Doing More and Expecting Less: the Future of US Alliances in the Asia Pacific

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Doing More and Expecting Less: the Future of US Alliances in the Asia Pacific Doing More and Expecting Less: The Future of US Alliances in the Asia Pacific Edited by Carl Baker and Brad Glosserman Issues & Insights Vol. 13 – No. 1 Honolulu, Hawaii January 2013 Pacific Forum CSIS Based in Honolulu, the Pacific Forum CSIS (www.pacforum.org) operates as the autonomous Asia-Pacific arm of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, DC. The Forum’s programs encompass current and emerging political, security, economic, business, and oceans policy issues through analysis and dialogue undertaken with the region’s leaders in the academic, government, and corporate arenas. Founded in 1975, it collaborates with a broad network of research institutes from around the Pacific Rim, drawing on Asian perspectives and disseminating project findings and recommendations to opinion leaders, governments, and members of the public throughout the region. Table of Contents Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................... iv Executive Summary ..................................................................................................... v Chapter 1 US Alliances in the Asia Pacific: The Evolving Narrative........................................ 1 Chapter 2 Down Under and In Between: Australian Security Perspectives in the ‘Asian Century’ ........................................................................................................................ 16 Chapter 3 The US-Japan Alliance: Where from and Where to?............................................... 25 Chapter 4 The ROK-US Alliance: Past, Present, and Future .................................................... 41 Chapter 5 The US-Philippines Alliance: Meeting 21st Century Security Challenges .............. 55 Chapter 6 The US-Thailand Alliance: Perceptions, Realities, and the Way Forward ............ 67 Chapter 7 US Alliances in the Asia Pacific: Doing More and Expecting Less ......................... 79 About the Authors ........................................................................................................ 99 iii Acknowledgements This volume is the culmination of a Pacific Forum project to examine the state and future of the US alliances in the Asia Pacific, identify shared interests and concerns about their future, and develop policy recommendations on ways to adapt these alliances to a new security environment. Throughout the series of nine workshops with partner institutions in each allied country, we had many valuable and provocative discussions about the role of the alliances in the emerging security architecture in Asia. Especially rewarding were the often spirited debates about the changing role of the alliances in addressing emerging regional security concerns and the influence of a rising China. What we could not have anticipated early in the process was the dramatic changes that occurred in the region over the three-year period of the project. The contributions in this volume attempt to both summarize the broad outlines of the discussions while also synthesizing the conclusions with subsequent developments that have shaped the current security environment. The Pacific Forum CSIS wishes to thank the MacArthur Foundation for its generous support and guidance throughout the project. Co-sponsoring organizations for the individual workshops also deserve special mention as they were most generous with time and resources to help ensure success. These include the Kokoda Foundation in Australia, the Research Institute for Peace and Security in Japan, the Institute of Foreign Affairs and National Security in the Republic of Korea, the Yuchengco Center – De La Salle University and the Philippine Institute for Peace, Violence, and Terrorism Research in the Philippines, and the National Defence Studies Institute in Thailand. We are also grateful to the many security specialists, in and out of government, in Australia, Japan, Republic of Korea, Philippines, Thailand, and the United States, who took time out of their busy schedules to join us in various locations around the region to help everyone gain a better understanding of the individual alliances, the prospects for greater collaboration among alliance partners, and the alternative approaches to maximizing the benefits of alliances for ensuring peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. The views expressed here do not necessarily represent the views of the governments, the co-sponsoring institutes, or the group of workshop participants as a whole. iv Executive Summary This volume examines the role of US alliances in the Asia Pacific, outlining their evolution and offering policy recommendations on how to adapt them to a changing regional security environment. To this end, a group of scholars and policymakers met at regular intervals over a three-year period to examine the alliances and the role they have played in shaping US engagement and the relationships among the alliance partners. While each alliance has its own history and each relationship has been shaped by events and circumstances, the system of bilateral alliances with the US has been a key part of the security architecture in the Asia-Pacific region for the past half century. A close examination of the evolution of the alliances as a system (the “hub-and- spoke” model) since 1951 reveals several shifts in the rationale for maintaining the system. These changes are being driven by changing security perceptions, the increased role of multilateral organizations in promoting security cooperation, the broadening of the US alliance partnerships, the growing