Shaykh Ibróhôm Niass: His Revival of the Tijóniyya Sufi Order and Response to Colonialism

SHAYKH IBRÓHÔM NIASS: HIS REVIVAL OF THE TIJÓNIYYA SUFI ORDER AND RESPONSE TO COLONIALISM

ABDUL GANIY MUHAMMAD RAJI ABIODUN

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Islamic and Other Civilizations

IRKHS International Islamic University Malaysia

MAY 2016 ABSTRACT

This research focuses on the revival efforts of Shaykh IbrÉhÊm Niass and his response to colonialism in Western Sudan (West Africa) in the 20th century. The research also concentrates on the status of Islam and Muslims under the French colonial system in the last four decades of the nineteenth century through the 1960s of the 20thcentury. This is the period in which most of the West African countries came under European colonialism. This research documents how the Muslim scholars of the area under discussion resisted the colonial encroachment and penetration with all available mechanisms in their capacity. In order for the colonial authorities to have full control of the situation, they responded by exercising some policies against those ÑUlamÉ’such as military force, by which they assassinated some of them such as ShaykhÑUmar al-FËti and exiled others like Shaykh Amadou Bamba, Shaykh Abdallah Niass and Shaykh ×amaullah. Similarly, theÑUlamÉ’s free movement was restricted. The murÊd’s actions of visiting their Shaykhs and offering them gifts were also forbidden. Above all, many madrasa were closed down and replaced by French secular schools. The study closely examines how Shaykh IbrÉhÊm Niass responded to colonial hegemony and Christian evangelism. His response came when colonialism was at its peak in the late 1930s of the 20thcentury. His response was intellectual and educational rather than militant since the colonial authorities were advanced in military power more than the colonized. The research documents various peaceful approaches by which Shaykh IbrÉhÊm Niass encountered the colonial policies in different aspects of life. His efforts to initiate a pan-African cum pan-Islamist front to encounter French colonialism are also investigated. Most notable among his efforts was his drive to expand and rejuvenate the TijÉniyya Order in West Africa and eventually in all parts of the globe.

ii خالصة البحث

يناقش هذا البحث جهاد شيخ اإلسالم إبراهيم إنياس و مقاومته لالستعمار الفرنسي يف منطقة الصحراء الغربية-غرب أفريقيا – يف القرن العشرين. ركز البحث على الظروف اليت مّر هبا اإلسالم واملسلمني يف هذه املنطقة، حتديداً يف األربعة عقود األخرية من القرن التاسع عشر و حيت ستينات القرن العشرين، هيو الفرتة اليت دخلت فيها معظم الدول األفريقية حتت وطأة استعمار الدول الغربية. يتضح من خالل هذا البحث أب ّن العلماء املسلمني يف هذه املنطقة الذين عايشوا مرحلة االستعمار مل يستسلموا لتغلغل االستعمار بل قاوموه بكل وسيلة ممكنة. ونتيجةً لذلك مل جيد املستعمر سبيالً لفرض سيطرته علي سكان املنطقة اال ّ مبواجهة عسكرية عنيفة مما أّدى إىل القتال لفرتة طويلة بني الطرفني. تعرض هذا البحث لسياسات املستعمر اخلانقة جتاه العلماء املسلمني مثل اإلعدام كما حدث للشيخ عمر الفويت، أو النفي إىل بلد غريب كما حدث للشيخ العامل أمحد ابمبا انبكي والشيخ عبد هللا إنياس )والد الشيخ إبراهيم(، والشيخ محاه هللا ، كما ضفر عليهم عدم التنقل من قرية ألخرى خوف ًا من توحد املسلمني ضدهم: كما ُحظرت شيوخ الصوفية من استالم اهلدااي والصدقات من مريديهم، وإغالق املدارس القرآنية وإبداهلا ابملدارس الفرنسية. انقش البحث الدور الذي أداه الشيخ إبراهيم إنياس بداية من دالعقو الثالثة من القرن العشرين. رأى الشيخ إبراهيم أبن جناح األساليب اليت اختذها اجليل األول - الذين شهدوا جميئ االستعماروعايشوه – للمقاومة قصري املدى، وهذا أل ّن مكائد االستعمار ما زالت قائمة من التبشري املسيحي و الغزو الفكري و احلاق التخلّف ابإلسالم و تعاليمه. جلأ الشيخ إ براهيم إيل ما رآه أنسب للمقاومة إذ املقاومة القتالية ال نفع هلا أمام جيش املستعمرين يف تلك احلقبة، أال وهو تعريف املسلمني بدينهم، و غرس حب اإلسالم يف قلوهبم و حفظ القرآن و تعليم اللغة العربىة والعلوم اإلسالمية ودعوة غري املسلمني إىل اإلسالم. عالوةو علي ذلك، رفضه التام إبدخل أبناء املسلمني يف املدارس الفرنسية من الصغر ، بل يرى يف إدخاهلم تلك املدارس إضاعة ملستقبلهم. بدأ الشيخ إبراهيم إنياس هذه اجلهود بنفسه إبنشاء املدارس حيث عمل على بث أفكاره ضد الغزو الفكري للمستعمر وترسيخ م العلواإلسالمية يف قلوب الشباب، مث إرساهلم إىل الدول العربية ملواصلة دراستهم. يرى الشيخ إبراهيم جناة املسلمني من مكائد االستعمار تكمن يف الفهم الصحيح لدينهم. وختتتم هذه الدراسة بتوثيق مسامهة الشيخ العامل إبراهيم إنياس يف جمالني هامني، مها: حتديث الطريقة التجانية، مث نشرها يف كل بقاع العامل.

