Zimbabwe November & December 2011
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Canada Sanctions Zimbabwe
Canadian Sanctions and Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe: Be Very Careful! By Mark Blumberg (January 7, 2009) Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe need to be extremely careful. It is not the place for a new and inexperienced charity to begin foreign operations. In fact, only Canadian charities with substantial experience in difficult international operations should even consider operating in Zimbabwe. It is one of the most difficult countries to carry out charitable operations by virtue of the very difficult political, security, human rights and economic situation and the resultant Canadian and international sanctions. This article will set out some information on the Zimbabwe Sanctions including the full text of the Act and Regulations governing the sanctions. It is not a bad idea when dealing with difficult legal issues to consult knowledgeable legal advisors. Summary On September 4, 2008, the Special Economic Measures (Zimbabwe) Regulations (SOR/2008-248) (the “Regulations”) came into force pursuant to subsections 4(1) to (3) of the Special Economic Measures Act. The Canadian sanctions against Zimbabwe are targeted sanctions dealing with weapons, technical support for weapons, assets of designated persons, and Zimbabwean aircraft landing in Canada. There is no humanitarian exception to these targeted sanctions. There are tremendous practical difficulties working in Zimbabwe and if a Canadian charity decides to continue operating in Zimbabwe it is important that the Canadian charity and its intermediaries (eg. Agents, contractor, partners) avoid providing any benefits, “directly or indirectly”, to a “designated person”. Canadian charities need to undertake rigorous due diligence and risk management to ensure that a “designated person” does not financially benefit from the program. -
Country Advice Zimbabwe Zimbabwe – ZWE36759 – Movement for Democratic Change – Returnees – Spies – Traitors – Passports – Travel Restrictions 21 June 2010
Country Advice Zimbabwe Zimbabwe – ZWE36759 – Movement for Democratic Change – Returnees – Spies – Traitors – Passports – Travel restrictions 21 June 2010 1. Deleted. 2. Deleted. 3. Please provide a general update on the situation for Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) members, both rank and file members and prominent leaders, in respect to their possible treatment and risk of serious harm in Zimbabwe. The situation for MDC members is precarious, as is borne out by the following reports which indicate that violence is perpetrated against them with impunity by Zimbabwean police and other Law and Order personnel such as the army and pro-Mugabe youth militias. Those who are deemed to be associated with the MDC party either by family ties or by employment are also adversely treated. The latest Country of Origin Information Report from the UK Home Office in December 2009 provides recent chronology of incidents from July 2009 to December 2009 where MDC members and those believed to be associated with them were adversely treated. It notes that there has been a decrease in violent incidents in some parts of the country; however, there was also a suspension of the production of the „Monthly Political Violence Reports‟ by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (ZHRF), so that there has not been a comprehensive accounting of incidents: POLITICALLY MOTIVATED VIOLENCE Some areas of Zimbabwe are hit harder by violence 5.06 Reporting on 30 June 2009, the Solidarity Peace Trust noted that: An uneasy calm prevails in some parts of the country, while in others tensions remain high in the wake of the horrific violence of 2008…. -
Enreporting on Zimbabwe's 2018 Elections
Reporting on Zimbabwe’s 2018 elections A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS Table of Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY iii 1.0 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND 1 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS 8 2.0 MEDIA MONITORING OF THE NEWS AGENDA 8 3.0 MONITORING POLITICAL PLURALISM 13 4.0 GENDER REPRESENTATION DURING THE 2018 ELECTIONS 18 5.0 MEDIA CONDUCT IN ELECTION PROGRAMMING - BROADCAST MEDIA 24 6.0 MEDIA’S CONDUCT IN ELECTION REPORTING 28 7.0 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 34 ANNEX 1: HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS REPORTED IN THE MAINSTREAM MEDIA 35 ANNEX 2: LIST OF ACRONYMS 37 REPORTING ON ZIMBABWE’S 2018 ELECTIONS - A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS i Acknowledgements International Media Support and the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe This publication has been produced with the assistance of the are conducting the programme “Support to media on governance European Union and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. and electoral matters in Zimbabwe”. The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of Media Monitors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views The programme is funded by the European Union and the of the European Union or the Norwegian Ministry of Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Foreign Affairs. International Media Support (IMS) is a non-profit organisation working with media in countries affected by armed conflict, human insecurity and political transition. ii REPORTING ON ZIMBABWE’S 2018 ELECTIONS - A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS Executive Summary Zimbabwe’s 2018 harmonised national elections presented a irregularities, they struggled to clearly articulate the implications unique opportunity for the media and their audiences alike. In of the irregularities they reported and the allegations of previous election periods, the local media received severe criticism maladministration levelled against the country’s election for their excessively partisan positions, which had been characterized management body, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC). -
