Predictors of Political Participation in New Democracies

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Predictors of Political Participation in New Democracies PREDICTORS OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN NEW DEMOCRACIES: A COMPARATIVE STUDY Elnari Potgieter Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at the Stellenbosch University Supervisor : Prof P.V.D.P. du Toit Co-Supervisor: Dr C.L. Steenekamp Department of Political Science Stellenbosch University December 2013 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za DECLARATION By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the authorship owner thereof (unless to the extent explicitly otherwise stated) and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Signed: E. Potgieter Date: 20 November 2013 Copyright © 2013 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved i Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za ABSTRACT Comparative studies investigating predictors of political participation in new democracies are rare. This study addresses an identified gap in the literature on predictors of political participation in new democracies in order to build on the rich body of literature concerned with political participation and democratic consolidation which already exists, but also to contribute towards understanding the role of citizens and their decisions pertaining to political participation in new democracies. In order to address the identified gap, this cross-national comparative study uses World Values Survey (2006) data for Chile, Poland, South Africa, and South Korea as part of a cross-sectional secondary analysis aimed at ascertaining what predictors of political participation can be identified for these new democracies. Drawing primarily from studies by Shin (1999) and Dalton (2008) which used the Civic Voluntarism Model by Verba, Schlozman and Brady (1995) as theoretical framework, predictors of political participation considered in this study include: personal resources (level of education and self-reported social class), political engagement and motivation (political interest and left- right political ideology), group membership and networks, as well as demographic attributes (age, gender and size of town). Forms of political participation investigated include: voting as conventional form of participation; and boycotts, petitions and demonstrations as forms of political protest behaviour. The relationships between the possible predictors of participation and forms of political participation were determined by multiple regression analysis. The main findings by this study are that political interest is an important predictor of voting and political protest behaviour; age is a strong predictor of voting; and group membership has a greater impact on political protest behaviour than on voting. ii Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za OPSOMMING Vergelykende studies wat ondersoek instel na voorspellende faktore van deelname aan politieke aktiwiteite in jong demokrasieë, is skaars. Deur indikatore van politieke deelname in nuwe demokrasieë na te vors, spreek hierdie studie dus die geïdentifiseerde gaping in die literatuur aan en brei dit uit op die korpus tekste aangaande politieke deelname en demokratiese konsolidasie. Verder bevorder dit ook ’n beter begrip van landsburgers en hul besluite rakende politieke deelname in jong demokrasieë. Ten einde die aangeduide literatuurgaping te oorbrug, steun hierdie verglykende studie op data van die “World Values Survey” (2006) vir Chili, Pole, Suid-Afrika en Suid-Korea. Dit vorm deel van ’n sekondêre analise om individuele eienskappe as voorspellers van deelname aan politieke aktiwiteite in nuwe demokrasieë, te identifiseer. Studies deur Shin (1999) en Dalton (2008), wat gebruik maak van Verba, Schlozman en Brady (1995) se “Civic Voluntarism Model”, dien as primêre teoretiese begronding. Daaruit word afgelei dat moontlike voorspellers van deelname aan politieke aktiwiteite gelys kan word as: persoonlike hulpbronne (vlak van opvoeding en self-geidentifiseerde sosiale klas); politieke betrokkenheid en motivering (belangstelling in politiek en politieke ideologie); groeplidmaatskap en –netwerke asook demografiese eienskappe (ouderdom, geslag en grootte van dorp). Die vorme van politieke aktiwiteite waaraan daar aandag gegee word, is eerstens stemgedrag tydens nasionale verkiesings as konvensionele vorm van politieke deelname en tweedens biokotte, petisies en demonstrasies as vorme van politieke protesgedrag. Die hoof bevindinge van hierdie studie is dat politieke belangstelling ‘n belangrike voorspeller is vir stemgedrag en politieke protesgedrag; ouderdom is ‘n sterk voorspeller vir deelname aan verkiesings en groeplidmaatskap het ‘n groter invloed op politieke protesgedrag as op die keuse om te stem. iii Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude towards everyone that has supported me during the writing of this thesis. Firstly, to my family – in particular my mother, Ilza Potgieter, and my grandparents, Carl and Elna Hugo. Their consistent support (despite adversities) inspires me to reach and work for every dream and goal. Secondly, to the numerous mentors who helped me with their wisdom and experience – in particular Prof Hans Müller whose wise words have guided me through various tough career and study decisions. Thirdly, to Professor Du Toit, my patient supervisor, who has motivated and guided my work despite illness, I extend my profound gratitude. Also, to Dr. Steenekamp, who assisted me in particularly with the statistical aspects of my research. Fourthly, to Professor Anthony Leysens, Tannie Magda and the rest of the Political Science Department for taking