iii APPROVAL PAGE

The thesis of Abdul Ganiy Muhammad Raji Abiodun has been approved by the following:

______Hassan A. El-Nagar Supervisor

______Hassan Ahmed Ibrahim Internal Examiner

______Afis Ayinde Oladosu External Examiner

______Yusuf Fdal Hasan External Examiner

______Saadeldin Mansour Gasmelsid Chairman

iv DECLARATION

I hereby declare that this dissertation is the result of my own investigations, except where otherwise stated. I also declare that it has not been previously or concurrently submitted as a whole for any other degrees at IIUM or other institutions.

Abdul Ganiy Muhammad Raji Abiodun

Signature...... Date......

v COPYRIGHT PAGE

INTERNATIONAL ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY MALAYSIA

DECLARATION OF COPYRIGHT AND AFFIRMATION OF FAIR USE OF UNPUBLISHED RESEARCH

SHAYKH IBRÓHÔM NIASS: HIS REVIVAL OF THE TIJÓNIYYA SUFI ORDER AND RESPONSE TO COLONIALISM

I declare that the copyright holders of this thesis are jointly owned by the student and IIUM.

No part of this unpublished research may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without prior written permission of the copyright holder except as provided below

1. Any material contained in or derived from this unpublished research may be used by others in their writing with due acknowledgement.

2. IIUM or its library will have the right to make and transmit copies (print or electronic) for institutional and academic purposes.

3. The IIUM library will have the right to make, store in a retrieved system and supply copies of this unpublished research if requested by other universities and research libraries.

By signing this form, I acknowledged that I have read and understand the IIUM Intellectual Property Right and Commercialization policy.

Affirmed by Abdul Ganiy Muhammad Raji Abiodun.

……..…………………….. ……………………….. Signature Date

Dedicated to my most respected Murshids, I benefited from the ocean of their knowledge and experiences, namely:

Shaykh Uthman Akanbi Olanase,

Shaykh Imam Abdul MajÊd AÍmad (Baba Oke Eleta), and

The Gnostic Shaykh Nuru Hakeem; and to my parents

Alfa Muhammad Raji MuÍammad SÉdiku Opeloyeru and my mother.

