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THE GENESIS Of AN ETHNie COMMUNITY:

THE CASE OF THE KURDS IN CANADA

Josephine Esther Sciortlno

March 2000

Department of Soclology McGili University, Montreal CANADA

A thesis submitted to the faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfilment of the Requirements for the degr..of Master of Arta.

@ Josephine Esther Sciortino National LbaIy 8IJIiaNque nationale of Canada du Canada AcquiSitions and Acquililionl et Bibliographie Services ..Niees bibliographiques 315 ·.VtIIi....sn.t •.ru. w...... 'ID' a...ON K1A0N4 OI.-ON K1A0N4 e.-II c.n.da

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Canadl "We rarely torgel that which has made a deep impression on our minds." Jonathan Edward

"Without something to belong to, we have no stable selt, and yet total commitment and attachment to any social unit implies a kind of selflessness. Our sense of being a person can come from being drawn into a wider social unity; our sense of selfhood can arise through the little ways il which we resist the pull. Our status is backed b y the solid buildings of the world, while our sense of personal identity often resides il the cracks." Erving Goffman ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS FinallylH

For his encouragement, advice and insighttul comments, 1tta1k my advisor, Professor Morton Weinfeld. He was a good help and very available for consultation. 1thank him for his interest in this new ethnie community il Canada and for giving me the opportunity to research and write on this most timely subject.

When 1decided ta study the Kurdish community il Canada, my knowledge of the Kurdish people was extremely limited. 1 1hank Elizabeth Sherk for opening up the doors for me and for introducing me ta many Kurdish familias and for her hospitality while 1was il Toronto. Iim glad her excitement and genuine concem for the Kurds rubbed off on me.

Ta ail the Kurdish men and women who gave me their time and who shared their experiences with me: 1tip my hat to them for their courage and honesty. 1thank the families who graciously opened up their homes to me il Toronto and Ottawa. A special thank..you to the Kurdish Cultural Association, the Kurdish Federation of Quebec, the Kurdish Association il Toronto and the Kurdistan Committee il Ottawa for giving me access to many articles and information. Notable mention 90es ta Dijan, Hassan C., Salih, and Zagros.

1thank Kathleen Rodgers in Ottawa for her friendship and availability and for allowing me to get a glimpse of the Kurdish people through her eyes. Iim reminded of Thoreauls Walden, "Could a greater miracle take place 1han for us to look through each others eyes for an instant. Il 1treasure our time il Kurdistan and the vivid memories that are forever stamped in my mind.

Much admiration goes ta the group with whom 1went to Kurdistan and Turt

1 thank Professar Shahrzad Mojab and Amir Hassanpour for 1heir encouragement and time. Thank-you ta Ihab Hashim far taking the time to reprint the maps and for being so meticulous.

1 offer a special note of thanks to my friends who were very patient and understanding over these years. My family deserves distinctive recognition for their patience and support. ABSTRACT

Ethnicity and political action have always been interesting connections. With

diaspora groups, this connection is intensified due to their strong desire for a

homeland. Sorne members of the Kurdish community in Canada do not leave

their politieal aspirations back home. As refugees, they use their newfound

freedom to promote their political causes. Along with their political aspirations,

also come political divisions. For Kurdish immigrants (mostly refugees), the

importance of the homeland, their desire for "nation-status" and recognition of

their ethnie identity are paramount concems. These desires take on different

shapes and forms for different members of the community. This study shows that

their degree of activism and their success are primarily a result of their attitudes toward Kurdistan, their family situation, their past experiences and their ability to put regional differences behind them. The Kurdish community is not homogeneous and these rifts in the community may keep it from flourishing. TABLE OF CONTENTS

1 The object of this stucty 2 Research question. 3 Historical background 7 11

Thepol~ 11 The matr.x 14 The interest group 19 The diaspora as interest group 23 Mobilization 25 Mobilization of member. 26 The role of the environment 29 Foreign policy implications 33 The potential problem of dualloyalti.s 34 The question of permanence 35 Conclusion 36

'~'jiE"'!';: 7ifà~A-·'-rô.ê-"~:.· "'#I~li·i-. :Clili'. "'_~' .p. .. _~__~ lIettiéièlo/o... ".. ~ .~ .: _.. .g:.- __ ".~~L.PR~ ... _...._!...~_ !J~'I. __III..-.. 38

:ChiP~._~~.;,d~L~~~'1.K:""4:~~ ~;:Küfdfi1J7':Co-~~ >-~...,._m!JJ.IL'l.·U~· ~ 48 ___ o ••• • ..• __ The Kurdish entry to Canada 48 The homeland on the mind 54 New Year'. Day 58 Determinants of political involvement 60 78

The opportunity structure in Canada 78 The Kurdish organizations 79 Obstacles to the group 85 Variations within the associations 88 The Kurdish "etwork 89 The media as a tool 91 Educational seminars 93 99

The visit to Kurdistan 100 Firat stop: Ana,. 101 The journe, to Kurdistan 104 The state of Turkish prisons 105 Newroz in Dirarbakir 107 The Teach. s Union 108 Conclusion 113 115

Possibilities for further research 122

~ 124 Blti1ltlllAWi 127 ~ïiR~~~lIlÇ~fIt1nrtILtfiQilIrr..'lolflTJi!ÇilfM 133

:4"'~~ë_" nllœ~~·Ifii~ii.~Kïiiilfj·_.~_.~1!iJ~.~ .'P~-~ ~ 134 ._- P•...... __ o.;_.•__ ~p.lf4!rilc:f..t:TC~Qij.ii.itlq*~UhJ!ilf1IIi'.r;j[_135 LIST Of TABLES

Table 1: Countries with Kurdish Populations 5

Table 2: Humber of Permanent Residents Living in 54 Ontario and Quebec, 1993 Josephine Sciortino 1

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION The year 1999 marked a year of unprecedented visibility for the Kurdish Diaspora.

Nestled in the Dolomite Mountains in Tuscany, Volterra is an ancient city surrounded by Roman walls. Within this historie setting, a group of Kurds demonstrated against the arrest of Abdullah Ocalan, leader of the Kurdistan Workers Party. Kurds also protested the continued mistreatment of their people back in Kurdistan. The capture of Ocalan in February 1999 and his subsequent sentencing in June 1999 sparked a wave of Kurdish protests around the wortd and in Canada (See Appendix 1). After Ocalan's capture, Kurds tram 20 European cities and tram Toronto, Ottawa, Vancouver and Montreal stormed Greek embassies in protest of Greece's involvement in the capture. There were al50 many pro-Kurdish demonstrations in Canadian cities throughout the year. Most of the time Kurds do not picket alone, they solicit the help of other immigrant groups and political movements.

For example, on April 13, 1995, about 200 Kurdish people, along with representatives from The Coalition Opposed to the Arms Trade (COAT) and sympathetïc Canadians, rallied on Parliament Hill ta protest Canada's arms sale to Turkey. They wanted to attract media attention to their cause. Demonstrators carried placards and shouted slogans. Public displays of dissatisfaction are a normal occurrence in a democracy. What is interesting about the Kurdish case is that thase expressions of unrest are new to many refugees, who could not have dreamed of standing up against theïr oppressive govemment in thair homeland. This demonstration, though not the tirst Josephine Sciortino 2 one of its kind for the community, illustrates the presence of an organized Kurdïsh community operating as an ethnie poIity. There are many ethnie groups represented in Canada. Each group tries to preserve their cultural distinctiveness and assert their needs through various means. Immigrant participation within the Canadian polity is not a new phenomenon. The Armenian, Jewish and Ukrainian populations exemplify the mobilization of ethnie eommunities and the process of becoming an ethnie polity. These groups are just a few examples of how ethnie eommunities move beyond the coneems of ils individual members and act as a collective organization to solieit eha'lge in society. This study highligh!s another example: the Kurdish eommunity. The Object of thi. Study The growing trend of diasporie groups to protest in their host eountries is evident. This evolution demands academic attention. Diasporas who protest and demonstrate become politieal actors in theïr host eountries. This thesis examines sueh a group. 1examine the genesis of an ethnie polity in Canada using the Kurdish eommunity as an example. This study is unique as it captures the growth and origins of a growing and relatively young community. Another aspect of this study is the process of ethno-genesis and how an ethnie community mobilizes its resources and aets as a type of pressure group within Canadian politics. This work is also an aid for social researchers in understanding the dynarnics and workings of a smaJl ethnie group. It is interesting to study how a collection of individuals with their own unique needs come together with a common purpose and identity. The Kurdish community is not considered to be a cohesive group on the international scene. Its intemal divisions are the main source of its problems; yet in Canada and in other parts of the world, they unite on certain issues and at times act as a cohesive group. It is this process of unification that is at the crux of this thesis. More specifically, 1consider the Josephine Sciortino 3

structure and organization of the Kurdish Community and how it operates as a unique and distinct participant within the Canadian polity. On a macro level, 1examine how a collection of individuals develops into a collective with a common goal. At the micro level, 1look at the differences in the identities of Kurds and Kurdish.canadians, between Kurds who are in Canada on a part-time basis versus those who are in Canada to stay. Aesearch Questions The questions addressed in this thesis revolve around three fundamental concems: mobilization, organization and pennanence. These questions are: What motivates a small refugee group tù organize and mobilize in a new country? How do they work to maintain a level of cohesiveness, solidarity and cultural consciousness for such tasks? Within these parameters other questions arise: How does the degree of ethnie identity affect the mobilization of the group? What are the aspirations of the community? How does the fonnal organization represent these interests? Another important question is the issue of pennanence. Is the community able to maintain consistent organizationaJ support in Canada? The literature section outlinas these themes trom a theoretical perspective by examining the definitions and practice of interest groups and diasporas. The Kurdish community is part of a larger diaspora. They are predominantly refugees escaping political persecution in Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria. Canada is a racent destination for Kurdish refugees. Kurds have baen coming ta Canada since 1974. A massive influx of Kurds came at two periods: in 1986 and during the Persian Gulf War in 1991. Many Kurds continue ta immigrate ta Canada. 1 The Kurdish community is a distinct ethnic community and it is an interesting addition to the existing Canadian polity. The data presented in this study demonstrate how they advocate for the needs and rights of their fellow citizens still in their native country. They go beyond their cultural mandate and concentrate their Josephine Sciortino 4 efforts in Canada's political arena. Although there are language and ideoIogical divisions within the community, they attempt to consolidate their efforts to respond to the needs of their homeland.

The Kurds are the fourth largest national group in the Middle East, fotlowing the Arabs, Turt

TABLE 1 COUNTRIES WITH KURDISH POPULATIONS (Adapted from Buckley 1994)

No. of Kurds Percentage of total Kurdish Country of Origin (in millions) population Iran 7 25.0 Iraq 4 14.2 Syria 1.5 5.4 Turkey 14 50.0 Rest of the world 1.5 5.4 TOTAL 28 100.0 Josephine Sciortino 5

Many Kurds arrive in Canada as political refugees under the protection of the

Geneva Convention for Refugees of 1951 (to which Canada became a signatory in

1969). Most of these refugees eventually achieve landed immigrant status. Today,

their population in Canada ranges trom 10,000-15,000, with a substantial

concentration in Toronto. 3 This number. according to social wof1(ers working with

immigrants, i~~ growing at a rapid rate. Some arrive in Canada with the hopes of

fostering support for an independent Kurdistan. Others, however, want to begin a peacefullife with their families, while still others are in hiding, as they are accused of "crimes" in theïr homeland, such as speaking their language and political opinions.