A Comparative Study of Zimbabwe and South Africa
FACEBOOK, YOUTH AND POLITICAL ACTION: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ZIMBABWE AND SOUTH AFRICA A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of SCHOOL OF JOURNALISM AND MEDIA STUDIES, RHODES UNIVERSITY by Admire Mare September 2015 ABSTRACT This comparative multi-sited study examines how, why and when politically engaged youths in distinctive national and social movement contexts use Facebook to facilitate political activism. As part of the research objectives, this study is concerned with investigating how and why youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa use the popular corporate social network site for political purposes. The study explores the discursive interactions and micro- politics of participation which plays out on selected Facebook groups and pages. It also examines the extent to which the selected Facebook pages and groups can be considered as alternative spaces for political activism. It also documents and analyses the various kinds of political discourses (described here as digital hidden transcripts) which are circulated by Zimbabwean and South African youth activists on Facebook fan pages and groups. Methodologically, this study adopts a predominantly qualitative research design although it also draws on quantitative data in terms of levels of interaction on Facebook groups and pages. Consequently, this study engages in data triangulation which allows me to make sense of how and why politically engaged youths from a range of six social movements in Zimbabwe and South Africa use Facebook for political action. In terms of data collection techniques, the study deploys social media ethnography (online participant observation), qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews. -
1 Daily Media Monitoring Report Issue 4: 3 June 2018 Table of Contents
Daily Media Monitoring Report Issue 4: 3 June 2018 Table of Contents 1.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 2 1.2 Key Events .......................................................................................................................... 2 1.3 Media Monitored ................................................................................................................. 2 Methodology ............................................................................................................................. 3 2.0 Did the media represent political parties in a fair and balanced manner? .......................... 3 2.1 Space and time dedicated to political parties in private and public media ...................... 3 2.2 Space and time dedicated to political actors in private and public media ....................... 4 2.3 Tone of coverage for political parties .............................................................................. 5 2.4 Gender representation in election programmes ............................................................. 7 2.5 Youth representation in election programmes ................................................................ 8 2.6 Time dedicated to political players in the different programme types in broadcast media .............................................................................................................................................. 9 3.0 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... -
Roy Leslie Bennett V. Emerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa
REPORTABLE (76) Judgment No SC 75/05 Civil Application No 16/05 ROY LESLIE BENNETT v (1) EMMERSON DAMBUDZO MNANGAGWA (in his capacity as the SPEAKER OF THE PARLIAMENT OF ZIMBABWE) (2) PAUL MANGWANA (3) JOYCE MUJURU (4) CHIEF MANGWENDE (5) WELSHMAN NCUBE (6) TENDAI BITI (7) THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL SUPREME COURT OF ZIMBABWE CHIDYAUSIKU CJ, SANDURA JA, CHEDA JA, MALABA JA & GWAUNZA JA HARARE, MAY 26, 2005 & MARCH 9, 2006 J. J. Gauntlett, SC., with him A.P. de Bourbon SC, for the applicant S.J.Chihambakwe, with him J Mhlanga, for the first, second, third and fourth respondents R. Gatsi, for the seventh respondent (intervener) CHIDYAUSIKU CJ: This application is brought in terms of s 24 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe. Section 24 of the Constitution provides that any person who alleges that the Declaration of Rights has been, is being, or is likely to be, contravened in relation to him may apply to the Supreme Court for redress. The applicant, who was at the relevant time a Member of Parliament, assaulted Mr Patrick Chinamasa, MP, Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, and Leader of the House (hereinafter referred to as “Chinamasa”). The assault took place in Parliament while it was in session. He was charged with, and found guilty of, contempt of Parliament. He was sentenced, by 2 S.C. 75/05 Parliament, to fifteen months’ imprisonment of which three months’ imprisonment was suspended on certain conditions. The applicant challenges that conviction and punishment on the following four grounds - 1. The proceedings violated his constitutional and fundamental right to a fair hearing by an independent and impartial court or other adjudicating body protected by s 18(1),(2) and (9) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe (“the Constitution”). -