May Allah be pleased with them all.

vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My gratitude –in the first place – goes to Allah the Most Gracious, Who spares my life and eases all the pleasant circumstances to make this study possible, and may the blessings and peace of Allah be upon His prophet, prophet MuÍammad. Then, I wish to record my thanks and sincere appreciation to my advisor, Prof. Dr. Hassan A. El Nagar, for his patience throughout the six years under his supervision, his support and genuine inputs, guidance and advise, and for treating me as a member of his family, to him and his family. To him and his family I say, thank you and may Almighty Allah reward you abundantly. My sincere appreciation also goes to Prof. Dr. Sayyid Mohamed Ajmal A. Al-Aidrus for his tremendous support, morally and financially, and for his continuous generosity to me and my family. For all of that, I will remain forever indebted to him. I wish to convey my special thanks to my Shaykh Nuru ×akeem (1931-2012) may his soul rest in peace- and to his family, for hosting me during my trips to Nigeria for this research, and for the lengthy, fruitful discussions, and for, his highly motivating willingness to respond to my questions, needs and enquires, and more importantly his duÑÉ (prayer) for my success. To him and his family I remain forever indebted. My appreciation also goes to Prof. Dr. Rüdiger Seesemann (now at University of Bayreuth, Germany), for his critical comments and inputs, and for his generosity in providing me with important original French documents and archives that made this study possible. The same go to his colleague Dr. Andrea Brigaglia (University of Cape Town, South Africa) for sharing with me valuable materials. My heartfelt thanks go to Dr. Sulaiman Boayo (UITM, Malaysia) who sacrificed his time to render translation of the French archive materials in to English version, and to his wife who type-set the whole translations, and br. Abubakr Syla, who also helped in the translation. None of this would have happened without the help of Lawyer Lateef Wale Adeyẹmọ, who really devoted his valuable time in connecting me with Tijaniyya communities both in Kano and Lagos for getting TijÉniyya primary sources which were already out of print, and Al-Hajj IbrÉhÊm (Surulere, Lagos), who opened his library for me to choose any suitable materials for the research. To all of the above I say Jazaumullahu Khaeran. I must express my gratitude to my Ph.D. viva committee: Prof. Dr. Hassan Ahmed Ibrahim (internal), Prof. Dr. Yusuf Fdal Hassan, Prof. Dr. Afis Ayinde Oladosu (externals), and Dr. Saadeldin M. Gasmelsid (the chairman of the committee). Crucial support also came from Imam Qasim A. AÍmad, Imam MuÍammad Nuru Hakeem, Ustadh Uthman Nuru Hakeem, Prof. Dr. Y.A. Quadri, Dr. Abdu Razag Sholagheru, Harun Niass (France), and Ustadh Taofeeq Baba, all provided me with wealthy materials and information. Shaykh AÍmad b. MuÍammad al-×afiz in MugarbilÊn, Cairo also provided me with important information and materials, and the people around him like Sidi al-AnÎÉri, Khalid (his secretary), and to all I extend my appreciation. Most of the funding for this research, and for my trips to Nigeria and Cairo, came from Dr. Ashraf Muhammad Iqbal, I remain forever indebted to his generosity and support to me and my family. I am likewise grateful to his colleagues and friends: Ryaz Patel, Redha Roslan, and Yuzaidi Yusoff, to you all I say Jazakumullah Khaeran fi al-Dunya wa al-Akhira! My special thanks are due to Ambassador Fayez

viii Mustapha Noseir (Cairo), Abdu al-Rahman Farah and his Family (Australia) for their financial support at the early age of my studies in Malaysia. To all of my colleagues both in ISTAC community and IIUM main campus, who helped in one way or the other, among them, we had intellectual exchange including Sr. Clara Tan and Dr. Daud Balogun, who helped in editing the first draft of this work, and Dr. Farid ÑAli, who took care of the technical aspect of this work (formatting). I similarly offer my thanks to Drs. Abdul Gafar Fahm, Abidin Adewale, Ahmad F. Ogunbado, Habiba Oladosu, Jelili A. Yusuf, Kanegi, Laila H. Tajer, Mahfuth A. Khamis, Mohamed M. Olodo A., Musa Owoyemi, Sekoni Mutalib, Suzana S. Sidek, and Umar Oseni; brothers, Khalil Shaikh, Muhammad Taofeeq al- Thani, Yunus Abdu Salam, Azees Adeyemo, Salman Abdul Majeed, Hamed Adewale, Qasim Faniran, and sisters, Madam Azizah Rahmad, Munira A. Mutalib, Ingrid Florez F. Sakeenah, Khadija Basheer Folashade, and all others who escaped my memory, for their encouragement and help. My appreciation also goes to Hajah Nurmala, the head of SMNA library, IIUM KL campus, and her staff, for their understanding and cooperation. My sincere duÑÉ goes to the soul of my late father MuÍammad Raji MuÍammad SÉdiq and to my mother, and my mother-in-law, may Allah extend their lives in His obedience. Last but not least I am extremely grateful to my wife and children for their support, sacrifice, and encouragement through the long years of homesickness.