The Kurdish community has wide policy implications for Canadian immigration

and refugee laws because arrivais are predominantly refugees. The organization of

refugeas is distinct from that of voluntary immigrants. Due to their stateless character

and the nature of their arrivai, the community in Canada is particularty centred on

homeland issues. [These homeland issues. such as self-determination. are very

political in nature and can be seen as serious threats to national security and safety in

Iraq and Turkey. These concems are especially important when dealing with Turkish or Iraqi govemments. These issues will be discussed in the ensuing chapters.] ln Europe, the Kurds are extremely weil organized. Their organizations range from the

Women1s Patriotic Union to Trade and Professional Unions to the National Liberation

Front. Westem Europe is the main destination for approximately 55% of Kurds

living in tlle Diaspora (mostly from Turkish Kurdistan). Countries include Germany,

France, Switzerland, Sweden. Austria, The Netherlands, Denmark and Belgium

(Kreyenbroek and Altison, 1996). There are growing Kurdish organizations or community centres in each of these cities. Refugeas and immigrants working toward the eventual aim of human rights recognition for the Kurdish people and the liberation of Kurdistan trom colonial powers initiated ail these organizations. Canada is not simply in the peripheries as a bystander; individual Kurdish-Canadians are directly Josephine Sciortino 6 involved in the articulation and representation of the Kurdish situation. The existence of Kurdish Associations and Committees attest ta this faet. For example, hait of the Kurds living in Canada reside in Ontario, with at least three reœntly formed formai Kurdish organizations addressing their needs in the province. A Kurdish diaspora exists and the Canadian component is very vocal in the advancement of its collective interests for the freedom of the homeland. Kurdish­

Canadians are becoming part of the Canadian mosaie and they need to be considered by politicians, academics and policy..makers. These new immigrants will be active citizens engaged in the political, social and economic processes in Canada. The support and organization of the Kurdish community in Canada strongly indicate that the community is at the earty stages of their political and social evolution. That is, they are at the initial stage of mobilizing their members and at articulating their common goals as ethnie polity. Historical Background Kurdish history is not homogeneous for every Kurd. Kurdistan was formatly divided among the four countries in 1923 with the Treaty of Lausanne, after failed attempts to establish a free Kurdistan in 1920 with the Treaty of Sèvres (Chaliand 1980, Safrastian 1948). The Kurds are dispersed in at least four countries, where each country has its own policy and political ramifications for the Kurdish people. It is important ta get an understanding of these different histories to fully appreciate theïr organization in Canada. • Iraq The struggle in Iraq between the Kurds and the Iraqi govemment centres on land, oil, and political and cultural rights. Kurds have been forced offtheir land, notably rich in oil and water, and consequently have become refugees in neighbounng Turkey and Iran. In March 1988, the Middle East Watch reported aets of chemical warfare against the Kurds in Halabja, leaving many villages destroyed Josephine Sciortino 7 and, worse, at least 5,000 Kurds died or were maimed (Anderson, 1993). Ever since the Gulf War, Kurds have enjoyed a degree of safety in a safety zone set up by the United States. The struggle in Iraq now revolves around different Kurdish parties wanting control of the population. The struggles for the lraqi Kurds are now an intemaJ matter.4 • Syria ln Syria, the Kurds are the largest national minority, yet they are denied ethnie - much Jess national- legitimacy. Ali citizens are considered Arabs, regardless of their ethnicity or nationality. The following quote by a Syrian govemor iIIustrates the stereotypes and prejudice against the Kurds in this country: Such then is the Kurdish people, a people with neither history nor civilization, neither language nor ethnie ongin; with nothing but the qualities of force, destructive power and violence, qualities which are moreover inherent in ail mountain peoples (Vanly 1992, 153). No special status encouraging the Kurdish culture and tradition is granted ta the Kurdish minorïty. Their language and culture are prohibited and many Kurds have been obliged to replace their Kurdish names with Arab ones ta survive and to live in relative peace (Vanly 1992). • Turkey McDowali (1992) describes the condition in Turkey and Iran. Recently in Turkey, restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language have been lifted, yet it is only reserved for speech, song and music. The publication and broadcast in Kurdish is still banned and it is illegal to use the language for political and educational purposes. Under internai and external pressures, the Turkish govemment promises to continue the debates on the Kurdish question, however, human rights organizations have yet to see the tangible effects of these promises. McDowali (1992), for the Minority Rights Group, reports on the infringement of Kurdish human rights in Iran. He states Josephine Sciortino 8

that there have been many rumours of summary executions of long term Kurdish prisoners. • Iran

ln Iran, permission to publish and sell materials in Kurdish is prohibited. Discrimination alsa persists on religious grounds against Kurds who are Sunni Muslims. There are religious divisions: Shi'is, not Sunnis, are preferred for

govemment appointments (McDowall, 1992). Despite the commitment to adhere

to international Human Rights laws, Connors (1992) argues, Kurds are still denied equitable access to economic resources and civil administrative positions. They do not enjoy equal status with the ethnie group in power and cannot mobilize politically. They still cannot use their language freely and they have limited access to a proper

education (Connors, 1992). Essentially, Tur1Kurds in Iran are discriminated against because of their religious differences. These various responses and policies eonceming the Kurdish people demonstrate that

theïr needs are different according to their country of origin. They cannot be eonsidered a homogeneous group. These historieal differenees shape their social conscience and influence the way the Kurds administer their affairs in Canada and the degree to whieh they become involved in the formai community, as opposed to being involved in the Kurdish cause independently. Consequently, these differences are transferred in the new land. The following chapter highlights the literature on the evolution of ethnie eommunities in general, yet specifieally looks at the particular eharaeteristics endemie to the Kurdish community. It emphasizes the function of the ethnie community as an interest group and highlights the unique charaeteristics of smalt ethnie groups. Examples of similar ethnie groups in Canada are aise included. Josephine Sciortino 9

CHAPTER TWO: THE EVOLUTION Of ETHNIC COMMUNITIES The literature reviewed here is a theoretical analysis based on the charaderistics of the community. This review does not focus on matters of cultural integration, as much as it centres on the articulation of cultural interests and the mobilization of members. The Kurdish community, like other groups, is more than a cultural association; it is al50 a political association. This statement is especially true of small ethnie groups that experience persecution. 1argue that its essential components are similar ta that of interest groups. These factors transform the individual needs of ethnie group members into the broader needs of the collective. Essentially, individuais cease working for their self-interests and begin acting as a collective. This point become reality when ethnie groups use mobilization tools and become a polity. 1examine their underlying structure for mobilization, including an examination of such factors as leadership, participation, identity and the role of the extemal environment. The Polity The notion of polity assumes a system of govemance with internai and extemal mechanisms ta achieve specifie goals. The Kurdish community is organized as a polity. In Ethnieity and Po/ities in Canada sinee Confederation, Palmer

(1991) outlines two ways one can study ethnie politics: through the internai politics within the ethnie group and through the political involvement of ethnie groups within the larger Canadian society. He cites a distinction between the nature of the involvement of tirst generation immigrants and later generations. "The first generation's interest in developments in the homeland is stronger than that of their children" (ibid, 3). First generations often participate in political movements ta try ta influence Canadian foraign policy and consequently form organizations as a vehicle ta express these needs. Josephine Sciortino 1 0

Elazar (1976) examines how Jews act collectively to achieve Jewish goals and overcome their problems. He argues that communities need a political dimension in order to survive as a community. His study explores the American

Jewry as a body politic, "a community formed through the consent of its members with a collective sense of purpose, capable of fonning associations and acting to pursue and achieve its own goals" (ibid, 9). The demands placed upon the community prompted American Jews to creative protective mechanism guarding against complete assimilation.

Ethnie politics can also be viewed as an expression of immigrant adjustment to Canada. They are active in ethnic politics to preserve their culture among their children. By being involved in their community, immigrant groups keep the cultural spirit alive in their younger generations. "Ethnie politics is thus partly an expression of immigrant adjustment to Canada, but it aise is an expression of the needs and interests of many of their Canadian-bom descendants" (ibid. 3). Palmer suggests that one way they influence Canadian politics is by involving their members in the poiitical process by recruiting them as political candidates. Groups also try to influence politicalleaders. Literature suggests how small ethnic groups focus their political energies on homeland concems.

Smalt ethnie groups are less concemed about the politics and issues of the greater society (Glazer, 1980). They have strong attachments to their homeland and, consequently, redirect their energies to its fate, political future and prosperity.5

Further, Breton (1983) argues that members of an ethnie community necessarily debate and, in the process, struggle over the distribution of resources and the articulation of goals:

C'est à travers l'action politique que les acteurs tentent d'influencer ou de contrôler les orientations idéologiques et leur diffusion, la définition des problèmes sociaux, les possibilités d1action collective, et les choix collectifs qui sont effectués (Breton 1983,24). Josephine Sciortino 1 1

Similarty, in his book The Governanee ofEthnie Communiti••, Breton

(1991) argues that if a community lacks debate and conflid and is apoIiticaI, it is simply an aggregate of people with similar ethnie origins. Political action, whether it is in the form of competitive or cooperative action, is an integral part of a community. Competitive action occurs when different aetors in the community, with their diverse goals, look ta influence decisions. However, when the cooperative approach is taken, the emphasis is on the regulation and resolution of conflict. It does not presuppose a sense of perfeet harmony, yet it seeks the coordination of resources and an effort at concerted action. The notion of community does not automatically involve cohesion and unity. Breton (1991) argues that a "community necessarily involves social and economic differentiation and, consequently, different and more or less divergent interests" (ibid, 4). Opposition and social cleavages "should be regarded as essential ingredients of the public affairs of any community" (ibid, 4). Conflict is a universal phenomenon and a necessary one for the proper functioning of a community. The system of govemanee present in eommunities, including ethnie communities, offers a forum for people to express their opinions and offers a strategy to resolve and to regulate eonflict. This idea of the ethnie group as a political organization is comparable to interast groups. Yet, bafora discussing the interest group theory, it is important to eonsider sorne of the relevant features of the Kurdish community and its implications for community organization.