such an interest in my work and allowing me to represent the Department at the South African Association of Political Science Conference in 2012. Fifthly, to my friends who supported me throughout the completion of my thesis, in particular Genevieve Stander, Anton Botha and Naadirah Grimsel. Next, I would also like to express the deepest appreciation to the Mandela Rhodes Foundation and the staff working for this foundation – not only for providing me with the funding to complete this degree, but the vested interest they take in my development as a young African leader. Last but not least, I would like to assert my most humble gratitude to the Lord for giving me the strength, courage and ability to complete this thesis. iv Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za TABLE OF CONTENTS Declaration i Abstract ii Opsomming iii Acknowledgements iv Table of Contents v List of Tables vii List of Diagrams vii List of Abbreviations viii Chapter 1: Introduction and Outline 1 1.1. Introduction 1 1.2. Background to the study: Linking democratic consolidation and political participation 1 1.3. Research problem and research question 5 1.4. Research methodology 8 1.5. Limitations and delimitations of the study 10 1.6. Rationale and significance 12 1.7. Chapter outline 14 Chapter 2: A Literature Review 16 2.1. Introduction 16 2.2. Political participation 17 2.2.1. The development of the study of political participation as part of the study of democratic political culture 18 2.2.2. Forms of political participation 23 2.3. Perspectives on factors that motivate political participation 25 2.4. Combining two recent studies on predictors of political participation 36 2.5. Summary 38 Chapter 3: Research Design and Methodology 40 3.1. Introduction 40 3.2. Research design and methodology 40 3.2.1. A comparative analysis of four new democracies 40 3.2.2. Secondary data analysis 47 3.3. Description of datasets 49 3.3.1. World Value Survey (WVS) 49 3.3.2. Sample size and method 49 3.4. Political participation as dependent variable 51 3.4.1. Voting 52 3.4.2. Forms of political protest 53 3.5. Summary 54 Chapter 4: Analyses and Findings 55 4.1. Introduction 55 4.2. Political participation 55 4.2.1. Voting 55 4.2.2. Political protest behaviour 57 4.3. Predictors of political participation 58 4.3.1. Personal resources 59 4.3.1.1. Level of education 60 4.3.1.2. Self-reported social class 62 v Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 4.3.2. Political engagement and motivation 64 4.3.2.1. Left-right political ideology 65 4.3.2.2. Political interest 66 4.3.3.Group membership and networks 67 4.3.4. Demographics 71 4.3.4.1. Age 71 4.3.4.2. Gender 72 4.3.4.3. Size of Town/community/area 73 4.4. Multiple regression 74 4.4.1. Predictors of voting 76 4.4.2. Predictors of political protest behaviour 78 4.4.3. Interpretation of Findings 80 4.4.3.1. Model 1: Personal resources 80 4.4.3.2. Model 2: Political Motivation and engagement 85 4.4.3.3. Model 3: Group membership and networks 86 4.4.3.4. Model 4: Demographic characteristics 90 4.4.3.5. Predictive power of the independent variables 91 4.5. Summary 94 Chapter 5: Conclusion 96 5.1. Introduction 96 5.2. Democratisation and political participation 96 5.3. Predictors of political participation 97 5.4. Methodological aspects 98 5.5. Findings, interpretations and suggestions for further studies 99 5.5.1. Personal resources 99 5.5.2. Political engagement and motivation 101 5.5.3. Group membership and networks 102 5.5.4. Demographic characteristics 104 5.5.5. General 105 5.6. Conclusion 106 Bibliography 107 Appendix 120 vi Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za LIST OF TABLES Table 3.1: An overview of political society in the four selected countries 42 Table 3.2: Material and post-material as most important values, by country 44 Table 3.3: General
Recommended publications
  • Explaining Youth Participation and Non-Participation in Morocco
    Working Paper No. 36 - May 2017 ISSN 2283-5792 Explaining Youth Participation and Non-Participation in Morocco Saloua Zerhouni, Mohammed V University in Rabat This project has received funding from the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme for research, technological development and demonstration under grant agreement no 612782. Working Paper No. 36 - May 2017 Youth Participation and Non-Participation in Morocco Table of Contents Introduction 3 Methodology 1. Youth Participation in Context 5 2. Modes of Political Participation and Expression 7 2.1 Informed about and Interested in Politics 2.2 Weak Participation through Organizations 2.3 Growing Interest in Electoral Participation 2.4 A Preference for “Unconventional” Ways of Participation 3. Explaining Youth Non-Participation 13 3.1 The Centrality of Monarchical Power 3.2 Mistrust in Institutions 3.3 Political Exclusion and State Control over Spaces of Participation Conclusion 16 References 18 2 Working Paper No. 36 - May 2017 Explaining Youth Participation and Non-Participation in Morocco Saloua Zerhouni1 Abstract Based on both recent statistics from a national survey and qualitative interviews, the paper analyses the level and modalities of youth participation in Morocco’s public sphere. While individual characteristics such as education, gender, political interest and political knowledge are important for understanding the phenomenon of participation and non-participation, it is argued that contextual factors of youth participation matter. Our data demonstrate weak interest and engagement in the arena of traditional, formal politics. This sphere has become so discredited over the years that participation through political parties and elections is now being perceived by a majority of young people as meaningless.