ix TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract ...... ii Abstract in Arabic ...... iii Approval Page ...... iv Declaration Page ...... v Copyright Page ...... vi Dedication ...... vii Acknowledgments ...... viii List of Tables ...... xiii List of Figures ...... xiv List of Maps ...... xv List of Interviews Cited ...... xvi

CHAPTER ONE ...... 1 1.1 Introduction...... 1 1.1.1 Background to the Study ...... 1 1.2 Statement of the Problem...... 2 1.3 Research Questions ...... 4 1.4 Theoretical Framework ...... 5 1.5 Literature Review ...... 9 1.5.1 Arabic Works ...... 9 1.5.2 European Sources ...... 13 1.6 Methodology ...... 19 1.7 Scope and Limitation of the Study ...... 20 1.8 Significance of the Study ...... 21 1.9 Thesis Outline ...... 22

CHAPTER TWO: THE FOUNDER OF TH ETIJĀNIYYA SŪFI ORDER (AL-TARĪQA AL-TIJĀNIYYA): SIDI ʾABI AL-ʿABBĀS A×MAD IBN MU×AMMAD AL-TIJĀNĪ ...... 23 2.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 23 2.2 His Life and Education ...... 24 2.3 Shaykh Al-Tijāni’s Initiation into Sufism ...... 30 2.4 Emergence of Al-TarÊqa Al-TijÉniyya...... 39 2.5 Litanies (AwrÉds of the TijÉniyya Order) ...... 45 2.6 His Works ...... 52

CHAPTER THREE: SHAYAYKH IBRĀHĪM NIASS AND AL-ÙARĪQA AL-TIJĀNIYYA ...... 55 3.1 Introduction...... 54 3.1.1 Birth, Early Life and Education ...... 56 3.2 Spiritual Flood: Al-Fayda Al-Tijaniyya Al-IbrÉhÊmiyya ...... 69 3.2.1 Al-Fayḍ in Early Sufi Literature ...... 69 3.3 Niass’ Role in Reviving and Spreading the Tijăniyya Order ...... 83 3.4Tarbiya, Tarqiya and Taraqī, New Dimension in Spiritual Teaching . 87

x 3.4.1 Tarbiyya (Spiritual Training) ...... 87 3.4.2 Tarqiyya (Elevation) ...... 94 3.4.3 TaraqqÊ(Progressive Advancement/Elevation) ...... 97

CHAPTER FOUR: SHAYKH IBRĀHĪM NIASS’ OPPOSITION TO FRENCH COLONIALISM ...... 100 4.0 Introduction...... 100 4.1 The French Colonial System in Senegal ...... 101 4.1.1 The Colonial Period ...... 101 4.1.2 The Early French Experience in North Africa: Algeria ...... 104 4.1.2.1 Social Level ...... 105 4.1.2.2 Political and Economic Level ...... 107 4.1.2.3 Religious Level: The Cross versus the Crescent ...... 108 4.2 Early JihÉd and Colonial Resistance before Shayk hIbrÉhÊm Niass .... 112 4.2.1 Hajj ÑUmar Al-FËti ...... 114 4.2.1.1 Al-’Amr bi Al-MaÑrËfwa Al-Nahy Ñan Al-Munkar (Enjoying Good and Forbidding Evil) ...... 118 4.2.1.2 The KhalÊfa of KhÉtim Al-AwliyÉ’ (The Caliph of the Seal of the AwliyÉ’) ...... 119 4.2.1.3 Hijra and JihÉd:(Migration and Holy War) ...... 119 4.3 Beginning of the JihÉd...... 120 4.4.1 Confrontation with the French ...... 122 4.4 Al-Hajj Abdoulaye Niass (1845 -1922) ...... 126 4.5 Al-Hajj Malik Sy (1855-1922) ...... 120 4.6 Amadu Bamba Mbacke (1850-1927) ...... 134 4.6.1 The Period of Exile (1995-1912) ...... 136 4.6.2 Emergence of Accommodation ...... 138 4.7 The Second Generation of the Marabouts and the French ...... 140 4.8.1 Assimilation ...... 142 4.8.2 Accommodation and Collaboration ...... 144 4.8 Shaykh IbrÉhÊm Niass and the French ...... 144 4.8.1 Shayk IbrÉhÊmNiass’ Response to the French Colonialism ...... 146 4.8.2Niass’ Response to French Secular Education ...... 149 4.8.3 French Surveillance of Shaykh IbrÉhÊm Niass ...... 158 4.9 Niass’ Idea of Pan-Islamic Africa ...... 162