The Matrix The role and function of ethnie communities depend on their particular characteristics. The Kurdish community is small and primarily composed of refugeas. Both factors are important determinants to considere Glazer (1980) argues that as small groups frequently come from countries that are politically insecure and where their culture is very threatened, they become more concemed about maintaining their cultural heritage. The Kurdish community is a good example. They are e&pecially Josephine Sciortino 12

sensitive to their past which is characterized by war and oppression. Due to their history of persecution, they feel a strong burden to preserve theïr culture and to create institutions to protect it. Similarty, Sorenson (1991), in his study on the Ethiopian community in Canada, describes how they are organized (although not homogeneously) around homeland issues. The community in Canada highlight some of their issues, such as raising the quota of refugees, and asserting their identities and distributing information on the military and political scene in Ethiopia. Refugees, fleeing persecution and death, also experience this desire for their homeland. Bertot and Jacob (1991) found that the two dominant aspirations of refugea groups are ta improve their material status and to retum home to live in peace. A non-govemmental worker with refugeas is quoted saying that "le projet de 'retour' devient le pilier fondamental autour duquel ils construisent leur vie. Dans cette aspiration, ils tirent l'énergie nécessaire pour passer à travers tous les problèmes" (ibid, 162). The desire to retum home is not universal among ail refugeas, certainly not with ail Kurds in Canada. There are various factors influencing the decision to either remain in their new land and to adapt to a new lifestyle, or to retum home. Family and employment are some considerations that will be addressed in ensuing chapters. Shevchenko, in Gtazer's article, adds that the intensity of small groups is a consequence of the ''training in persecution that the ancestors of these groups have had" and the creation of institutions under it (Glazer 1980, 9). The raie of persecution is simitar ta Durkheim's analysis of the role of crisis in cementing groups. When communities are attacked and threatened, Durkheim believed that they draw closer together. He added that "if the state of feeling is strongly offended and if the offenee is grave, the entire group attacked closes ranks in the face of danger and, in a manner of speaking. clings closer together" (Durkheim 1984, 59). Omar Sheikhmous (1992), in his analysis of the Kurds in exile, similar1y states that: Josephine Sciortino 13

increased interadion among Kurds in exile and during periods of national trauma such as the collapse of the Mehabad Republic (1946), the collapse of the autonomy movement in Iraq (1975), the Halabja tragedy (1988), and the refugee exodus in the aftermath of the SeCond Gulf War (1991), as weil as greater degrees of cross-border cooperation between different resistance movements in Turkey, Iran, Iraq, have further strengthened Kurdish identity and homogenized their outlook (Sheikhmous 1992,135). The Annenian community is another relevant example of the raie of crisis in keeping a community together. In his study on the Armenian community in Quebec, Chichekian (1989) notes the importance of the development of institutions, which are an indispensable part of the preservation and perpetuation of ethnie lite in the diaspora. The history of the Annenians and the Kurds are quite similar, in terms of the nature of their oppression and their similar oppressors. The Armenian community is weil established in Canada because of their long-term stay in the country. They have recognized the importance of institutions and have transplanted their homeland institutions, like the Church, in Canada. The community leamed that to survive in a new land requires solid and consistent institutions (Chichekian. 1989). This need is especially true for a diasporic group with no homeland. The Jewish diaspora is a fully articulated group with organizational structures. Elazar and Waller (1990) look at the evolution within the Jewish diaspora. Eastern European Jews were the founders of the Jewish community in Canada. They worked to maintain the traditional fabric of Jewish culture and heritage. The Jews were welcomed by the English and French principles, who were not hospitable towards them. This indifference of the English and French communities leads the Jews to create separate and distinct organizations. The tendency of Jewish immigrants who tried to ramain Jews but were not leamed in Jewish matters was to identify their Jewish memories of the lold home' as the sum and substance of Jewishness and ta be most fearful of any changes (ibid. 9). Josephine Sciortino 14

The Jewish polity can be divided up into five public activities: religiouse

congregational; educational-cultural; extemal relations-defence; communaJ welfare;

and Israel-world Jewry. This polity provïdes a good example of the process an

ethnie group goes through in its first stages in becoming a polity. Elazar and Waller

(1990) expiain how the Jewish polity shifted trom a group concentrating on extemal

relations-defence (concentration on the representation of Jewish interests to non­

Jewish govemments to communal welfare. Essentially, this change came about because of the generation..long struggle to integrate into Canadian society.

A diaspora is a group of people with similar ethnie origins who settle in one or more countries as a result of either voluntary migration or expulsion trom their homeland (Sheffer, 1986). A diaspora is different trom a minority group. Minorities are a ucollection of persons in the population of a given state or given ragion who are

numerically inferior or politically powertess" (Schulze et al. 1996, 1). The definition of a diaspora goes deeper. Diaspora groups feel the need to develop a consensus across a population which is widely dispersed and engaged in different struggles as a new kind of minority in host countries (ibid 1996). ln theïr new land, they remain a minority group and preserve their ethnie, ethnic..religious identity and communal

solidarity that serve as bases for organized action. However, there are some problems with this definition. The notion of a homeland is ambiguous. In sorne cases the actual physical limitations of a land are not politically recognized. It is in these cases, 1maintain, where diasporas aet for the creation or liberation of their homeland. Another problem lies in the relations between the diaspora and the homeland. This relationship may be tenuous, as sorne diaspora communities, who are expelfed from the land, are not always supported by theïr homeland; they are often regarded as traitors. For example, the Kurdish community might not trust the efforts of the Turkish embassy in Canada to work on their behalf due to their bitter relations back in Turkey. Another limitation with this definition is that it does not Josephine Sc;ort;no 1 5

include political refugee movements whose members become permanent residents in the new land, nor does it include members who are politically organized. They may not be fonnally expelled trom their homeland, yet they are indirectly forced out due to persecution and severe human rights abuses. In addition, this definition assumes that the diaspora encourages relations between the new land and the homeland. On the contrary, sorne diasporas, namely the Kurdish community, lobby the host govemment to tenninate its bilateral trade relations with Turkey. Ethnie groups are an important component of the Canadian population, whether they are composed of refugees or voluntary immigrants. The size of the population and its composition aie important determinants in shaping the community and its organization. Yet, whatever their focus or size, it is stressed that ethnie groups are more than just cuttural associations. They are an organized collective with specifie goals and a certain amount of political influence. The immigrant group ad as a political unit or, in other words, as an interest group.

The Interest Group An interest group acts as a mechanism through which citizens can participate in the political process. The group is a collection of individuals "who share common material concems and who seek ta influence the political process ta deal with their shared priorities" (Landes 1995,474). Breton (1991), however, hesitates ta define an ethnie group as an interest group because of the varied interests inherent in a community. He prefers the term "ethnie polity" that refers to the structure and process by whieh ethnie communities conduct their affairs. He adds that it is possible for eommunities to take on a single interest and create a single, united front before a govemment ageney. Yet, he wams that most often: it is a particular interest group within the ethnie polity that relates to the extemal ageney for its own partieular purposes, one of which can be to frustrate or overcome its rivais within the ethnie eommunity (ibid, 4). Josephine Sciortino 16

1argue that the Kurdish community can be characterized as an interest group based

on their mobilization and organization, rather than on the existence of a united platform. The interest group theory can be used as a framework to study the political functions of the community. The Kurdish community is examined as an

example of an interest group with intemal conflict, or as Breton (1991) would term it "ethnie pofity." The political vacuum in communication between groups and the govemment and the decline in influence of political parties necessitates the need for "policy

communities" (Pross in Breton 1991). Ethnie community groups, therefore, ad as "functional representatives" on behalf of their eommunity to the host govemment. The Mexican-American Legal Defence and Education Fund (MALDEF) iIIustrate this

function of an ethnie group. Vigil (1990) describes the organization as the "vanguard of the Hispanie struggle" (Vigil 1990, 28). The group acts as an instrument for social and politieal change and they have become the voice for the Hispanie population within the U.S. political structure. The Kurdistan Committee of Canada is an example of this voiee for the Kurds within the Canadian polity. Interest groups are not haphazard collections of individuals, they are organizations "associating together within the framework of a formai structure to share

and promote a common interesf (Pross 1975, 2). The articulation of interests to influence public policy is a predominant political function of interest groups. Almond in Van Loon and Whittington (1987) provides a comprehensive definition: Interest groups articulate political demands in the society, seek support for these demands among other groups by advocacy and bargaining and attempt to transform these demands into authoritative public policy by influeneing the choice of pofitical personnel and the various processes of public poliey making and enforcements (Van Loon and Whittington 1987, 402). Josephine Sciortino 17

Interest groups have three main charaeteristics, as outlined by Pross (1992).

The first one refers to their inherent characteristics, such as membership size, damain,

economic power of its members and their coalitionaJ capacity. The second characteristic is their poIitical capacity, or the strategies they use to influence members and policy-makers. Groups also need knowledge of the processes and

mechanisms ta express their goals in a language that is meaningful in the policy

debate. Through the use of outputs, such as newsletters and demonstrations, groups mobilize themselves and potential supporters, and bring pressure ta bear on policy makers. The third characteristic is their degree of institutionalization, which depends on the effectiveness of the group's capacity ta respond ta the needs of its members and to represent them to the state:

The process through which the group identifies, enunciates, modifies, and builds such values into its ideology, culture, and manner of operating is a process of institutionalization. The clarity with which the group sets out its claims and the degree of member commitment to them indicate the extent to which it has institutionalized the values expressed in the claims (Pross 1992,96). There are two types of interest groups: institutional and issue-oriented groups. Institutionalization, as mentioned above, is a process through which an organization as "a technical instrument designed as a means ta detinite goals"" becomes an institution, "a responsive adaptive organism n (Selznick in Pross 1975, 9). In an institutional group, the organization is more important than particular policy objective. In an issue-oriented group, there is limited organizational continuity and cohesion; consequently, knowledge of govemment procedure is minimal and often naive. Moreover, membership is fluid and members have difficulty formulating and adhering to short-term goals. In this type of group, there is a low regard for organizational mechanisms and a limited organizational base and focus. "Because