Parliamentary Round up Bulleti
PARLIAMENTARY ROUND UP: BULLETIN NO. 23 - 2010 Bulletin for Wednesday 27 October 2010 SAPST makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information 1 supplied. www.sapst.org HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY PLENARY Question Session This Wednesday, on 27 October 2010 the attendance of Ministers was not as good as last Wednesday, which saw almost a full house. Backbenchers continued to ask critical questions that affect people in their respective constituencies. Incomplete Government Projects Hon. F.M. Sibanda (MDC-T Magwegwe) quizzed the Minister of Public Works, Hon. Gabbuza on the more than 500 government projects dotted around the country which have remained incomplete for many years. Hon. Gabbuza acknowledged that there were 550 incomplete projects around the country and he attributed this to inadequate budgetary allocations. He said as a wayforward, his ministry has prioritized 126 of those projects for completion next year provided the ministry was allocated $46 million in the 2011 national Budget. Investment Promotion Measures The Minister of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion, Hon. Tapiwa Mashakada informed the House that his ministry was working on various initiatives to promote investment in the country. One such initiative was the one-stop investment centre. The idea was to try to put all government departments and agencies that have to do with investment under one roof at the Zimbabwe Investment Authority offices in order to expedite licence processing. The Minister further revealed to the House that at the present moment Zimbabwe’s investment was standing at 4% of GDP and government’s objective was to increase it to 25% of GDP to complement or reinforce the growth that has been registered. -
New Broadcasters Likely to Tighten State Media's Stranglehold
Defending free expression and your right to know Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe Monday November 7th – Sunday November 13th 2011 Weekly Media Review 2011-45 New broadcasters likely to tighten State media’s stranglehold COMMENT THE inclusion of Talk Radio – a project of the country’s state-owned publishing house, Zimpapers, whose products still dominate Zimbabwe’s print media landscape – among the four shortlisted applicants for national radio licences has renewed the public’s cynicism over the authorities’ political will to diversify Zimbabwe’s airwaves. The other applicants comprise Hotmedia (Pvt) Ltd trading as Kiss FM, A.B Communications, owned by former ZBC news anchor, Supa Mandiwanzira, and Voice of the People (VoP), which is currently broadcasting from abroad. While the Broadcasting Services Act (BSA) as amended in 2007 allows for cross-ownership of the media, the short-listing of Talk Radio raises ethical issues and contradicts the spirit of the Global Political Agreement (GPA), which, according to Article XIX of the agreement, is: “Desirous of ensuring the opening up of the airwaves and ensuring the operation of as many media houses as possible.” Licensing Talk Radio, which is “tipped to clinch one of the two licences up for grabs” (NewsDay 20/10), would not only deprive prospective private broadcasters of the chance to operate, but would expand and entrench the biased state media’s monopoly of the broadcasting sector, already the preserve of the country’s sole broadcaster, ZBC. The Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ), responsible for awarding operating licences to prospective broadcasters, is itself a disputed body that parties to the GPA had agreed should be reconstituted due to the irregular and partisan appointment of its members by the Minister of Information a year ago. -
A Week of Protests - from Beitbridge to The
A week of protests - From Beitbridge to the shutdown How was the conflict reported? 1 Contents 1.Background 2. The Beitbridge protest 2.1 The events 2.2 Who were the protesters? 2.3 Why did they protest? 3. The Monday Protests 4. The Shutdown 4.1 Who was behind it? 4.2 The ruling party's response 4.3 What happened on the 6th? 4.4 SADC and the protests 5. The official narrative 5.1 The Zimbabwe Republic Police 5.2 POTRAZ 5.3 The Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe 6. Conclusion 2 1. Background The events in the seven days beginning 1 July 2016, starting with the protests in the border town of Beitbridge have been momentous in the history of Zimbabwe. The reportage of these events show that there is no one story on Zimbabwe, but several stories, told from various perspectives, and the citizen is found in the middle, battling to decipher the truth. These narratives presented by the traditional media houses, social and alternative (mainly online) media as well as official statements make truth a tenuous concept, as facts are sometimes lost in a sometimes-tinted view of the world. Questions that arise include, after all the stories have been told, does the world have a clear idea of the current crisis in Zimbabwe, its root causes, possible impact, key players and what the possible resolution will look like? Do we have a clear idea of what the Zimbabwean story is? What is the role of the media in all this? Professional journalism is called upon to be truthful, fair, accurate and balanced, playing a critical role in informing the public and promoting public accountability, two critical preconditions for democracy. -