importance of other US security partners in the region, and the rise of Chinese influence in the region. Several common features emerge from these analyses. First, there is a growing expectation that the alliance partners will take on greater responsibility within the bilateral relationship, which challenges the fundamental asymmetry that has characterized each alliance. Second, there has been more collaboration on broader regional and global security issues. Third, there has been a tentative move away from the hub-and-spoke model to a more networked system. Fourth, China’s recent aggressiveness in asserting its territorial claims has led some alliance partners to seek reassurances from the US regarding its commitment to mutual defense. Changing power relations in the region have created tension within the alliance system. Concern over the way forward has been rekindled as each alliance partner has been forced to reflect on the value of its alliance. The chapters on individual alliances describe how alliance partners have embraced a broader role in pursuing common interests at the regional and global level, especially in South Korea and Australia. In Southeast Asia, the authors describe both sides of the growing influence of China – for Thailand it has reduced the importance of the alliance with the US; in the Philippines it has provided a new rationale for reinvigorating the alliance relationship. Since the end of the Cold War, alliance partners have at times struggled to find a common rationale for sustaining the alliance with the US. While Australia remains committed to its alliance with the US and continues to lead efforts to integrate the US into the multilateral architecture, recent debates over its long-term interests in the “Asian Century” have challenged long-held assumptions about the role of the US alliance in its security. Japan remains focused on military and defense cooperation rather than on broader security issues. More than any other US ally in Asia, South Korea has recognized the value of the alliance for promoting its interests in regional and global issues. Yet, that recognition has not translated into closer cooperation with Japan on regional security issues. The Philippines views itself as a strong supporter of the US engagement in Asia, but its primary interest is using the bilateral alliance to reinforce its own security agenda. Among the five allies, Thailand has been the most reluctant to acknowledge the influence of the alliance in shaping its security policies. Instead, the common impression is that v Thailand has maintained the alliance with the US to avoid creating difficulties with the US and sees little value in giving the alliance a more central role. There is a wide range of options available to the US and its partners as they contemplate ways to adapt the existing alliance system to the regional security environment. The most ambitious version of alliance integration would be a system similar to NATO. On the other end of the spectrum, the US could reduce its reliance on the alliances, allowing them to atrophy while reinforcing the importance of “coalitions of the willing” and other regional organizations. This would force its alliance partners to take a more autonomous security posture. An intermediate approach that could lead to stronger alliance integration is to establish trilateral or quadrilateral coordination mechanisms. Reducing military deployments to the region would likely lead to more reliance on ad hoc functional responses to crises and increase the importance of ASEAN-centered regional organizations as the basis for the regional security architecture. Lessons from this assessment provide important guidelines for thinking about regional engagement with Asia. Policy makers should lower expectations about what the system of alliances can deliver. The US must recognize that its influence has diminished as Asia has acquired its own economic
Recommended publications
  • 1 Brazil's Smart Power: a New Way to Influence International Politics Danielle Jacon Ayres Pinto1 SUMARY the Strategy of Brazili
    Brazil's Smart Power: A New Way to Influence International Politics Danielle Jacon Ayres Pinto1 SUMARY The strategy of Brazilian foreign policy in the last decade shows a latent desire to increase your international importance and regional leadership. However, the molds of this projection and leadership were grounded, reveals a change in traditional patterns of international influence, the focus of Brazilian’s foreign policy is influence others countries without coercive force, just with cooperation and multilateral relations. In that sense, this paper aims to explore the idea of a new form of leadership and international influence that can be analyzed through the conceptual prism of Smart Power created by the author Joseph Nye Jr., and how this new perspective can be applied in the current Brazilian foreign policy. Smart Power is understood as the junction of three kinds of power: military, economic and soft power, and to improve it is necessary to think develop five areas: alliances, partnerships and institutions, global development, public diplomacy; economic integration and innovation and technology. So, this paper wants to show how that new way of power, SMART POWER, can be useful to build a different kind of international influence in the twenty-first century. Keywords: Smart Power, Absolute Gains, Foreign Policy, Brazil 1. Introduction To think the Brazilian’s strategy foreign policy in the last decade, more than an exercise in analyzing the facts of reality, it is a rethinking of theories of international relations and how States, major actors on the international scene, adapted their actions to achieve their political, economic and also military objectives.