[issue-oriented groups] develop extremely quickly and are unencumbered by Josephine Sciortino 1 8

institutionalized structures, they are excellent vehicles for generating immediate public reaction to specifie issues" (ibid, 12). Van Loon and Whittington (1987) divide the functions of interest groups into poIitical and non-poiitical functions. Political functions operate to reinforce the legitimacy of govemment policies. Groups use peaceful and legitimate ehannels to articulate their demands, and thereby providing an "integrative force in society" (Van Loon and Whittington 1987,403). Interest groups communicate the demands of the group to the govemment and, conversely, they communicate messages trom the govemment to its members. Within this poUtical realm, groups alsa distribute funds from the govemment to its members, directly or indirectly. As their non­ palitical functions, groups disseminate infonnation and maintain communication among their members. These activities help groups deal "more effectively with their organizational, professional, and economic environmenf' (ibid, 406). Rosenberg and Jedwab (1992) look at the Jewish, Italian and Greek communities as examples of how groups develop organizations as a way to participate in Canadian society. Instead of using Breton's concept of l'institutional completeness," that they teel neglects ta coyer the type of community development, these authors prefer to use l'organizational style." This term reters to the "typical structures practices and strategies used by ethnie community members as they organize to act on their interests" (ibid, 268). The state detennines theïr organizational style. For example, groups will create their own associations if none exist within the host society. If there are significant gaps in the state's structure, ethnie groups will form their own organizations ta meet their specifie needs. There is a type of social contract. Ethnie community groups integrate new members into Ouebec society, while the govemment provides increased financial support as weil as appoint community members ta decision-making positions. These authors suggest Josephine Sciortino 1 9

that ethnie groups are not organized in isolation to the state, but in tact are tonned to complement the state's existing poIitical and social structures. Examples of these characteristics within the Kurdish community will be discussed in later chapters. The Diaspora Group as Interest Group The diaspora group can, and often does, ad as an interest group. Members in the diaspora group are important in international exchanges in that they are permanent actors who preserve their relations with theïr friends and family back home. Their usual ties with homeland consist of tinancial remittances a"d communication with kinsfolk. In addition: they may take a vital interest in political developments in the home country and even try to influence them. Thus migrant communities not only retain their group identity and theïr institutions over extended periods, they also maintain continuing links, both material and sentimental, with their country of origin. These links become a dimension of international politics (Esman 1986, 334). Esman (1986) outlines three factors affecting a diaspora's ability to function as an interest group. The tirst one deals with the resources and skills that are available

to the diaspora. Groups begin as "proletarian diasporas,lt6 with "no economic resources other than their labour and few communication skills and limited organizational experiencen (Esman 1986, 336). As they develop skills and acquire resources and access, they can begin to "impress their needs on the political agenda" (ibid, 336). The second factor refers to the opportunity structure available in the host country. Opportunity structure refers to the degree of freedom and opportunities available to them, in the host countries, to act on behalf of group interests. The third factor is the degree of motivation ta maintain group solidarity. Migrant communities will teel no "compelling interest to bind them together" where there is little discrimination or deprivation and where hast societies encourage assimilation. "They may blend into the hast society as individuals and cease to Josephine Sciortino 20 function as separale communities" (ibid, 339). Similarfy, "social marginality is likely to support that solidarity, and communities will organize for self-maintenance, defence, and advocacy" (ibid, 339). Although Kurds do not experience discrimination in their host societies, the persecution still exists in their homeland. It is this fador that aets as a stimulus to get involved in the host country. Yet, communal distindiveness and solidarity are likely to be long-lasting where cultural differences in the new land are greater. Mobilization

Govemance does not occur in a vacuum, il has ifs own process. Ethnie communities manage such issues as: participation and resource mobilization; the differences of interests and ideologies; confliets; and the network of organizations.

Breton (1983) offers three possible intervening variables affecting the capacity of groups to decide upon and realize their collective goals. The tirst factor is identity. Leaders depend on the strength of the collective identity to inspire participation.

Breton (1983) elaborates that cc la construction de l'identité collective et des

'frontières' de la communauté est en partie l'objet d'une action concertée en ce sens qu1elle comporte des choix collectifs et une action coordonnée » (ibid, 27). This concerted adion is part of what Barth terms the "social construction of identity" (Barth

1969, 11). The collective identity is part of the process of mobilization for concerted action and is considered a prerequisite for the realization of community goals. The second factor is the coordination of action, which involves the distribution of power and authority. There are different ways to govem a community. One couId adopt the more traditional authoritative style, while others prefer the less hierarchical, more later.al style of govemment. Turk (1973) refers to these styles as "imposed authority," where a specific social unit imposes its regulation and influences the other

members; and lIassociationafist authority," where there is no one powerful unit and authority is lateral, not verticat (Turk, 1973). Josephine Sciortino 21

The third fador is the regulation or resolution of conflict. Conflict is intense when resources, whether symbolic or material, are great. A possible source of conflict, according to Breton (1983), occurs when sorne members are concemed about the affairs of the homeland, while others in the group are preoccupied with the conditions in their adopted countries. The prime importance of conflict lies in ils resolution. Breton appropriately states that, "la cohésion sociale de la communauté et sa capacité d'action concertée ne dépendent pas de l'absence de conflits, mais plutôt de la présence de mécanismes efficaces pour leur gestion" (Breton 1983, 34). Ethnie groups are not at ail monolithic in composition or in ambition. Breton (1983) offers three variables affecting a group's ability to govem itself: the collective identity, coordination of action and the regulation or resolution of conflict. The most critical element in the capacity and saliency of ethnie govemance is the active participation of its members. Mobilization of '''ember. People are an important resource and they are moved to participate according to certain incentives. Breton (1991) highlights three categories of incentives: purposive, material and solidaristic. Purposive incentives operate when a member sees himself as an important player in the realization of the group's objectives. Members might not wholeheartedly agree with the proposed plan, yet some members act in support of the greater good. However, participation is fluid and cannat be guaranteed even when members agree with the objectives of group. Breton (1991) observes that "individuals who agree with certain objectives and who would even beneflt personally from their attainment do not contribute to the organization necessary for their pursuif' (Breton 1991, 118). To encourage participation, leaders use loyalty: Community leaders also use loyalty as a tool to incite members to participate. Communit}' arganizations frequently devale considerable effort to generating loyalty among their members -- to fostering a sense of commonalty between the Josephine Sciortino 22

individual's own identity and social and economic conditions and those of the group. Establishing a link between individual and collective identity and an individual's fate can lead to a commitment or obligation to the group (ibid, 119). Leaders al50 use constraint, where individuaJ contribution can become obligatory through the use of threats or the application of sanctions. The second source of incentives is material. Monetary value, such as wages, language training, health insurance, job infonnation, education, financial assistance, is connected with participation. These methods prove to be very effective, as they entail the possible loss of prestige in the community. Members stand to lose status in the community and experience defamation of character, loss of reputation or accusation of disloyalty to the group. There are also positive incentives ("selective incentives") to induce participation, such as prestige; the possible advance in career or social and cultural enrichment (Breton, 1983).

A third source of incentives is what Breton (1991) calfs Ilsolidaristic," where members get a sense of group membership and identification. Contlict plays an important role in this type of incentive. It can be used not ta divide the group, but to solidity it and to encourage member participation. Inter-eommunal conflict provides a wider base for identification and can stimulate participation among individuals of different social backgrounds. Breton (1991) explains that: a unified socio-political structure based on a more or less imposed consensus can discourage participation and commitment. Dynamic debate of issues, when perceived as urtimately constructive (or at least not destructive) could incite individuals ta get involved" (Breton 1991, 128).

The Yom Kippur war in 1973 demonstrates this factor in the Jewish cammunity. Since the war, Elazar and Walfer (1990) explain how the Jewish diaspora became more interested in the state of Israel. More Jews fert an intense attachment to the land and became more aware of their political responsibility. The crisis "sharpened the polity aspects of organized Jewish life in America" (Elazar 1976, 342). Another issue that prompted a concerted effort to persuade the federal govemment ta aet on Josephine Sciortino 23 behaJf of Jewish interests was the prosecution of Nazi war criminals. This issue also steered the community's attention towards Israel. Participation is also detennined according to onels political participation back in the native country. Black (1987) states that political transferability is high among immigrants who had high degrees of political involvement and experience. That is, the more one was politically active at home, the greaterthe chance one would be active in the new land. An important factor that Black omits is the nature of the group and the reason for their arrivai to Canada. Sorne immigrants do not partieipate in the politics of their new country for local and domestie reasons; instead, they use opportunities in the new land to advance the interests of their homeland. Their level of political participation may not solely depend on their experience, but more on the current political situation of theïr homeland. Membership in a particular ethnie group is, by nature, involuntary. Yet, members can choose to be either active or passive actors in the fonnal ethnie organization. This participation is depandent upon a number of incentives, sueh as purposive, material or solidaristie. Another factor is the history of members and their past political involvement and interest. The extemal environment also plays an important role in shaping the form of the organization. The Raie of the Environment The raie of the environment can fundamentally modify and affect the development, dynamics and structure of the ethnie community. The environment within which groups are fonned acts as a "set of opportunities available ta members of ethnie groups, a set of possible problems and constraints with which they have to cope" (Breton 1991 , 41). Extemal agencies, such as the govemment, preter ta deal with one representative, rather than with a myriad of "leaders": The extemal organization wants political competition to remain intemalized in the communities. By having competition contained within the ethnie communities, the political costs Josephine Sciortino 24

such competition would have for the extemal agency are reduced or eliminated (Breton 1991,55-6). Ta iIIustrate, Hoe (1976) explains how the govemment strongly encouraged the

Chinese community to fORn a united front in the case of competing proposais on Chinatown development. State polieies can afso affect the formation and charader of ethnie organization. Stasiulis (1980) argues that state policies affect the development of ethnie communities. An important area of concem is immigration and citizenship whereby countries uphold certain criteria regarding who should gain entry into the country. The govemment can also have a policy of dispersing the new population so as ta provide provinces with a pool of cheap labour. Dispersing a small community (10,000 or less) across the country can have debilitating effects on community organization, cohesion and unity. Stasiulis (1980) does not, however, include the process of entry that can be very difficult on new arrivais, especially refugees leaving lite-threatening situations. The manner of questioning during the immigration process with new arrivais can be difficult and has a negative effect on the degree of involvement with theïr ethnie group. Arrivais might teel threatened and, consequently, prefer ta remain neutral and passive in their new land. State tunding is another important fador. Most funds go toward non..recurring projects rather than sustaining grants. Govemments encourage the submission of short..term proposais, such as conferences. This approach works against new and deprived groups, but to the advantage of larger, well-established groups. In the end, il permits "Iittle achievement toward any specifie social goal" (Stasiulis 1980,

35). The state funds groups that claim ta be the representative or "umbrella" party.

