified by Hindu goddess and Indonesian national figure Dewi Ibu Pertiwi (Sunindyo 1998:

2). This song continues with the lyrics “yang telah menghisap habis darahmi/oh ibu, maafkan aku/yang telah mencukur habis rambutnu” alluding to the mother that has “smoked blood” as the 12 singer implores for forgiveness upon realizing that someone has shaved off her hair. The chromatic descending melody in the guitar line seems to allude to the lyrics in that they gesture this sense of disorder and chaos in light of environmental degradation.

Music Example 1a. Illustrates the descending chromaticism in “Ibu” in the guitar and vocal lines.

Soon thereafter, using a tenser mode of vocal production, Robi almost yelled the lyric hook of “Ibu, maafkan aku” a perfect fourth above at D, while the guitar carried the song forward with an even greater intensity and added distortion effect.

Music Example 1b. Illustrates the same hook in Verse 1 with the same rhythm but with more intensity.

Upon reaching the bridge, Robi yells out “Yeah!” at a higher part of his vocal range, producing a grittier quality to his voice, and soon after the guitar carries the singer’s melody with chords, which delicately add a foundation to the rising and falling melodic contour in the vocal line. It is at this point of the music that images of Bali’s processions and landscape itself take the fore. The video’s main protagonist, Leanna Rachel who plays Ibu, takes center stage, with focus on her headdress, her clenched fist, her torn , and holding a globe on her hands. 13

Figure 3. Music video actress Leanna Rachel as Ibu (Pertiwi) as she embraces the earth. Notice the headdress decorated with the frangipani flowers, commonly used as offerings in Balinese Hinduism.

Music Example 2. Illustrates the descending chromaticism in the guitar and vocal lines of “Ibu.”

Upon our preliminary interview, Robi discussed his creative process and approach. He characterized his guitar playing as percussive and said, “In my head, most songs I write, I… have a percussion in my head. Any approach with the guitar technique, I can say I am a percussionist with the guitar. Most of the drums that I design, in making rhythms or riffs, I already know what the rhythm is gonna be [vocalizes and mimics drum phrase]. The drum is in my head, so that is my approach.” It appears that there may be some application to this in his song, “Orangutan,” in which he sings entire verses on the same note, A natural. 14

Music Example 3a. Illustrates the staccato and repetitive note passage on the vocal-line while the guitar line swings between notes with intervals greater than perfect 5ths.

Meanwhile, the guitar line strikes leaps of m6 or diminished m6 from E natural to D natural and D flat respectively on the off-beats of the pulse. It suggests the characteristics of an animal, perhaps an orangutan, swinging in the canopy. The intervals also give the piece a darker quality that is grunge-like in its heaviness.

Music Example 3b. Illustrates the whole of verse one in its entirety.

The song also includes strong allusions to the destruction of habitats associated with the subject, orangutans. The music video includes images of bulldozers, land development, palm oil plantations, wildfires used for slash-and-burn agriculture, and orangutan casualties.

This piece highlights the commitment that Navicula has shown in bringing visibility to causes near to them, as in the case with environmental degradation in Bali, elucidating the concern over resource extraction across Indonesia’s territory but especially in Kalimantan province (Rosa 2016; Smith

2014). Visuals are often carefully crafted, from albums, music videos, to on-stage performance to 15 reflect the subject material in the music video. There is a clear message and connection to

Balinese tradition within the visuals of Navicula. It is not a surprise when Navicula makes mention of their active collaboration with Greenpeace as they have advocated for the protection of

Kalimantan’s forests and have raised funds to replace Greenpeace’s Rainbow Warrior through their single “Warna Warna Kita Menjadi Satu.”

Figure 4. Album art cover of Navicula’s Busur Hujan cover illustrating the Greenpeace vessel “Rainbow Warrior.” The image may be interpreted as the namesake Navicula (a unicellular ship- shaped diatom).

Conclusion

Navicula is one example of how autochthonous Balinese artists adapt and hybridize popular musics from the U.S. with karawitan music traditions, often weaving in issues that pertain to Bali locally. It is clear that the intended audience for their performances are primarily Balinese and

Indonesian individuals, though they have achieved success abroad in Europe and neighboring

Australia. It is important to note that Denpasar affords artists the freedom to collaborate with artists of different genres. This signals a recent, but not new, development of cross-genre engagement in 16

Bali. Tourism coupled with the recent use of social media and accessible electronic music media have all contributed to a recent growth in Bali of independent artists that explore and redefine what it means to be a performer in Bali. One prime example of this is through the grassroots music collective insiturecordings (insiturec). This collective involves Balinese high schoolers who are musicians and producers in their own right. Insiturec members incorporate traditional instrumentation such as gangsa, tawa-tawa, gamelan rindik, and gamelan selonding but use them to perform music that is experimental and unorthodox in both technique and choreography. They often compose and workshop these pieces over a year in preparation for an al fresco recording session that uses minimal recording equipment.

This is done to facilitate travel when selecting a location. Another group of artists that embodies this ability to travel light while sharpening an experimental approach to popular music genres are Manja and Krisna of “Krisna.Floops.” Manja has had success in the Asia-Pacific region and though they primarily incorporate songs that are popular among tourists in Sanur, Bali, they also compose their own original songs that have led them to tour in Indonesia, the Philippines, the Maldives, and

Australia. Krisna.Floops meanwhile incorporates live looping into his music performances, travelling with a small guitar, suling, and a suitcase filled with electronics that make audio processing possible. This is not a new phenomenon however, as I Wayan Balawan, who incorporates

Balinese gamelan slendro scale tones with Jazz, Blues, and Rock genres, uses guitar pedals to audio process his performances. Vocal artists such as Suci and Desty “Dee” Dice, have also demonstrated that the use of English has not deterred artists from adapting foreign songs and singing styles. A possible future area of study may focus on how Balinese artists today are developing away from a previously discrete “musical underground,” and should consider how artists continue to freely adopt genres outside the realm of punk-rock and grunge, and indeed karawitan music. 17

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