    [Show full text]
  • The San Francisco System: Past, Present, Future in U.S.- Japan-China Relations サンフランシスコ体制 米日中関係の過去、 現在、そして未来
    Volume 12 | Issue 8 | Number 2 | Article ID 4079 | Feb 23, 2014 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus The San Francisco System: Past, Present, Future in U.S.- Japan-China Relations サンフランシスコ体制 米日中関係の過去、 現在、そして未来 John W. Dower controversies and tensions involving Japan, China, and the United States. NOTE: This essay, written in January 2013, appears as the first section in a book co- Take, for example, a single day in China: authored by John W. Dower and GavanSeptember 18, 2012. Demonstrators in scores McCormack and published in Japaneseof Chinese cities were protesting Japan's claims translation by NHK Shuppan Shinsho in to the tiny, uninhabited islands in the East January 2014 under the title Tenkanki no Nihon China Sea known as Senkaku in Japanese and e: "Pakkusu Amerikana" ka-"Pakkusu Ajia" ka Diaoyu in Chinese-desecrating the Hi no Maru ("Japan at a Turning Point-Pax Americana? Pax flag and forcing many China-based Japanese Asia?"; the second section is an essay by factories and businesses to temporarily shut McCormack on Japan's client-state relationship down. with the United States focusing on the East China Sea "periphery," and the book concludes Simultaneously, Chinese leaders were accusing with an exchange of views on current tensions the United States and Japan of jointly pursuing in East Asia as seen in historical perspective). a new "containment of China" policy- An abbreviated version of the Dower essay also manifested, most recently, in the decision to will be included in a forthcoming volume on the build a new level of ballistic-missile defenses in San Francisco System and its legacies edited Japan as part of the Obama administration's by Kimie Hara and published by Routledge.
    [Show full text]
  • H-Diplo Article Review Forum Commissioned for H-Diplo by Thomas Maddux Published on 16 May 2016
    H-Diplo Article Review 20 16 H-Diplo Article Review Editors: Thomas Maddux H-Diplo and Diane Labrosse H-Diplo Article Reviews Web and Production Editor: George Fujii No. 614 An H-Diplo Article Review Forum Commissioned for H-Diplo by Thomas Maddux Published on 16 May 2016 H-Diplo Forum on “Beyond and Between the Cold War Blocs,” Special Issue of The International History Review 37:5 (December 2015): 901-1013. Introduction by Janick Marina Schaufelbuehl, University of Lausanne; Sandra Bott University of Lausanne; Jussi Hanhimäki, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies; and Marco Wyss, University of Chichester Reviewed by: Anne Deighton, The University of Oxford Juergen Dinkel, Justus-Liebig-University Wen-Qing Ngoei, Northwestern University Johanna Rainio-Niemi, University of Helsinki, Finland URL: http://tiny.cc/AR614 Introduction1 by Janick Marina Schaufelbuehl, Sandra Bott, Jussi Hanhimäki, and Marco Wyss2 “Non-Alignment, the Third Force, or Fence-Sitting: Independent Pathways in the Cold War” n his recollection of recent events such as the Bandung Conference, the Soviet proposals for a unified and neutralised Germany, and the signing of the Austrian Treaty, veteran journalist Hanson W. Baldwin Iwrote in the New York Times in May 1955 that these ‘and half a dozen other developments in Europe and 1 H-Diplo would like to thanks Professor Andrew Williams, editor of IHR, and the four authors of this introduction, for granting us permission to publish this review. It original appeared as “Janick Marina Schaufelbuehl, Sandra Bott, Jussi Hanhimäki, and Marco Wyss, “Non-Alignment, the Third Force, or Fence-Sitting: Independent Pathways in the Cold War.” The International History Review 37:5 (December 2015): 901-911.