The repercussions of state intervention in the funding of ethnie community associations extend weil beyond the individual organizations funded ta impact upon the ethnie community as a whole and to seriously delimit the nature and scape of its collective struggles (ibid, 37). Josephine Sciortino 25

Ethnie associations perceive the state to be either hostile or benign toward them, depending on which group receives funds. An interest group's activity depends on the opportunities determined by the govemment. The Canadian faderai system makes it possible for groups ta affect bath levels of govemment. The system "al50 creates opportunities for interest groups, for it allows groups ta exercise influence at one level of govemment by using the other level ta make its case" (Landes 1995, 411). However, the structure

of the Canadian po1ity, Landes (1995) argues, affects the nature of group participation. "The more sites at which interest groups have ta participate ta protect their concems or achiave their goals, the harder it is for them to affect the decision­

making process" (ibid, 479-80). Van Loon and Whittington (1987) agree with Landes, and add that as rapid changes exist in the system, groups need to be aware of the constant shifts in the balance of power between the various levels of govemment. There are great impediments to those who lack knowledge of the system and loci of power. Groups find it difficult to target the mast effective channel through which to communicate. Ethnie groups and other interest groups need to be intensely aware of the power interests and different venues: The Canadian political system, then, tends to favour alite groups, making functional accommodative, consensus­ seeking techniques of political communication, rather than conflict·oriented techniques that are directed towards the achievement of objectives through arousing public opinion (Pross 1975, 19). Therefore, groups need to be aware of the importance and the various roles of the Cabinet, public service, the House and the Senate. The key assets a group must have are l'an understanding of issues, reliable information, persistence and workable policy proposais that harmonize with govemment goals. Most importantly, a lobbyist must be able to deliver.,,7 Groups need to create an image of reliability about the information they provide and they Josephine Sciortino 26

should be able to guard confidences about their contacts. Infonnal or fonnal contacts must be religiously maintained. The use of advisory committees. inter10cking memberships. and public relations are important ingredients (Van Loon and Whittington. 1987). An obviously important resource is money. Single-issue groups are the most vulnerable when they are promotional in nature. that is. promoting a cause. These groups lack funds. their leaders come and go and members are volunteers. with sporadic activity levels. Van Loon and 'A'hittington (1987) add that the number of members does not necessarily imply success; groups need organizational cohesiveness. "If an organization's executive really does speak for its members.

and if the members might be mobilized en masse in support for the group's ideas. any threats the group makes or implies will have considerable credibility" (ibid. 426). Moreover. a group will succeed if its overall aims keep within the prevailing values of society in which it operates. Access ta the decision makers of govemment is the sine qua non of interest-group influence on public policy, but in a way. that is ail it is, for. having convinced decision makers to listen to the group's case, the group must still be convincing about the merits of its argument (ibid, 430). The case groups make before policy makers must be consistent with the values prevalent in the new society. There are inevitable issues that surface when discussing ethnie associations in the new land: foreign policy implications. potential problem of dual loyalties and the question of permanence. Foreign Policy Implications Diasporas can affect the arena of international relations, particularty the sphere of their host country's foreign policies. Esman (1989) outlines seven classes of activities that implicate diasporas in these affairs. (1) Diasporas may attempt directly to influence events in home country, with economic, political or military methods: Direct action by diaspora groups may create tensions between host and home govemments, the latter accusing the Josephine Sciortino 27

fonner of tolerating and even abetting hostile adivities which they are believed to have the power to suppress (Esman 1986,340). (2) Next, diasporas may use their influence in the host country to aet on behalf of an interest of the home govemment. (3) Also, home govemments may attempt to use the diaspora in pursuit of their own goals, mainly economic or political goals. (4) Diasporas may seek protection of the home country when faced or threatened

with mistreatment. (5) The host country may use resident diaspora communities to

pursue their own extemal political or economic goals. (6) The diaspora communities may attenlpt ta influence international organizations on OOhalf of their homeland. (7) Finally, home govemments may ask hast govemments to influence, usualfy"to restrain what it perceives ta be the hostile or embarrassing activities of sections of its diasporas" (ibid, 343). Yet, "the foreign policy interest of states supersede their commitments to theïr diasporas...States will not risk important security or economic interests for the sake of diaspora communities" (ibid, 348). It is important ta note that diaspora communities are not monolithic in their orientation in domestic, nor in international affairs. They may be divided along class lines, by the longevity of their residence in host country, by sub-ethnic, ragional or caste origins. This friction can cause competition for leadership and resources within the community: Thase internai divisions affect the group's appreciation of its situation, definition of ifs interests, bath domestic and intemational, and choice of tactics. Representativ65 of these competing orientations vie for leadership and influence within the diaspora and for the right to represent it to outsiders (ibid, 344). The Potential Problem of Dual Loyalties Conflict might also arise when the issue of dual loyalty is present. Diaspora communities have their own interests to defend în theîr adopted countries, and consequently they are especially sensitive to charges of dualloyalty threatening their security and status in their host country: The higher the cost ta their status and security in their adopted country, or to their ideological commitments, the greater the Josephine Sciortino 28

prospect that the community will split, fail to support the home govemment or even tum against it (ibid, 347). As their activities may conflict with the values and ideals of the host country, groups accept the set rules of the hast country. The problem of dualloyalty and authority may arise when groups mobilize to promote or defend interest of their homeland within host country. A similar question arose with the Hungarian-eanrdian community charged with divided loyalties. Divided loyalties were expr-essed through the reaction of the community to the homeland in times of crisis in the 1950s. Through the extensive lobbying efforts of the Hungarian community, funds came in to purchase an airplane to send much­ needed resources to Budapest. The community raised $30,000 for this cause, with the help of the United States, while their organization in Canada was in debt of $3,000. What is relevant here is the fact that the group decided to raise money for their p€ople back home rather than use the money to reduce their debt in Canada. This example illustrates "how much immigrant communities in North America are concemed with the problems of their homeland in crisis and how much they tend to neglect their problems in the new country" (Hryniuk and Luciuk 1993, 29). The Question of Permanence Although many refugees dream of going back home, the study by Bertot and Jacob (1991) shows that they eventually stay in their new land and work toward bringing their whole family together. An immigration worker reports: Dans les faits, je sais très bien que la majorité d'entre eux vont rester ici et qu'ils vont peu à peu transformer leur rêve de retour en un projet de réunification de leur famille ici, au Canada. Le gouvernement canadien semble croire que la majorité des réfugiés retournent dans leur pays et c'est faux (Bertot and Jacob 1991, 162). Recent refugees do direct their energies toward their homeland, yet as the urgent, more tangible, needs of their new land surface, they begin to redirect their energies and concentrate on theïr new land concems. Josephine Sciortino 29

Sheffer (1986) also addresses the permanence of diasporas and theïr cultural, political and economic activities. Diasporas will continue to exist as the systems of communication and technology improve, and as long as communities maintain permanent contact with their homeland through regular visits, remittances, fobbying and pressure. The modem ethnie diaspora will develop and maintain their multilateral connections with various social and political groups in the host country, the homeland and a possible third country. This third country can af50 operate as a mediator between the homeland and the host country. For some diasporas, the concept of the homeland may not be very specifie and clear as a point of reference, due to the lack of political recognition. "To diaspora eommunities the homeland may be an ideological construct or myth, but no less signifleant to them than specifie homelands to which other migrant communities relate" (Esman 1986, 335). The

Kurdish community has very strong emotional attô..~~ments with the land they cali Kurdistan, though it is not a politically recognized country. Conclusion As was outlined in this literature review, there are many fadors affecting the organization and mobilization of ethnie groups. The Kurdish community, although a new group in Canada, embodies the characteristics of a small diaspora group. The over 30 million Kurds in the worfd do not have a land to cali their own, yet they adopt new lands of residenee and still maintain and perpetuate theïr Kurdish culture and political ideologies. They openly fight for their homeland concems in theïr new land because they simply cannat express themselves back home for fear of severe punishment. The fact that the community preserves their culture and language in a new land without an official recognition of their national identity is an interesting fado The Kurds in Canada do not claim to be Turks, Iraqis, Arabs or Iranians - they are Kurds, without a country. They are Kurds with definite goals and the organizational skills to vocalize their demands within the Canadian polity. Josephine Sciortino 30

As the data will demonstrate, the community functions as an interest group, an ethnie polity, with theirefforts concentrated on homeland concems. The community's efforts are largely determined by theïr size and level of cohesiveness. The nature of the community as a small and refugea group distïnctly affects the place of the Kurdish community within the Canadian political structure. This literature review provided a theoretical outline and framework within whieh to study the Kurdish community along the following fines: small ethnie group, diaspora and interest group. The next chapter reviews the various methods of data collection. Josephine Sciortino 31

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH AND ISSUES Research always begins with a question. The all-encompassing question for this thesis was: "How are small ethnic polities fonned?" The methods of data collection revolved around this question. Quantitative data could not describe the community as weil as qualitative research did, therefore, 1chose qualitative research to discover the intricacies and dynamics of the small ethnie community of the Kurds.

My focus was on the community's mobilization potential and their political structure.

1began my research in January 1994 and have only stopped rese&rching the topic at the time of this writing. Three types of data collection were employed: structured interviews, participant observations and documentary analysis. Using these three methods, 1was able to enrich my data and capture a "holistic" sense of the community. My research began by conducting preliminary interviews with Kurds and non-Kurds. These interviews provided me with an overview of sorne major issues and themes that wouId arise during the course of the in-depth interviews. 1 read ethnographies on people's experiences with Kurds in their homeland, notably

Joumey Among Brave Men (Schmidt 1964) and Children of the Jinn (Kahn 1980). Gaining access ta the community required sorne sarious homework inta Kurdish history. The Kurds are very tied ta their history and an entry into the community with no prior knowledge of their history would have been detrimental to the study and my future contact with the community. History is more than just facts chronicled in a textbook, for the Kurds it is thair lifeline and what they believe ties them ta thair sense of nationalism. It is necessary to aise mention that Kurds also ding ta many myths, as weil sorne unpleasant tacts may be ignored. Every Kurd knows their history meticulously and makes it a serious point ta study their origins as a nation. Their history of nationalism and self-rule may be their only tangible link to their "Kurdishness" due to their lack of political recognition. Bafore 1began my Josephine Sciortino 32 interviewing,1 read historical essays and texts on Kurds and Kurdistan. To know Kurdish history is to know the Kurds and this knowledge was imperative to my continued access within, and acœptance in, the community. The members of the community welcomed me and encouraged my curiosity in the Kurdish culture. They were open to answer questions about their heritage and about their experiences in Canada. Many Kurds were very surprised by my interest and seemed, at first, suspicious of my motives; many people jokingly said that 1was a spy working for the govemment. Many respondents were reluctant to give me theïr real names, as they awaited a decision on their status in Canada. For the tirst interviews with members of the community, 1carried a copy of

my school registration, just in case l they needed proof of my status as a student. However assured members were of my genuine interest, they would not allow me ta tape-record their interviews. For many, even writing notes down made them very nervous and consequently, limited what they shared with me. 1reconciled these problems and limited my interview times ta 30-60 minutes each interview, ta give me enough time ta jot sorne notes down immediately following the interview. 1 prepared a set of questions and issues to discuss beforehand (see Appendïx 3). These face-ta-face interviews proved ta be very beneficial in gathering verbal information, but also for theïr non-verbal messages. These messages included expressions of anger when discussing topies, such as the persecution they endured in their homeland. Their feelings of anxiety were demonstrated by nervous twitches when discussing the future of their land and their relatives who remain there. Many respondents shed tears when thinking about the thousands of Kurds who have lost their lives in the past years and the many more who continue to give their lives as martyrs for the "Kurdish cause." 1interviewed people within the three levels of organization for the community. Level one consisted of the Kurdish community as a whole. This group included ail Josephine Sciortino 33 the Kurds in Canada, whether or not they are active or "officiar members of the