The Dynamics of Factionalism in ZANUPF: 1980–2017
Midlands State University FACULTY OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES THE DYNAMICS OF FACTIONALISM IN ZANU PF: 1980 – 2017 BY TAPIWA PATSON SISIMAYI (R0538644) DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE MIDLANDS STATE UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR A MASTER OF ARTS DEGREE IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES ZVISHAVANE 2019 RELEASE FORM NAME OF AUTHOR: SISIMAYI TAPIWA PATSON TITLE OF PROJECT: THE DYNAMICS AND DIMENSIONS OF FACTIONALISM IN ZANU PF: 1980 – 2017 PROGRAMME: MASTER OF ARTS IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES YEAR THIS MASTERS DEGREE WAS GRANTED: 2019 Consent is hereby granted to the Midlands State University to produce copies of this dissertation and to lend or sell such copies for scholarly or scientific research purpose only. The author reserves the publication rights and neither the dissertation nor extensive extracts from it may be published or otherwise reproduced without the author’s written permission. SIGNED: …………………………………………………………. EMAIL: [email protected] DATE: MAY 2019 ii DECLARATION Student number: R0538644 I, Sisimayi Tapiwa, Patson author of this dissertation, do hereby declare that the work presented in this document entitled: THE DYNAMICS AND DIMENSIONS OF FACTIONALISM IN ZANU PF: 1980 - 2017, is an outcome of my independent and personal research, all sources employed have been properly acknowledged both in the dissertation and on the reference list. I also certify that the work in this dissertation has not been submitted in whole or in part for any other degree in this University or in any institute of higher learning. ……………………………………………………… …….…. /………. /2019 Tapiwa Patson Sisimayi Date SUPERVISOR: Doctor Douglas Munemo iii DEDICATION To my son Tapiwa Jr. -
MDC Outlines Election Benchmarks
Iz qula enzo u I G ze o n ir z it o a G M u q a j u n l i a h C C h o i r n i t j i a a M M a a i j t i n r i o h C The Real Change Times Movement for Democratic Change A Party of Excellence! The Official Mouthpiece of the MDC Tuesday 26 October MDC Information & Publicity Department, Harvest House, 44 Nelson Mandela Ave, Harare, Zimbabwe Issue 055: 2010 MDC outlines election benchmarks HARARE – Zimbabwe needs critical Due to the abuse of the State security Independent election observers concur electoral reforms before holding sector, during the 2008 elections that the groundwork needs to be laid for credible elections in 2011, the MDC by Zanu PF, Hon. Biti reiterated a free and fair vote. Secretary–General, Hon. Tendai Biti that having police officers manning has said. inside polling station was likely to In a statement this week, the Zimbabwe intimidate voters. Election Support Network, (ZESN) said Hon. Biti said that there was need for far reaching reforms to the electoral “Hence the MDC calls for the it had not seen any meaningful attempt law, addressing key issues such as the deployment of police officers outside to identify the perpetrators of political shambolic voters’ roll and ensuring the polling stations and confining the violence of 2008 and bring them full independence of the discredited military to the barracks during the polls to book. Zimbabwe Electoral Commission which will greatly reduce the chances (ZEC), its commissioners and of intimidation,” he said. -
Zimbabwe's Power Sharing Government and the Politics Of
Creating African Futures in an Era of Global Transformations: Challenges and Prospects Créer l’Afrique de demain dans un contexte de transformations mondialisées : enjeux et perspectives Criar Futuros Africanos numa Era de Transformações Globais: Desafios e Perspetivas بعث أفريقيا الغد في سياق التحوﻻت المعولمة : رهانات و آفاق Toward more democratic futures: making governance work for all Africans Zimbabwe’s Power Sharing Government and the Politics of Economic Indigenisation, 2009 to 2013 Musiwaro Ndakaripa Toward more democratic futures: making governance work for all Africans Zimbabwe’s Power Sharing Government and the Politics of Economic Indigenisation, 2009 to 2013 Abstract Using the economic indigenisation policy this study examines the problems caused by Zimbabwe‟s power sharing government (PG) to democratic governance between 2009 and 2013. The power sharing government experienced policy gridlock in implementing the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act of 2007 due to disagreements among the three governing political parties which were strategising to gain political credibility and mobilising electoral support to ensure political survival in the long term. The Indigenisation Act intends to give indigenous black Zimbabweans at least fifty one per cent (51%) shareholding in all sectors of the economy. The Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) posited that economic indigenisation rectifies colonial imbalances by giving black Zimbabweans more control and ownership of the nation‟s natural resources and wealth. The two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) political parties in the power sharing government asserted that while economic indigenisation is a noble programme, it needs revision because it discouraged Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). Moreover, the two MDC parties claimed that economic indigenisation is a recipe for ZANU-PF elite enrichment, clientelism, cronyism, corruption and political patronage.