    [Show full text]
  • The London School of Economics and Political Science the Crafting Of
    The London School of Economics and Political Science The Crafting of the Treaty of Peace with Japan, 1945-1951 Seung Mo Kang A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2020 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 99,908 words. 2 Acknowledgements I really could not have done this project alone and I owe thanks to so many people. I would first like to thank my supervisor Dr. Antony Best for always being willing to talk to me and for his meticulous review of my work. Throughout the course of my studies, he has taught me how to prioritize, summarize, clarify and most importantly to engage and write like an historian and not simply copy-and-paste interesting facts that previous books and articles did not mention.
    [Show full text]
  • Korean Exclusion from the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Pacific Ap Ct Syrus Jin
    Washington University in St. Louis Washington University Open Scholarship Senior Honors Papers / Undergraduate Theses Undergraduate Research Spring 5-2019 The aC sualties of U.S. Grand Strategy: Korean Exclusion from the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Pacific aP ct Syrus Jin Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/undergrad_etd Part of the Asian History Commons, Diplomatic History Commons, Japanese Studies Commons, Korean Studies Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Jin, Syrus, "The asC ualties of U.S. Grand Strategy: Korean Exclusion from the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Pacific aP ct" (2019). Senior Honors Papers / Undergraduate Theses. 14. https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/undergrad_etd/14 This Unrestricted is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Research at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Papers / Undergraduate Theses by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Casualties of U.S. Grand Strategy: Korean Exclusion from the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Pacific Pact By Syrus Jin A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for Honors in History In the College of Arts and Sciences Washington University in St. Louis Advisor: Elizabeth Borgwardt 1 April 2019 © Copyright by Syrus Jin, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Jin ii Dedicated to the members of my family: Dad, Mom, Nika, Sean, and Pebble. ii Jin iii Abstract From August 1945 to September 1951, the United States had a unique opportunity to define and frame how it would approach its foreign relations in the Asia-Pacific region.
    [Show full text]
  • Smart Power’ and Its Impact on the Transatlantic Security Partnership
    The US Shift Towards ‘Smart Power’ and its Impact on the Transatlantic Security Partnership EU Diplomacy Papers 2 / 2010 Sophie Lecoutre Department of EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies www.coleurope.eu Department of EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies EU Diplomacy Papers 2/2010 The US Shift towards ‘Smart Power’ and its Impact on the Transatlantic Security Partnership Sophie Lecoutre © Sophie Lecoutre 2010 Dijver 11 | BE-8000 Bruges, Belgium | Tel. +32 (0)50 477 251 | Fax +32 (0)50 477 250 | E-mail [email protected] | www.coleurope.eu/ird Sophie Lecoutre About the Author Sophie Lecoutre holds a Master’s degree in European Studies (2008) from the Institute of Political Science of Lille, France, which included an exchange year at the University of Virginia’s College of Arts and Sciences, United States (2007). In 2009, she completed the MA in EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies (Marcus Aurelius promotion) at the College of Europe in Bruges, Belgium. She is currently carrying out an internship at the French Permanent Representation to NATO in Brussels. This paper is a shortened and updated version of her Master’s thesis submitted at the College of Europe. Editorial Team: Benjamin Barton, André Ghione, Sieglinde Gstöhl, Dieter Mahncke, Jing Men, Anne- Claire Marangoni, Hugo Palma, Shannon Petry Dijver 11 | BE-8000 Bruges, Belgium | Tel. +32 (0)50 477 251 | Fax +32 (0)50 477 250 | E-mail [email protected] | www.coleurope.eu/ird Views expressed in the EU Diplomacy Papers are those of the authors only and do not necessarily reflect positions of either the series editors or the College of Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • The European Union Vs. the Eurasian Economic Union: “Integration Race 2.0”?