Kurdish poIitical organization. [This distinction will be explained in further chapters.) Furthermore, 1included respondents fram different parts of Kurdistan. The second level consisted of those who are actively involved in the formai organizations. This level included ail the fonnal organizations, such as the Kurdistan Committee of Canada. Leaders and active members play an important role in this stage. The final level included the non-Kurds who were mobilized on OOhalf of the Kurds for their cause. This group included sympathetic Canadians, the Canadian media, the Canadian govemment, refugea and human rights organizations, church groups and non-Kurdish wives of Kurds. 1interviewed 25 Kurds, mostly men. Most refugees admitted ta Canada are men [this trend will be discussed in a later chapter). 1became aware of the need to have equal representation of men and women. Women were not passive members; they were quite vocal in the community. Yet, many women were reluctant ta speak with me for fear of political repercussions. Also, many women wanted ta remain apolitical in theïr host country and simply concentrate on their children's weil­ being. My sample came tram namas provided to me by members of the community centre. 1did not limit my interviews ta active members, as 1wanted to get a full spectrum of the Kurdish experienœ. 1included Kurds of ail different social, economic and political standpoints. My participant observation data came from participating in marriage ceremonies, Kurdish-Canadian Festivals and from visiting the vanous Kurdish Centres in Toronto, Ottawa and Montreal. Due ta financial and time constraints, 1 restricted my interviews ta Kurds living in Toronto, Ottawa and Montreal. 1have, however, met Kurds living in Western Canada at the vanous celebrations. 1 interviewed one Kurdish man, living in Calgary, while he was in Toronto for a festival. 1also participated in a radio broadcast by Radio-Centre Ville on the preservation Josephine Sciortino 34

and practice of Kurdish Folklore Music in Kurdistan and Canada. 1took part in the seminar offered by the McGiII Refugee Project where the issue of Kurdish refugees was on the agenda. This seminar was another opportunity for me ta meet with Kurds. 1participated in the evants ta gain a better understanding of what is important

ta the community. Prus (1991) describes this process as discovering "the realities employed by the people we are studying, the meanings they assign to abjects,

and theïr notions of what's important and interesting" (Prus 1991, 123). For documentary analysis, 1referred ta the mandates of the three communities (Montreal, Toronto and Ottawa}, the newsletter published by the Kurdistan Committee in Ottawa and news sources from the internet. 1also referred ta official texts written by parts of the diaspora living in Europe and the United States. 1 sur1ed the Internet and visited sorne Kurdish web sites and persanal web pages trom Kurds around the globe. There is quite a vast group in cyberspace that devotes time ta discussing the Kurdish case through Internet chat groups. This data was collected late in the research stage. 1al50 referred ta newspaper articles. Ta further enrich my experience of the Kurdish community, 1visited Tumey and Kurdistan tram March 17-24, 1995, as part of a Canadian delegation lad by Member of Partiament, Svend Robinson. The Kurdistan Committee of Canada (KCC) organized this delegation. Its aim was ta observe and document the living and political conditions of the people of Turkey, notably the Kurdish minority. We met with human rights organizations, unions, newspaper agencies and politicaJ parties of the region. Seing in Tur1

this delegation, the Kurdish community solidified their existence as an ethnie polity.

More details of the trip will be discussed further in this thesis. There were inherent limitations in the study of the Kurdish community. Firstly, 1 am not Kurdish and did not know any Kurds before 1began my research. In fad, 1 began by interviewing anyone who was willing and capable of giving me a pieture of what they thought of the Kurds and their situation. 1started interviewing my Middle Eastem friands. 1also discussed my research tapie with librarians, teachers, friends and family. With these conversations, 1was able to get some contacts within the Kurdish community. There was also a problem that 1might be interviewing the same type of people and have no sense of the complete spectrum of the Kurdish community. 1needed to interview ail Kurds of different social, economic and political levels. The solution was to talk to many people who could lead me to other Kurds. 1made every effort ta interview Kurds of varying professions and experiences. When 1tirst began my research, my contacts were primarily men. 1had no 'Nomen contacts within the Kurdish community. 1realized that 1needed equal representation, as women were an integral part of the community. Neglecting the role of women would be a crucial error, yet the difficulty was finding women who were available ta talk with me. This lack of women respondents attests to the lack of Kurdish women refugees in Canada, and also to the fact that most women stayed al home to take care of the children, rather than spend their time at the community center. Language was another limitation. 1do not speak Kurdish, Turkish or Arabie. This lack of knowledge restricted my access ta informai conversations amongst Kurds and to formai meetings among the general Kurdish public. Moreover, sangs and theatre, at festivals and celebrations, were performed in Kurdish or Turkish. Sorne parts of the celebrations were translated into either French or English depending on whether they were held in Montreal or Toronto. Due to the language restrictions, 1did pay close attention ta body language and tonality and 1relied on the Josephine Sciortino 36 accurate translation of my Kurdish informants. It is important ta note that lleamed the basics of Kurdish and Turkish ta be able ta say a few greetings.

Not only was language a problem for speech purposes, but it also posed a restriction to my acœss to literature. Many of their history texts and newspapers in their community collections are in any of the three languages (Kurdish, Turkish, and Arabie). 1did however get copies of sorne texts in English and French. Their Canadian newsletter is published in English. Also most of the magazines on Kurdish affairs abroad are publish from London, England and are in English. Another difficulty was tracking down sorne of my respondents. Sorne of them reft town or the country on a moment's notice, whieh made follow·up interviews difficult. 1 realized this potential problem and made my first interviews quite extensive, thereby making follow·up interviews unnecessary in sorne cases. Also, to further complicate interview procedures, sorne subjects gave pseudonym:. obrivious to me. 1had no idea what their real names were, which made tracking them down very difflCult. 1enlisted the help of an infonnant in these cases. Many of these limitations made the issues of varidity and reliability difficult to maintain. Internai validity assesses the truth of what is being studied and determines the accuracy of the data. Obtaining many varied methods of data collection, the use of triangulation helped to strengthen internai validity. Triangulation is the use of three different methods of data collection; in this case 1used document analysis, personal interviews and participant observation. 1gathered rich data on how the community is govemed by looking at the community in its celebrations and meeting places: It is important to understand the perspectives of those involved in the phenomenon of interest, to uncover the complexity of human behaviour in a contextual framework, and to present a holistic interpretation of what is happening (Merriam 1988,168).

1also adopted Sweetman1s (1994) approach when she researched the Kurdish culture for her book Kurdish Culture: A Cross-Cultural Guide. She Josephine Sciortino 37

began her research in 1985, and in her book dealt with "cultural themes that are partieularly relevant to Westemers who want to appreciate and understand Kurdish culture, and better adapt to if' (Sweetnam 1994,22). She relied on life histories and more partieularly, she noticed the following eues: observed the pattems of behaviour rather than a single occurrence; validated conclusions by taJking with Kurdish friends; listened to what they said and wrote about themselves; and observed what Kurdish parents taught their children. These factors were examined with my interviews and observations within the Kurdish community.

Reliability ean be established if the research can be replicated. My methods ean be tned on other small ethnie groups. Refer to the literature review on small ethnie groups (Chapter 2]. My data serves to enrich the existing work done on small groups. Similarty, external validity refers to how the findings of the study can be generalizable. This research can be applied to small ethnie groups or other groups, such as the Armenians and the Jews, who have suffered similar fates and have organized in theïr new land for the cause of the homeland. ln general the cornmunity was very open to my presence. While at the

Centre in Toronto, 1was treated like everyone else. They offered me food and introduced me to everyone; one family opened up their home for me one night.

saw them perform their routine activities, such as getting three young boys into bed and cooking. It was interesting to see how this immigrant family deatt with daily lite in

Canada. 1had a sense that the three boys were quite comfortable living in Canada. They showed a lot of affection toward the parents. Their mother also showed much affection toward me by demonstrating her acceptance of my research and me. 1was shown family photos and introduced to other family members. About the fieldwork itself, Shaffir and Stebbins (1991) say that it "is carried out by immersing oneself in a collective way of life for the purpose of gaining firsthand knowledge about a major facet of if' (Shaffir and Stebbins 1991, 5). My Josephine Sciortino 38 fieldwork with the Kurdish community was extensive. 1immersed myself in their company by meeting with members on a regular basis, either to leam basie Kurdish or to simply keep in touch socially. 1aise kept abreast of the issues surrounding the worldwide Kurdish community. The interviewing process was very emotional for the respondents and for me, as interviewer. Many of the respondents underwent senous persecution and displayed a lot of emotion during the interviews. 1aise became aware of my own sensitivities and shortcomings as an interviewer due to the emotional weightiness of the interviews. 1experienced the words of writer Paul

McLaughlin (1986) when he describes the benefits of interviewing, as "the tremendous opportunity available to find out about yourself through discovering other people, their ideas, and your responses to them" (McLaughlin 1986, xiv). Apart from these personal benefits, 1gained, what 1believe, is important information about a small ethnie group in Canada and a group that is the largest ethnie group without a land to cali their own. The community is very small by standards set by other ethnie groups, yet their organization in Canada is growing and, consequently, so is their impact on Canadian society. Josephine Sciortino 39

CHAPTER FOUR: THE KURDISH COMMUNITV Seing Kurdish in the Middle East and in the diaspora is more than a cultural attachment; it is essentially a political statement. Ta avoid severe political persecution, many Kurds flee the persecution in their country and run ta literally save their lives. They run to Canada ta find a lite without persecution and to peacefully coexist with others as Kurds. The Kurdish community, like other ethnie communities, has their own centres and meeting places. The Kurds, however, are different trom such groups as Italians and Greeks, in that they come as involuntary immigrants, escaping intolerable home situations. 1begin this section with a description of their entry into Canada, followed by an analysis of the differences inherent in the community. The Kurdish Entry to Canada

Since 1986 an estimated 15,000 Kurds have entered Canada as

Convention Refugees. B They are accepted under the United Nations Convention

Relating to the Status of Refugees and its Protocols instituted in 1951 and ratified in

Canada in 1969.9 Under the Immigration Act of 1978, refugees are allowed to come under private sponsorship by service clubs, church congregations and non­ govemmental organizations that would be able to support an individual or family for one year. The Kurdish Associations, non-govemmental organizations, immigration centres and church groups (such as the Mennonite Central Committee in Toronto and the Maison D'Amitié in Montreal) provide sponsorship for sorne Kurds.