    [Show full text]
  • Philosophy & Social Criticism
    Philosophy & Social Criticism http://psc.sagepub.com/ Apathy: the democratic disease Jeffrey E. Green Philosophy Social Criticism 2004 30: 745 DOI: 10.1177/0191453704045763 The online version of this article can be found at: http://psc.sagepub.com/content/30/5-6/745 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com Additional services and information for Philosophy & Social Criticism can be found at: Email Alerts: http://psc.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://psc.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav >> Version of Record - Dec 6, 2004 What is This? Downloaded from psc.sagepub.com at UNIV OF PENNSYLVANIA on May 6, 2013 12 045763 (to/d) 2/9/04 11:38 am Page 745 Jeffrey E. Green Apathy: the democratic disease Abstract This essay turns to ancient sources in order to rethink the relation- ship between political apathy and democracy. If modern democratic theorists place political apathy entirely outside of democracy – either as a destructive limit upon the full realization of a democratic polity, or, more sanguinely, as a pragmatic necessity which tempers democracy so that it may function in a workable yet watered-down form – the ancients conceived of political apathy as a peculiarly democratic phenomenon that was likely to flourish in tandem with the expansion of egalitarian institutional structures and moral ideas. Evidence for the ancient recognition of political apathy as a uniquely demo- cratic kind of affliction centers on, but is not limited to, three main sources. In literature, the Homeric epic, and specifically the story of Achilles, present apathy for politics and commitment to human equality as synonymous forces.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy Poverty
    DEMOCRACY in POVERTY A View From Below By Daniel M. Weeks Copyright: This ebook is available under the Creative Commons 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Cover photo by: Daniel Weeks, Los Angeles Published by: Edmond J. Safra Center for Ethics Harvard University 124 Mount Auburn Street, Suite 520N Cambridge, MA 02138 USA http://www.ethics.harvard.edu/ CONTENTS Dedication 1. Introduction: A Democracy Problem 2. Poverty in the United States 3. Inequality of Political Inputs 3.1 Voting and Disenfranchisement 3.2 Campaigning, Contributing, and Lobbying 3.3 Measuring Participatory Power 4. Inequality of Political Outputs 4.1 Legislative Agendas 4.2 Government Responsiveness 4.3 The (Un-)Representatives 5. Conclusion: A Way Forward 5.1 Voting Reform 5.2 Election Reform 5.3 Lobbying Reform Acknowledgments About the Author Notes Dedication: To Andy, Cassandra, Darius, Maria, Mel, MJ, Richard, Troy, Vinnie, and countless other Americans who are struggling to earn their keep and keep their faith in a country they feel has not kept faith with them. 1. INTRODUCTION: A DEMOCRACY PROBLEM Darius did a poor job picking parents. His mother—fifteen and single when he was born—worked two jobs to support her habit and her home, in that order. His father, a jobless high school dropout, received his third strike and an automatic life sentence when Darius was six years old—end of story. In the neighborhood in south- central Los Angeles where Darius grew up, the best way out of poverty, as far as he could tell, was to join a gang and break the law by selling drugs.