    Przegląd Europejski vol. 2019, no. 3 doi: 10.5604/01.3001.0013.5846 The European Union vs. the Eurasian Economic Union: “integration race 2.0”? Andrey A. Kinyakin, Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN), Universty of Potsdam ORCID ID: 0000-0003-4428-508X Svetlana Kucheriavaia, University of Warsaw ORCID ID: 0000-0002-7846-6893 Abstract One of the most remarkable features of regional development in Eurasia is the competition between the European Union (EU) and Russia within the so called “contested neighborhood”, e.g. the post- -Soviet space. Originated in the 1990s it gained the special momentum in 2000s after the beginning of the Russia-led “Eurasian integration process”, leading to the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) in 2015. That fact brought the competition between the EU and Russia to the new level, e.g. the “integration race”, which had the strong impact on the whole post-Soviet space. The most obvious outcome of that process is the outburst of the Ukrainian crisis in 2013, which on the one hand contributed to further exacerbation of the EU-Russia relations, on the other – it paved the way to elaboration of the new forms and tools of the integration activities. However, it failed to bring the “integration race” between the EU and the Russia-led EAEU to the standstill. Being in the latent “crystallisation” phase, this process goes further with the covert competition between the integration blocks. Its actors are not only the non-aligned post-Soviet states, but also the existing members of the integration structures. All the mentioned above factors makes the “new edition” of the “integration race” rather dangerous because further acceleration of such a competition can lead to the large-scale rivalry between the EU and the EAEU, which may cause unpredictable consequ- ences.
    [Show full text]
  • Distributed Energy System in Southeast Asia
    Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia DISTRIBUTED ENERGY SYSTEM IN SOUTHEAST ASIA By Han Phoumin, Shigeru Kimura, Saleh Abdurrahman, Jiraporn Sirikum, Lana Rose A. Manaligod, and Zaharin Zulkifli © Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia, 2018 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form by any means electronic or mechanical without prior written notice to and permission from ERIA. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia, its Governing Board, Academic Advisory Council, or the institutions and governments they represent. The findings, interpretations, conclusions, and views expressed in their respective chapters are entirely those of the author/s and do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia, its Governing Board, Academic Advisory Council, or the institutions and governments they represent. Any error in content or citation in the respective chapters is the sole responsibility of the author/s. Material in this publication may be freely quoted or reprinted with proper acknowledgement. This report was prepared by the Working Group for Distributed Energy System (DES) in ASEAN under the Energy Project of the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA). Members of the Working Group, who were selected from ASEAN, discussed and agreed to certain key assumptions of DES as a basis for writing this report. This aimed to harmonise the forecasting techniques of the future growth of DES.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Allies: Comparing US Alliances in the 21St Century
    GLOBAL ALLIES COMPARING US ALLIANCES IN THE 21ST CENTURY GLOBAL ALLIES COMPARING US ALLIANCES IN THE 21ST CENTURY EDITED BY MICHAEL WESLEY Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Global allies : comparing US alliances in the 21st century / Michael Wesley (editor). ISBN: 9781760461171 (paperback) 9781760461188 (ebook) Subjects: Balance of power. Alliances. United States--Foreign relations--Asia. United States--Foreign relations--Europe. United States--Politics and government--21st century. Other Creators/Contributors: Wesley, Michael, 1968- editor. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press This edition © 2017 ANU Press Contents List of Acronyms . vii 1 . Global Allies in a Changing World . 1 Michael Wesley 2 . Japan: From Passive Partner to Active Ally . 15 HDP Envall 3 . Germany: A Lynchpin Ally? . 31 Markus Kaim 4 . Continuity Amidst Change: The Korea – United States Alliance . 45 Youngshik Bong 5 . Denmark’s Fight Against Irrelevance, or the Alliance Politics of ‘Punching Above Your Weight’ . 59 Kristian Søby Kristensen & Kristian Knus Larsen 6 . Crusaders and Pragmatists: Australia Debates the American Alliance . 77 Brendan Taylor & William T Tow 7 . The Challenges and Dynamics of Alliance Policies: Norway, NATO and the High North . 91 Wrenn Yennie Lindgren & Nina Græger 8 . An Ally at the Crossroads: Thailand in the US Alliance System .