Beginning in 1986, mast Kurds came as groups. There was a massive influx of Kurds at this time. The Kurdish exodus tram Kurdistan coincided with two major events: the intensification of the Turkish attack against the Kurds, and consequently, the retaliation of the Kurds through the creation of the Kurdish Workers Party in

1978.10 After this massive entrance to Canada, Kurds arrived as individuals to Josephine Sciortino 40 reunite with their families. It is difficult to obtain statistics on the exact number of Kurds that arrived and that continue to arrive. Refugeas are identified by their country of last permanent residence, and not by their nationality or ethnicity. According ta conservative estimates taken fram an immigration worker, there were 15,000 Kurds living in Canada in 1995.11 Most Kurdish refugees come ta Canada via Europe, often their first asylum, where they later get relocated ta Canada. In Europe, most refugeas contact a Canadian visa office where they are asked to validate their refugee status. Many Kurds leave Europe for Canada because of the fear of being deported back to their country due ta their political involvements. One Kurdish man recounts the "European experience." His has been in Canada for three years and has welcomed many Kurdish arrivais trom Europe. He also has family living in Europe. He explains how, in Europe, new citizens are encouraged ta be politically and culturally neutral in order ta assimilate into the hast culture. In tact, in many cases their status as permanent residents depends on their being apolitical. Further, the economic recession in Europe creates a situation where people are forced ta concentrate theïr efforts in improving theïr economic status, while putting aside their cultural and political objectives. If they are not accepted as permanent residents in Europe, most refugees come ta Canada. One immigration worker in Montreal states that Canada has a reputation for being an open country. For this reason, many refugees feel they can come and be accepted as residents in the country. When they arrive at the airport, they make their claims as refugees and receive information on the various Kurdish committees and associations. They are also provided with the names of a Kurdish social worker and a translator if they need one. The Kurdish Associations are equipped to deal with the needs of new immigrants, like adjustment, language and education. Josephine Sciortino 41

Sorne problems did arise with the investigation into refugees from Turkey. The Kurdish Association in Montreal and a Kurdish translator for the Immigration Bureau both agree that about 2,000 Turkish nationals arriving between 1985-86 claimed they were Kurds to gain access to Canada (Dirks 1995,88). These "taise Kurds" even started an Association, albait short-lived. "False Kurds" are Turks who use the Kurdish language to gain entry to Canada as a refugee. A Kurd is essentially more than someone who speaks Kurdish; it is someone who feels tied to Kurdish history and one who feels Kurdish. It is extremely subjective. To resolve the problem of fraudulent refugee clainls, the govemment of Canada placed a visa requirement on ail Tur1

rights reports on countries, such as Turkey, Iran and Iraq to verity the claims of refugees. Betore their acceptance as refugees, claimants must undergo a series of medical examinations by Health and Welfare Canada and security screenings by Canadian Security and Intelligence Service under the Convention Refugee Determination Division. Findings presented at the McGill Refugee Project show that prospective Kurdish applicants are asked about their political activities back home and about any future involvement with alleged terrorist organizations, notably the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). Kurdish refugees must prove their neutrality conceming radical political affiliations before they are granted refugee status. When the questioning is complete and they pass the "tesf', they begin their new lives in Canada. Canada is seen as a safe haven for the Kurds. Many Kurds look forward to the day when they attain Canadian citizenship. At that time, they feel they can visit their homeland with the security of being tree tram poritical persecution. Although this is not always the case, as news reports trom Calgary show that Kurds who visit

Turkey do not escape persecution tor being Kurdish. '2 ln Jury 1999, a group of Kurdish-Canadians were detained and taken to Ankara to undergo police questioning. The Tur1Kurdish population in Canada is concentrated in Ontario. The Kurdish population in Ouebec is not as large for various reasons. Firstly, the majority of Kurds come ta Canada tram Iraq, where the language taught in schools is English because of the strong British influence in that country. Therefore, Iraqi Kurds prefer to live in Ontario, a province with an English-speaking majority, where transition and integration inta Canadian society can be a little less overwhelming. Secondly, although many Kurds arrive in Montreal, they leave Ouebec when they hear reports tram Kurds in Ontario about the greater accessibility ta social services and employment opportunities. One Kurdish man from Turkey believes that many Kurds trom Turkey choose Ouebee because they feel Ouebec immigration is more accessible. He also states that many Kurds feel an affinity with the Quebecers within Canada fighting for an independent country, "we understand each other." The different Kurdish Associations agree that over half of the Kurdish population in Canada reside in Ontario. Many live with their families, however, there are no specifie Kurdish areas in Canadian cities. Many Kurds prefer ta live closer to the eommunity centres, yet there is no defined "Kurdish ghetto." Josephine Sciortino 44

TABLE 2 NUMBER OF NEW PERMANENT RESIDENTS LIVING IN ONTARIO AND QUEBEC FOR 1993 Table adapted from Employment and Immigration Canada stati.tics, 1993

ence

Homeland on the mind Studies show that the two dominant aspirations of refugee groups are ta improve their material status and ta retum home ta live in peace (Bertot and Jacob 1991). Kurds arriving as refugees face difficulties different from those faced by voluntary immigrants. Political and economic insecurities, repression and war do not give them preparation time ta make a drastic move ta another country, much less a more to another continent. Many refugees leave family members, employment, personal possessions, and more importantly, they leave behind the land they love, Kurdistan. In arder to survive, many Kurds eam their living by working in the construction industry, yet these jobs are seasonal and uncertain. More and more Kurds enter the service industry and open up franchises of the "2 for 1" pizzerias called "Pizza Kurde". There are at least eight Kurdish-operated restaurants in Montreal. Business is not the only career path for members of the Kurdish community. Some also have degrees in medical sciences and engineering, yet because of their poor language skilfs and the difficulty in transferring their skiIls in Canada, finding employment is difficult. To increase their employment opportunities, most Kurds enrol in language classes (English for those in Ontario and French in Ouebec). While they are in theîr host country, refugees have specifie needs, such as help with immigration procedures, employment, language instruction, housing, education, adaptation, and, Josephine Sciortino 45

in the case of the Kurdish community, heritage language leaming. The Kurdish language is forbidden in Turkey, se many young Kurds have never had the opportunity to leam their native tongue. In Canada, Kurdish Associations take the teaching of Kurdish very seriously and encourage young people to leam the Kurdish language to maintain their cultural distinctiveness. The Associations aise help theïr members in their job and housing searches, as weil as immigration and education needs. Arif Zêrevan is a Kurdish man living in Sweden. He speaks openly about the urgent need of the Kurdish diaspora to leam Kurdish. He works hard to promote the language in Sweden and encourages young people to leam the language and appreciate the Kurdish culture. Kurds number between thirty and thirty-five million. Yet of those 30-35,000,000 Kurds, only a few thousand are literate in the language. Mr. Firat Ceweri, editor of the Kurdish magazine NODEM (published in Sweden), writes that it is difficult to find two teachers of the language. In order to promote the

culture in the diaspora, it is necessary for the Kurds to leam their language. 13 Notwithstanding the lack of knowledge of the Kurdish language, Kurdistan is never far tram their hearts and minds. The land itself is very dear to ail of the Kurds 1 spoke with. In the minds of Kurdish refugeas, the land of "Kurdistan", whether real or mythical, is both a symbol ot hope and repression. One Kurdish woman from Iranian Kurdistan dreams of going back home and she says, kUn de nos grands rêves un jour c'est de me retrouver encore une fois dans la région au Kurdistan, parce que c'est ma famille, c'est ma racine." These sentiments are strong even though she has baen living in Canada for nine years. Cultural heritage and family bonds are crucial for every Kurd. A Kurdish immigration worker, trom Iranian Kurdistan, who left the country due to her involvement with political organizations, proudly daims that "C'est la langue matemelle ou la langue culture où tu as grandi. Clest quelque chose inoubliable." Josephine Sciortino 46

Upon arrivai at their Centres, either in Montreal or Toronto, television screens show the situation in Turkey and the various Kurdish demonstrations 90ing on in the wor1d. Martyrs are greatly admired, with their photos are predominantly placed on the walls of the Associations. Many Kurds spoke to me of asserting theïr identity as homage to the "blood of martyrs." Every Kurd 1speke to recounted their story of how they came to Canada and the reasons for theïr dispersal as a distinct Kurdish nation. They speak of their homeland with such passion and many have meticulous knowledge about Kurdish history and politics. When visiting their homes, they proudly showed me their photo albums and speak with sombre remembrance of their struggles. In sorne Iraqi Kurdish homes, there are pictures of Mulla Mustafa Barzani, their Kurdish hero. They relish in the freedom to hang up pictures of this nature, as it is iIIegal back home. One man tells me of the political freedoms enjoyed in Canada as opposed to the rack of freedom back in his home country of Iraqi Kurdistan, "If the govemment back home would catch me with this picture on my wall, 1would be in jail and who knows what." The Kurdish Centres receive information about the events in Kurdistan on a daily basis via faxes from the Committee in Ottawa, who receives theïr information from Europe, mostly Germany. Even purely cultural or social events, like weddings, take on political significance and tum into quasi-pofitical rallies and a means to encourage active participation in the community. At a Kurdish wedding 1attended in Montreal, there were the traditional balloons and 'Nedding decorations, but more significantly there were flags of a free Kurdistan and a book table with Kurdish material. Guests danced and sung ta political songs and hymns of freedom, and their music is inundated with tones of political struggle and freedom. A radio program at Radio Centre Ville, dedicated to cultural music, featured Kurdish music. The producer and hast of the show agree that Kurdish music is a perfeet example of a music that is totally influenced by oppression and the fight for freedom, "la musique engagée". Josephine Sciortino 47

New Year's Day celebrations are another example of the Kurdish expression of liberty from oppression. New Yea,'. Day The New Year's celebration (or Newroz), celebrated on the third week of March, is a big event for the community. This celebration attraets many Kurds from every political, ideological and religious conviction. This day marks a day of unity and resistance for the Kurdish people. Kurds are denied the right to celebrate this day in their homeland, especially in Turkey, yet they appreciate the freedom to celebrate their holiday. [Please refer to Chapter 6 on my trip to Turkey for the Newroz experience]. The following quotation cornes from the invitation ta attend the Toronto Newroz festivity: "Newroz is not only a holiday but also a day of struggle against colonialism." It is the anniversary of the overthrow of the tyrant, King Zahhak in the year 612 B.C. in Kurdish legend. This story of the King and the blacksmith, who conquers him, is one of the treasured legends among Kurds. They believe this myth is one aspect setting them apart as a separate and distinct nation. Newroz aets as a reminder of the oppression and the victory of the Kurdish people. 14 Newroz festivities, attended by Kurds and non-Kurds, demand a lot of hard work and preparation. Every Newroz celebration demands a lot of preparation. Event organizers invite Kurdish singers from Europe and many women and men spend nights before preparing Kurdish food. 1attended five celebrations, where at a video is shown. The video, the same one for every party, is called "Visions of Kurdistan" and includes messages of encouragement from Kurds across Europe. Kurdish rallies often have the mark of religious gatherings where there are testimonies and caUs for justice, global unity. One message from Europe alsa promotes the Kurdish struggle and praises the martyrs of the "Kurdish cause." Theïr main message: ta preserve their culture and to continue voicing their demands for self-determination: Josephine Sciortino 48

To the brave people of Kurdistan: We congratulate your Newroz today. We remind you of the goal to live our humanity as Kurds. We urge you, as our party leader Serok Apo does, of the necassity ta be ever more rasilient. We undertake this aet of self-immolation, as part of our resistanee. To you, we now entrust the sacred struggle. To the Kurdish diaspora, we say, do own the struggle for the humanity of the Kurds. Make the Kurdish revolution in Kurdistan a reality .15 1noticed that many viewers watched the video with graat pride and patriotism, even though most of the political views expressed in the videos do not represent the views of most Kurds. Young Kurds presented Kurdish folklore dancing and theatre and is a way for them, as a community, to cape with thair circumstances. Lofland