    [Show full text]
  • The Age of Apathy
    THE SOAPBOX Volume II Issue II April 2006 THE AGE OF APATHY Page 3 Politics in the Classroom 2 Every Man, a Revolutionary? 6 A Letter Sent Home 7 The Game of Resignation 8 Interview with John Dilulio 9 Cover photo by: Alia Ra Cover photo by: http://dolphin.upenn.edu/~soapbox The Soapbox, Volume II, Issue II, April 2006 Page 1 The Soapbox Letter From the Editor Board of Editors very nation around the world has its own personality Erica Lederman................Executive Editor regarding political interest and activism. Corrupt govern- Neha Kamani.....................Assistant Editor Ement ofcials create distrust in some countries, while in Emily Chang.......Co-Productions Manager others it is a struggle to simply commute to work without encoun- Jae Han................Co-Productions Manager tering political protests on the street. The fascinating observation Alicia Puglionesi...........Illustrations Editor that is made in today’s world is the disparity between political inter- Brandon Paroly............................Secretary est and political apathy in the world’s various pockets of wealth and Samantha Zuckerman...SAC Rep./Treasurer poverty. Lea Artis.........................Publicity Director Matt Wolf..................................Webmaster How many of your classmates do not know who Samuel Alito is, or Daniel Sun.............................................’07 in which city the last G8 summit meeting was held? More impor- Michael Liberson.................................’07 tantly, how does this knowledge - or lack thereof - affect their daily Kevin Pang............................................’07 lives? Is it a blessing to be able to turn a blind eye to the compli- Megan Peppel........................................’07 cated sufferings in the world? Alexander Sulyevich.............................’09 In The Soapbox’s fourth issue, we approach these questions with In This Issue: an open mind.
    [Show full text]
  • The Polish Paradox: from a Fight for Democracy to the Political Radicalization and Social Exclusion
    social sciences $€ £ ¥ Article The Polish Paradox: From a Fight for Democracy to the Political Radicalization and Social Exclusion Zofia Kinowska-Mazaraki Department of Studies of Elites and Political Institutions, Institute of Political Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Polna 18/20, 00-625 Warsaw, Poland; [email protected] Abstract: Poland has gone through a series of remarkable political transformations over the last 30 years. It has changed from a communist state in the Soviet sphere of influence to an autonomic prosperous democracy and proud member of the EU. Paradoxically, since 2015, Poland seems to be heading rapidly in the opposite direction. It was the Polish Solidarity movement that started the peaceful revolution that subsequently triggered important democratic changes on a worldwide scale, including the demolition of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of Communism and the end of Cold War. Fighting for freedom and independence is an important part of Polish national identity, sealed with the blood of generations dying in numerous uprisings. However, participation in the democratic process is curiously limited in Poland. The right-wing, populist Law and Justice Party (PiS) won elections in Poland in 2015. Since then, Poles have given up more and more freedoms in exchange for promises of protection from different imaginary enemies, including Muslim refugees and the gay and lesbian community. More and more social groups are being marginalized and deprived of their civil rights. The COVID-19 pandemic has given the ruling party a reason to further limit the right of assembly and protest. Polish society is sinking into deeper and deeper divisions.
    [Show full text]
  • Influence of the Party Ideology Shift on Political Apathy
    INFLUENCE OF THE PARTY IDEOLOGY SHIFT ON POLITICAL APATHY by Panov Trajche Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Levente Littvay Budapest, Hungary CEU eTD Collection 2009 Table of contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.................................................................................................................................II ABSTRACT........................................................................................................................................................III INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................................................1 1 POLITICAL APATHY – THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND FACTORS THAT INFLUENCE THIS PHENOMENON ........................................................................................................................................ 7 1.1 THE PHENOMENON OF POLITICAL APATHY: WHAT IS POLITICAL APATHY – THEORETICAL IMPRECISION..7 1.2 POLITICAL APATHY – THEORETICAL EXPLANATIONS ...............................................................................9 1.3 REVIEW OF THE FACTORS THAT INFLUENCE POLITICAL APATHY............................................................. 14 1.4 POLITICAL APATHY AND PARTY IDEOLOGY SHIFT ................................................................................. 22 2 METHODOLOGY, DATA AND OPERATIONALIZATION OF THE VARIABLES..........................