CHAPTER FIVE ...... 168 5.1 Conclusions and Recommendations ...... 168 5.1.1 NiyyasiyyaTijÉniyya: A Knowledge Based Society ...... 168 5.2 Shaykh IbrÉhÊm Niass as a SËfi Master and Teacher ...... 170 5.3 ×assanCissé and NiyassiyaTijaniyya Trans Border ...... 171

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 191

APPENDICES ...... 178 Appendix 1...... 178 Appendix 2...... 187 Appendix 3...... 188 Appendix 4...... 189

xi Appendix 5...... 190 Appendix 6 ...... 191

xii LIST OF TABLES

Table’s No. Page No.

3.1 An Overview of Wayfaring (sulËk) with Successive Spiritual 92 Advancement in accordance to “The Three Stations of Religion 4.1 Main Events in Senegambia from 11th Century to 102 Independence in 1960

xiii LIST OF FIGURES

Figure No. Page No.

3.1 The early and first Salāsil (chain of Initiation) of 68 ShaykhIbrāhīmNiass through his father

3.2 Divine Flood in the Tijāniyya Path: Fayda Tijāniyya Aḩmadiyya 80 Muḩammadiyya Ibrāhīmiyya

3.3 Spiritual Training Stages 99

xiv LIST OF MAPS

Map No. Page No.

4.1 French Colonies in Africa 112

4.2 Western Sudan map showing the Hajj ÑUmar’s conquered 125 kingdoms and his military fort

xv INTERVIEWS CITED

Shaykh Nuru Hakeem, Osere Ilorin (Nigeria), October & November 2010 (Arabic & Yoruba Language).

Shaykh Muhammad al-AmÊn Niass, Heliopolis Cairo, 1998 (Arabic).

ImÉm Abd al-Azeez Kolapo, Inisa (Nigeria), 2003 (Yoruba).

xvi CHAPTER ONE

1.1 INTRODUCTION

1.1.1 Background to the Study

Historical records indicate that there were two major entré-points of Islam into what later came to be known as Africa. These were the Egyptian and the Maghrebian points. Whereas the first dates back to the arrival of ÑAmr bn al-ÑÓs as governor of

Egypt during the suzerainty of ÑUmar bn al-KhaÏÏÉb (634-644), the second, which is of more relevance to this study, is traceable to the triumphant efforts of Uqba bin Nāfʿi

(622-683), who led the Muslim army to Hispania in the Maghreb. Historians are of the opinion that the emergence of Islam in the West African sub-region during the 11th century and the Sufi movements in the region, particularly those often referred to as the Marabouts, partly owed its origin to the Uqba b. Nafi’s invasion mentioned above.

The success recorded by him in establishing Islam in the Maghreb consequently led to the dispersal of Muslims of various identities featuring itinerant Arab scholars and

Sufi Shaykhs from parts of North Africa into the then Bilad al-Sudan. Scholars of

Islam in West Africa have identified and explored the beliefs and practices of the various Sufi movements, otherwise referred to as marabouts, during the era. It has been discovered that the methodological approach of each Marabouts in the way they propagate and spread Islam keep changing according to the condition and need of their time.