    [Show full text]
  • Powerplay: the Origins of the American Alliance System in Asia
    © Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. 1 THE PUZZLE We were huddled in the cramped quarters of the US Secretary of State’s airplane, planning for our next stop in Sydney, Australia. The most cov- eted space on the Boeing C- 32, the Secretary’s suite, comes complete with a foldout couch and flat screen TV. But given the numbers in the room, we were all seated cross- legged on the floor like overgrown boy scouts around a campfire, in shirts and ties, rumpled from the seven- hour flight from Jakarta. We ran through the policy items for the meetings with Prime Minister John Howard and Foreign Minister Alexander Downer, with each staff person briefing on his or her area of expertise: China, UN reform, Iraq, Afghanistan, Indonesia, North Korea. The last issue was the East Asia Summit (EAS). A new organization created largely through Ma- laysia’s initiative, EAS had gained the interest of many countries in Asia as the first true indigenously created regional institution. The Singaporeans were hosting the next meeting and the Australians and Japanese sorely wanted the United States to join this new grouping, in no small part to prevent the Chinese from dominating the organization. There were ben- efits to being included in the grouping. Membership would constitute a good representation opportunity in the region for the United States. At the same time, a US commitment to EAS, which still had not evinced a clear agenda or mission as a regionwide institution, would detract from the work of the other regional body, the Asia- Pacific Economic Cooper- ation Council (APEC).
    [Show full text]
  • Japan-Republic of China Relations Under US Hegemony: a Genealogy of ‘Returning Virtue for Malice’
    Japan-Republic of China Relations under US Hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Joji Kijima Department of Politics and International Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2005 ProQuest Number: 10673194 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673194 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract Japan-Republic of China relations under US hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Much of Chiang Kai-shek’s ‘returning virtue for malice’ (yide baoyuan ) postwar Japan policy remains to be examined. This thesis mainly shows how the discourse of ‘returning virtue for malice’ facilitated Japan’s diplomatic recognition of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan during the Cold War era. More conceptually, this study re- conceptualizes foreign policy as discourse—that of moral reciprocity—as it sheds light on the question of recognition as well as the consensual aspect of hegemony. By adopting a genealogical approach, this discourse analysis thus traces the descent and emergence of the ‘returning virtue for malice’ trope while it examines its discursive effect on Tokyo’s recognition of Taipei under American hegemony.
    [Show full text]
  • Assessing U.S. Bilateral Security Alliances in the Asia Pacific's “Southern Rim”: Why the San Francisco System Endures
    Assessing U.S. Bilateral Security Alliances in the Asia Pacific’s “Southern Rim”: Why the San Francisco System Endures William T. Tow October 1999 1 2 About the Author William T. Tow is an associate professor in International Relations with the University of Queensland’s Department of Government. His primary research interests are East Asian security issues, alliance politics, and international security affairs, and he has written widely on all these issues. He is currently director of UQ’s International Relations and Asian Politics Research Unit (IRAPRU), serves on the Australian Foreign Affairs Council, and is on the Australian Member Board, Council for Security and Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific (AUS- CSCAP). He also served on the Australian-American Educational Foundation’s (Fulbright Commission’s) National Board of Directors from 1991-1996. He has traveled widely throughout the Asia Pacific and frequently lectures to academic, government, and public settings in the region. Work leading to this publication has been supported by the Australian Research Council. Before immigrating to Australia in 1991, he was an assistant professor at the University of Southern California’s School of International Relations in Los Angeles. 3 4 Assessing U.S. Bilateral Security Alliances in the Asia Pacific’s “Southern Rim”: Why the San Francisco System Endures William T. Tow At the turn of the century, the United States’ postwar alliance network remains a key component of its international security policy. That policy is fundamentally based on maintaining military superiority over current and potential rivals in the Eurasian landmass. To achieve this goal, the United States must be able to sustain a force presence in Europe and Asia that can shape the balance of power in both regions during peacetime.
    [Show full text]