    [Show full text]
  • Apathy and the Birth of Democracy: the Olip Sh Struggle David S
    Butler University Digital Commons @ Butler University Scholarship and Professional Work - LAS College of Liberal Arts & Sciences Spring 1991 Apathy and the Birth of Democracy: The oliP sh Struggle David S. Mason Butler University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.butler.edu/facsch_papers Part of the Comparative Politics Commons Recommended Citation Mason, David S., "Apathy and the Birth of Democracy: The oP lish Struggle" East European Politics and Societies / (Spring 1991): 205-233. Available at http://digitalcommons.butler.edu/facsch_papers/37 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts & Sciences at Digital Commons @ Butler University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarship and Professional Work - LAS by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Butler University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Permission to post this publication in our archive was granted by the copyright holder, SAGE Publications Ltd. (http://online.sagepub.com). This copy should be used for educational and research purposes only. The final, definitive version of this paper has been published in East European Politics and Societies, 5/2, Spring 1991 by SAGE Publications Ltd./ SAGE Publications, Inc., All rights reserved. © SAGE Publications DOI: not available Apathy and the Birth of Democracy: The Polish Struggle By: David S. Mason, Daniel N. Nelson, and Bohdan M. Szklarski Apathy, from the Greek words meaning "without feeling," is at once a term denoting an individual's impassivity or indifference and a form of collective political behavior. Our concern is the latter form of apathy in Poland from the Solidarity period of 1980-81 to the present.
    [Show full text]
  • Between Political Apathy and Political Passivity. the Case of Modern Russian Society
    Torun Internaonal Studies No. 1 (7) 2014 2019, No. 1 (12), pp. 109–123 Published online December, 2019 DOI: hp://dx.doi.org/10.12775/TIS.2019.007 Maryana Prokop*1 ORCID: 0000-0003-0135-863X Arleta Hrehorowicz**2 ORCID: 0000-0003-1656-5252 BETWEEN POLITICAL APATHY AND POLITICAL PASSIVITY. THE CASE OF MODERN RUSSIAN SOCIETY ABSTRACT It is safest to remain agnostic as to whether the Russian society is completely active or passive. What counts in favour of the former view is the high voter turnout, whereas a low level of involvement in political life should make us rather incline towards the latter. The research fo- cuses on determining the extent of activity/passivity of the Russian society in the years 2000– 2012. The results of the analysis revealed a degree of participation of the Russian citizens in the electoral decision-making process and their involvement in political life. It constituted an answer to the question: to what extent Russian legislation allows society to participate in the political life, by estimating a political activity index (Wap(ap)). Additionally, the political ac- tivity correlate index (Wap(k)) was checked, which enables us to correct the obtained result on the basis of legal provisions according to the real dimension of the Russian political activity. Keywords: political absenteeism, political apathy, social anomie, civic passivity, Russian society 1. INTRODUCTION It is difficult to characterize the essence of the Russian society. On the one hand, we could wit- ness a high voter turnout during presidential and parliamentary elections, but, on the other – a low involvement of citizens in political life.
    [Show full text]
  • Populist Attitudes and Political Engagement: Ugly, Bad, and Sometimes Good?
    Representation Journal of Representative Democracy ISSN: 0034-4893 (Print) 1749-4001 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rrep20 Populist Attitudes and Political Engagement: Ugly, Bad, and Sometimes Good? M. Murat Ardag, Bruno Castanho Silva, J. Philipp Thomeczek, Steffen F. Bandlow-Raffalski & Levente Littvay To cite this article: M. Murat Ardag, Bruno Castanho Silva, J. Philipp Thomeczek, Steffen F. Bandlow-Raffalski & Levente Littvay (2019): Populist Attitudes and Political Engagement: Ugly, Bad, and Sometimes Good?, Representation, DOI: 10.1080/00344893.2019.1661870 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2019.1661870 View supplementary material Published online: 14 Oct 2019. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rrep20 REPRESENTATION https://doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2019.1661870 Populist Attitudes and Political Engagement: Ugly, Bad, and Sometimes Good? M. Murat Ardaga,b, Bruno Castanho Silva c, J. Philipp Thomeczekd, Steffen F. Bandlow-Raffalskib and Levente Littvay e,f aEuropean Master in Migration and Intercultural Relations, University of Oldenburg, Oldenburg, Germany; bBremen International Graduate School of Social Sciences, Jacobs University, Bremen, Germany; cCologne Center for Comparative Politics, University of Cologne, Cologne, Germany; dInstitute of Political Science, University of Munster, Munster, Germany; eDepartment of Political Science, Central European University, Budapest, Hungary; fFernand Braudel Fellow, European University Institute, Florence, Italy ABSTRACT KEYWORDS Representation failures are one of the main reasons for the Populism; participation; emergence of populism in contemporary politics. Mainstream political; experiment; parties’ convergence towards the centre left parts of the psychology electorate to feel underrepresented.