One of those Sufi leaders of the early-modern era who has significantly contributed to the popularization and development of Islam in what later came to be known as West Africa was Al-Hajj Shaykh Ibrāhīm Niass (r.a), who is popularly

1 referred to by his followers as ‘the bringer of the Spiritual Flood’ (SāÍib al-Fayda).

He emerged during the first half of the twentieth century – an era during which colonization of African countries was at its peak. It was equally an epoch in which

Christian missionaries appeared to have devised new weapons to proselytize among the people of Africa, suppress and prepare them for full acceptance of colonialism in the name of religion (Christianity). This research therefore explores the uncanny intersection or rather interface between Sufism and colonialism. It examines how religion is deployed both as an instrument for (Christianity) and against (Islam) violent subjection of the people of West Africa through the agency of Islamic mysticism.

1.2 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM

It is consensual among scholars of Islam, particularly those with interest in revivalism and revivalist movements in the religion, that the emergence of those often referred to as Mujaddids within its polity is usually in response either to intra-Muslim socio- political and spiritual valences or as counterfoil for currents from outside the religion which have potentials to imperil its mission and vision in a given Muslim community.

When carefully contemplated, this assumption may be found to be valid in reference to, for example, the Jihad of Uthman bn. Fodio in Sokoto (1803-1815), the

MuÍammad AÍmed al-Mahdh’s effort in Sudan (1881-1899) and the anti-colonialist- cum-revivalist movement of Abdullah of Somaliland (1899-1920). However, whereas it is arguable to say that there is panoply of textual evidences in support of the emergence of revivalist movements among Muslim communities across different eras, there appears to be an urgent necessity to explore more carefully the deployment of revivalism as a weapon against colonialism in Muslim societies in Africa during the

2 early 20th century. In other words, though it has been established that the religion of

Islam is sui generis is its ability to reinvent itself, scholars of Islam need to account for how “Islamic” revivalism can become an instrument for anti-colonialism. This becomes all the more important if consideration is given to the fact that the experience of colonialism is nothing but one of the three axes of an ideology the remaining two being Christianity and Commerce. Discussions and analyses of the interface between

Islamic mysticism qua revivalism would therefore have to be circumscribed by the exploration of how the latter became a fountain from which Muslim subjects in the colonies engage colonial powers in identity politics. We need to inquire into how

Islamic revivalism functioned in changing the popular narrative in the colonies which has been described as follows: “Feeling a sense of shame about their own cultural heritage, faith and their religion, they embraced the value of an alien Western culture and began to ape the colonizers, emulating specific aspect of their life-style and attempting to shape the society on the model of the Western intruders”1.

Further, a careful contemplation of contemporary challenges facing the Muslim world seems to compel the conclusion that lack of proper analyses and application of lessons in cross-cultural encounters between the world of Islam and that of the West in the past is partly responsible for current civilizational conflicts and intra-Muslim arguments and contestations. Such appears to nest in the experience of French colonialism in Senegal and the Sufi movement led by Shaykh Ibrahim. His engagement with French colonial authorities is equally instructive of the whole question of the extent to which the ÑUlamÉ’ can participate in the affairs of the state.

Inscribed into the above is the question whether the best jihad is the pacifist one after all, not that which is transacted in violence and the attendant loss of life. In other

1A. Rashid Moten, “Political Science: an Islamic Perspective”, (London: Macmillan press, 1996), 10.

3 words, Shaykh Ibrahim Niass’s peaceful engagement with the French, his abhorrence for militancy and violence has led to a split among critics. Whereas a group holds that there can be no link between Sufism and violence, others argue that violence could become acceptable based on necessity. Those who hold on to the former would always cite Shaykh Ibrahim Niass as an ideal Sufi who has used his life time in propagating

Islam and the Tijāniyyah order by making use of non-violence as a method. For him,

Sufism is the way to perfect one’s worship of the Lord and the dealings and as a means to participate in building society. Influence of his teaching affects religious and social-political aspects of most West African countries. It should be important to explore these dynamics in greater detail. Meanwhile, the following questions become extremely important:

1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

1- In what ways did Muslim religious leaders in French West Africa “AOF”

(Afrique Occidentale Française) respond to colonial administrative

system, especially the Tijānis?

2- What are the differences and the similarities between the early Marabouts

and Shaykh Ibrāhīm’s method in responding to colonial setting?

3- What are the fundamental reasons responsible for the response of Shaykh

Shaykh Ibrāhīm Niass to French colonial administration?

4- To what extent have notions of Islam and Muslim been changed in

response to modernism in the twentieth century in West African

communities?

5- What are the reasons responsible for the shifts in spiritual power and

authority in West African Muslim societies in the post -colonial period?

4 6- How did Shaykh Ibrāhīm Niass propagate Islam and Tijāniyya Sufi order

across West Africa and beyond?

7- What are the influences of the teachings of Shaykh Ibrāhīm Niass on his

followers today?

8- In other words, finally, why did the colonizers put him and his activities

under full surveillance both in French West Africa “AOF” (Afrique

Occidentale Franẓaise) and as well in British colonies?

1.4 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

There is hardly a concept in Islam which has been a locus of controversy and contestations such as Sufism. Scholarly opinion on the concept are consequently diverse and multifarious. One way by which pro-Sufi scholars –if as such they may be described- have tried to justify its existence is to say that Sufism is an integral part of

Islam from the day it made its emergence in the annals of humanity. They have also argued that much of the controversy around Sufi practices border largely on ignorance and that Islamic mysticism refers to nothing other than life dedicated to religious devotion, asceticism, and good morals among others. In other words, Sufism, though unknown in early Islamic period, actually began with Prophet MuÍammad (peace of

AllÉh be upon him). His life of self-abnegation and asceticism eventually became a virtue which was passed down to his companions and especially ‘AÎÍÉb al-Øufa2 and to generations after one another.

2AÍl al-Øufa were the poor among the companions of the prophet who migrated to MadÊna and were residing at the back side of the prophet’s mosque in an area known as “al-Øufa”. It was reported that when the Qibla was changed from Bayt al-Maqdis to al-KaÑba, sixteen months after ×ijra, the wall to the former Qibla remained standing. Prophet then ordered the ØaÍÉba to cover it with a roof and to be prepared as a lodge for the poors among the ØaÍÉba and for the strangers, and later that place was given the name “al-Øufa. Meanwhile, those who used to reside in this place were named as AÍl al-Øufa/ AÎÍÉb al-Øufa. Later on people refers to these people as the first generation of SËfis who emulates the

5 A number of definitions had been given to Sufism which summarize its meaning, practices and conditions surrounding its exercises. According to Imam al-

GhazÉlÊ, “Sufism is to worship AllÉh in the level of IÍsÉn (spiritual excellence).”3

Moreover, what could be extracted from the genre of literatures on Sufism seems to be that it is a way to exercise spiritual cleansing through several approaches such as embarking on supererogatory worships like fasting, night vigil for prayer, and on top of that living an ascetic life by which one earns and consumes ÍalÉl (lawful) food and drinks, and establishes the best of characters in relationship with other creatures. It is something believed by the followers of Sufi brotherhoods (al-Turuq al-SËfiyya) that one could be endowed with esoteric knowledge only after when the veil of this earthly world is removed, and the only way of removing it is to exercise spiritual training under a qualified Sufi master. MurÊd-Shaykh relationship was considered as important charnel by which the novice could have access to the cognizance, hence Shaykh is considered as the physician who diagnoses the diseases of his murÊd and capable of prescribing the remedy to cure the novice’s malady.