    [Show full text]
  • Seventh-Day Adventist Youths and Political Apathy in Southwest Nigeria: an Empirical Survey
    Global Journal of Education, Humanities and Management Sciences (GOJEHMS); Vol.3 No.1, March 2021, pg.36 - 48; ISSN(Print): 2705-2494; ISSN(Online):2705-2486 SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST YOUTHS AND POLITICAL APATHY IN SOUTHWEST NIGERIA: AN EMPIRICAL SURVEY OLUGBENGA EFUNTADE (DTh) Spiritual Life Division and Lecturer, Religious Studies Department, Adeleke University, Ede Email: [email protected] Telephone: +243 8033476310 Abstract The effect of certain theological worldviews on political engagement is empirically investigated in this paper. Focus is beamed on young people in tertiary institutions in south-western zone of Nigeria universities who were members of the Seventh-day Adventist Church. Although, a decline is noted among youths in many countries around the world, this research notes that religion is one factor that affects the attitudes of some youths to issues of politics and how they are governed in south-west zone of Nigeria. The Seventh- day Adventist Church has at the core of its theology the importance of keeping holy the seventh day of the week as Sabbath which it believed is Saturday. It also believes the imminent, pre-millennial Second Advent of Jesus Christ. Its beliefs indicate a low expectation of the ability of secular political structure to cause enduring just, equitable and prosperous human society. Only the Second Advent willachieve that. The denomination is also suspicious of the unity of church and state and campaigns against any semblance of such a unity. This theological position affects the political worldview of its young members who are in tertiary institutions. The apolitical posture of the young members of the denomination is steeperthan that of their contemporaries in other faith groups.
    [Show full text]
  • Young People's Politics: Political Interest and Engagement
    Young people’s politics Political interest and engagement amongst 14–24 year olds Clarissa White, Sara Bruce and Jane Ritchie The Joseph Rowntree Foundation has supported this project as part of its programme of research and innovative development projects, which it hopes will be of value to policy makers and practitioners. The facts presented and views expressed in this report are, however, those of the authors and not necessarily those of the Foundation. The National Centre for Social Research is Britain’s largest independent non-profit institute for social research. Started in 1969 (as SCPR), its research work is funded by government departments, research councils, charitable foundations and other public bodies. National Centre for Social Research, 35 Northampton Square, London EC1V OAX. Tel. 020 7250 1866 © Joseph Rowntree Foundation 2000 All rights reserved. Published for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation by YPS ISBN 1 899987 64 4 Cover design by Adkins Design Prepared and printed by: York Publishing Services Ltd 64 Hallfield Road Layerthorpe York YO31 7ZQ Tel: 01904 430033; Fax: 01904 430868;ebsite: W www.yps-publishing.co.uk Contents Acknowledgements iv Advisory Group v Preface vi 1 Introduction 1 Background 1 Aims and scope of the research 3 Research design and methods 3 A period of transition 4 Coverage of the report 5 2 Issues of concern 6 Young people’s concerns 6 3 Interest in politics 11 Political interest across the sample 11 What turns young people off politics 15 Latchpoints that activate political interest 16 Fostering and
    [Show full text]
  • The Three Dimensions of Political Action in United States Democracy: Corporations As Political Actors and "Franchise Governments"
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 12-2017 The Three Dimensions of Political Action in United States Democracy: Corporations as Political Actors and "Franchise Governments" Steven Alfonso Panageotou University of Tennessee, Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Part of the Politics and Social Change Commons Recommended Citation Panageotou, Steven Alfonso, "The Three Dimensions of Political Action in United States Democracy: Corporations as Political Actors and "Franchise Governments". " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2017. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/4776 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Steven Alfonso Panageotou entitled "The Three Dimensions of Political Action in United States Democracy: Corporations as Political Actors and "Franchise Governments"." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Sociology. Harry F. Dahms,
    [Show full text]