Sufism was at the early stage practiced individually and the practitioners were identified as ZuhÉd (ascetics), NusÉk (devotees) or ÑUbÉd (worshipers).4 It was in the era of al-TabiÑÊn (the generation after the companions of the Prophet), precisely, in the third and fourth century of Islam then Sufism formulated into brotherhood, and most of these Sufi groups were named after their founder. Examples of that are al-

Sukutiyya named after al-SirÊ al-SukutÊ, al-ÙayfËriyya named after ÙayfËri al-BisÏanÊ, al-Junaydiyya named after al-Junayd, al-KharÉziyya named after Abi SaÑÊd al-KharÉz,

prophet MuÍammad. For their names and numbers see AbÊ AbdullÉh MuÍammad b.ÑAbdullah al- ×Ékim al-NaysÉbËrÊ, al-Mustadrik alÉ al-ØaÍÊÍayn vol.3, book 1673 (Bairut: DÉr al-MaÑrifa, 1998), 555-55. 3AbË ×Émid al-GhazalÊ, al-ÑArbaÑÊn fi UÎËl al-DÊn (Damasqus: DÉr al-Qalam), 60- 65. 4 Muḥammad Mustapha Ḥilmī, Al-Ḥayāt al-Rūḥiyya fi al-Islām (Cairo: DÉr al-Kitāb al-MiÎrī,), 83-96.

6 al-NËriyya named after AbÊ al-×assan al-NËrÊ;5 coming down to centuries after that where we have contemporarily al-QÉdiriyya named after his founder ÑAbd al-QÉdir al-

JaylÉnÊ, al-Tijaniyya after AÍmad bin MuÍammad al-TijÉnÊ, al-SanËsiyya after his founder AÍmad al-Sharif al-SanËsÊ, and many others.

But the establishment of such a strong foundation for Sufism in Islamic history such as the above, has not led, in any way, to the cessation of argument for and against the practice among Muslim clergy, scholars and the laity. In recent times, many Sufis have been labelled as aberrants and deviants. While anti-Sufi arguments include the fact that Prophet Muhammad did not leave behind or exercise such practices during his life time, those in favour usually respond by saying that most of their litanies and practices are taken directly from the Prophet. It is customary for Sufi practitioners to claim the beatific vision of the Prophet. Sufi scholars, such as MuÍammad al-Zawawi

(d. 1477), AÍmad al-TijÉnÊ (1735-1815),, and MuÍammad b. ÑAli Al-SanËsi (1787-

1859) among the others, have written compendia such beatific interactions for the benefit of their followers and the Muslim world as a whole.

An integral part of the Muslim world where much arguments exist over Sufi practice is the West African sub-region. In this part of the world, as has been mentioned above, Sufi practitioners were earliest agents of Islamization of the said region. They were responsible for the spread of Islam and creating Muslim space and time. Sufi practice in the region, like other aspects of Islamic culture, later experienced corruption, a thing which necessitated the emergence of individuals such of Shaykh Ibrahim Niass who strove not only to revive the pristine Sufi culture but also reclaim the glory of Islam in the region. But his emergence coincided with the onset of colonialism in the Muslim world. In other words, aside from trying to revive

5Ibid., 134.

7 Islamic culture, Shaykh Ibrahim Niass had to contend with the hegemonic powers of

French colonialism. Like other colonized peoples of Africa and Asia, Shaykh Ibrahim

Niass could not fathom the argument which drove the colonial mentality.

In other words, while it was difficult for the colonized to make sense of an idea which drove the Europeans to venture out of Europe to other parts of the world, the colonists themselves were in full grasp of their agenda. For example, European colonialism was driven by the “civilizing mission”- the need to introduce a standard civilization and superior culture of the Europeans to the natives and indigenous peoples of Asia and Africa. It was fuelled by the assumption that the peoples of Africa and Asia were wretched, savages and were in utter need of redemption. For most scholars in the field, the whole idea of colonialism is synonymous with imperialism – a strategy by Europe to exploit the fertile territories of Africa and Asia economically and politically. Hence European colonialism evolved and flourished. There occurred an increased oppression of native populations and enslavement of Africans which later resulted to transatlantic slave trade. All these were rooted in the growing desire of

Europeans to fulfil their luxury demand, and to unearth precious materials such as golds and silvers among others. The latter were important to the whole idea of industrialization of Europe during the early 20th century. It is a necessity to combat this inhumanity masked under European civilization of Africa and Asia which provided incentive to the emergence of revivalist movements in parts of Africa. It is around the same axis, notwithstanding the anti-Sufi argument, which partly gave credence to the Tijaniyyah movement led by Shaykh Ibrahim Niass.