(1984) terms this coping mechanism "adaptive significance." Dancing and singing are ways for Kurds to forget ail the oppression and ta celebrate their freedom and release sorne energy. Everyone danced, from grandchildren to grandparents. Although every Kurd has their own definition of what is best for the Kurdish people, they are united in their suffering. Persecution can unite people and move them to consolidate their efforts for the collective good. This, however, is not always the case. Kurds do not have a unified outlook of their struggle and future; consequently, not ail of them actively participate in Kurdish organizations. Some prefer ta ramain neutral and apol~ical, rather than vocalize their cuttural and political aspirations. Determinants of Political Involvement The nine main deterrninants affecting political involvement of Kurds in Canada are the following: age, education, gender, country of origin, language, family situation, length of stay in Canada, their sense of permanence in Canada and various psychological factors. These factors affect the way and the degree to which immigrants participate in the Kurdish organization. Josephine Sciortino 49

• Age

Young people, between 15-19 years old, in the community offer a unique perspective on the Kurdish struggle and organization. As stated earlier, theyare

encouraged to leam Kurdish and ta be proud of their Kurdish identity. When 1spoke

with sorne young people at a Newroz in Toronto, 1realized that il does not take much work to mobilize the young. They were ail very eager to talk to me and to talk about their country. Many, if not ail of them, have friends back home who are serving time in prison for speaking out against the govemment. Many young Kurds have seen their friends die in front of their eyes and have witnessed the graduai destruction of their people. One young man (from Turkish Kurdistan), who organizes events for the Kurdish community in Montreal, recounts his experience and close encounter with devastation:

1was twelve years old when the military attacked my village and bumed homes. Soldiers attacked wornen, children and men. 1 found it very difficult ta concentrate on my schooling because there were sa many soldiers around ail the time. 1 took part in a demonstration in high school and we were ail beaten and treated like animais. These images and experiences do not fade away quickly. These young people have been forced into adulthood before their time, and they will not forget their heritage. One young Kurd, whose brother is a fighter in the Kurdish mountains, continues ta persevere in community work ta honour the memories of "the blood of martyrs." He has been in Canada for at least five years and is an active member of the community. Another young girl tells me how one day she might fight in the

mountains for their people. For now 1 she wants ta educate herselt and leam the languages of Canada. A Kurdish-Canadian living in Edmonton is not ashamed ta be Kurdish and ta aet politically. He is fuelled by the memory of his brother. "They executed my brother in front of my eyes just because my other brother left the country," said Fara, who like many other young Kurdish demonstrators in Edmonton, are active in political demonstrations. 16 They \vear placards that say: Free Ocalan Josephine Sciortino 50

Now, Freedom for Kurdistan and Peace for Kurdistan. Young people are active in organizing cultural events and, in Montreal; young people have organized a theatre

and dance group to perform at various cultural events.

The number of young people choosing to stay in Canada is growing, as many of them choose to stay and pursue an education. One young Kurdish woman tells me of how important education is. She came to Canada from Turkish Kurdistan

with her brothers, sisters and father. "It is 50 important for our people." She

describes education as the "key to victory," and she is excited about starting school

here and leaming French, although she admits if will be very difficult. She is very proud to he Kurdish and intends to use her education as a tool to wcrk for her people. Another Kurdish man expresses his desire ta improve his English, "If 1 succeed in English, 1will help with my words, with my diplomacy. 1want to do it for myself and for my nation." He is now studying Business at Montreal's Concordia University. These aspirations would never have been realized if they were living in Kurdistan due ta severe restrictions on education for Kurdish students. Kurdish students are denied the right to further their education and would probably end up fighting in the mountains. Refer to Chapter Six for more details on my visit with the Teachers Union in Turkey.ln Canada, Kurdish students do not face this kind of oppression and appreciate the freedom experienced in this country. • Education Education is another factor affecting political involvement. Through my interviews, 1found a direct correlation between community involvement and degrees of education. 1found that members who choose not to become directly involved in the community are more likely ta have a high degree of education. In addition, the divisions between the various associations are unofficially basad on onels level of education. One Kurdish university student 1spoke with chooses not ta be active in Josephine Sciortino 51 one of the associations in Montreal because "they are not very well-educated." By speaking with some Kurds who have fonnal education, 1noticed that they are less likely to be active in the communitYs political activities. They have other immediate interests, such as establishing their careers or maintaining their tamily. Their political involvement in the host country aise depends on the nature of the education one received in the native land. An interesting respondent 1 interviewed is technically a Kurd, meaning that his father is Kurdish, yat he does not even think of himself as a Kurd. According to what he has been taught, he is lranian. He recognizes that his schooling in Iran greatly influenced his ideas and his national identity. He was not brought up as a Kurd, but as an Iranian. He is not involved with the Kurdish community, rather with the Iranian community. He has been in Canada for seven years and never once considered himself a Kurd. This example illustrates the sensitivity of the Kurdish identity and how it can be either suppressed or strengthened with education.

• Gender

Gender is another important variable affecting the nature and degree of one's involvement in the community. 17 lt is very rare to see bath husband and wife arrive in Canada together. Most often, the men arrive tirst with the goal to establish a degree of tinancial stability before theïr wives and children arrive. In tact, many wives and children wait many years before coming ta Canada; some never even end up arriving (Boyd, 1997). ln her report entitled "Canada's Refugee Flows: Gender Inequality", Boyd

(1997) found that there are more male refugees admitted ta Canada as permanent residents. Among those admitted to Canada as pennanent residents on humanitarian grounds during the past decade (UN convention reJugees and members of designated groups), there were over one and a half times as many men as women. Women were admitted in greater number under the family class Josephine Sciortino 52

category. Among the 57,455 claims finalized in 1991 and 1992 by the Immigration and Refugee Board, 66°,10 were claims from men (Source: Citizenship and Immigration Canada, unpublished data). Men are aise more likely than women to

be politically active when repression, insurgency and civil war accur, thus meeting the criteria of a UN convention refugee. Furthermore, women refugeas are less likely to meet admissibility standards on their own merits because they receive fewer educational, employment and social opportunities than men (Boyd, 1997). It is very common for families to be separated for many months or years before being reunited. Inevitably, women back home experience trauma from

being away from their husbands. The first Kurdish woman 1met was in her mid­ thirties, yet because of the harsh life she lad, her face communicated her pain and she aged thirty years - she looks sixty. She recently arrived in Canada trom Turkey with her two children after being away tram her husband for eleven years. Even her husband admits to me that: "It was a very long process...many families break up because of the long wail. One or two years is O.K., but seven years is a long time." She experienced severe depression and anxiety resulting from anxiety over her husband's welfare. She admits she feels better now being with her husband and being a united family. Yet, her thoughts often go back to Turkey and she worries about her unmarried brother and her sick father. These anxieties and worries are not unique to her. Many women follow their husbands to Canada after months or years of separation, causing extreme anxiety. When they do arrive, they worry about the tamily they left behind. One woman told me how she is never sure about the condition of her brother. One day she heard he was arrested on a bus for alleged involvement with terrorism, yet received no confirmation trom home. She is certain that the Turkish govemment has her family's phones tapped, so she is afraid to cali. When she does cali (which is not often because of the expense), her conversation Josephine Sciortino 53

is limited to superficial matters and nothing concrete. They speak in rhymes, she says. It is difficu!t for them to live a happy and satisfaetory life with the constant worry about their families back home. They wish for a family reunification and a peacefullife in Canada. One elderty woman who joined in the demonstration in Ottawa, in April 1995, on Parliament Hill silently protested against the anns sale to Turkey. Her face bore . the marks of many worries and anxieties. She tells me, through my interpreter, that her two sons moved back to Kurdistan to fight in the mountains. She was very proud to have her sons fight so passionately for her country, yat she constantly worries about their safety. Through the interpreter, she proudly cfaimed, "My body is in Canada, but my heart and thoughts are constantly with my sons."

When speaking ta leaders of the community, 1discovered that women are considered as equal ta men. The community is proud to report that women make

up about hait the fighters in Kurdistan. In reality, however, 1did not see many women attend meetings or take part in political discussions. This seemingly lack of participation among Kurdish women is not due to passivity, but due to the greater domestic responsibilities of raising children placed upon them. The primary reasan women do not attend meetings is that they must be home when the children come back trom schoal to take care of them. 18 When women speak out at meetings they are not cast aside. One time after a meeting in Ottawa, the discussion was carried over to a friend's apartment. One Kurdish woman joined the discussion and her inputs were greatly appreciated; yet there were a tew men who sat silently. This interaction showed me that it a woman is to secure her place in the polnical arena, she has to talk very loud and assert her ideas more forcefully than a man. One Canadian wornan, working with Kurdish women in Toronto, tells me she believes that the organizations do not encourage the talents of Kurdish women. These talents, she Josephine Sciortino 54 believes, remain undeveloped - some talents include weaving beautiful quilts. Yet, they are nat encouraged ta arganize themselves or to start up a business. Wamen1s roles were strietly defined in Kurdistan, as in the rest of the Middle

East, yet after being introduced to Canadian norms of behaviour, Kurdish women are reassessing their raies in the family. The relationships that exist in the new wortd between children and their fathers are changing as weil. In the hast country, children end up as interpreters, as they are the ones who are likely to leam English and/or French. "The tact that children quickly gain greater competence than their parents in the new society is often perceived as threatening by the father in a Kurdish family" (Sweetnam 1994, 236). Mothers often serve ta fill the gap between children and the father and they act as mediators. The language gap grows wider between children and their fathers, while their mothers remain close to their children and try to leam the new language. Further, Kurdish women have a unique responsibility to instil the Kurdish cutture and its values in their children. In a foreign country, this responsibility heightens. They struggle ta keep Kurdish traditions alive in their households, while competing with television, video games and music in the two foreign languages of this country. Their children leam a language that is foreign ta them and they must (eam this new language in arder ta communicate with their parents. Their parents quickly realize that ta communicate with their children, they need to leam the languages themselves. The job of the mother is an important one because she takes care of the children when the father is not home. She has the important job of instilling the Kurdish tradition and language in her children, and of connecting the new wortd of Canada with the old wortd and customs of Kurdistan. One Kurdish mother makes it a priority for her son to leam the Kurdish language and constantly reminds him of his Kurdish heritage. She affirms: "1 want to carry on my cutture ta my children and grandchildren. 1don't want ta become one of them who lose theïr culture. 1don't Josephine Sciortino 55

want to be considered Canadian, but Kurdish first." She works hard at preserving the Kurdish culture at a time when her children are bombarded with the American and Canadian culture through the television. • Country of Origin

One's country of origin is a very important determinant of political involvement. As stated in the introduction, Kurdistan is divided among five nation­ states, with their own polities and needs. Wrthin these different nations, eaeh Kurdish eommunity asserts their own brand of nationalism, whether it is radical or moderate. This differenee creates divergent needs within the community, even after they settle in a new land. Kurds who come from Iraq and Turkey especially iIIustrate this dichotomyof interests. Historically, Kurds in Iraq have not been as militant in faeing the oppressive govemment. With the help of Masud Barzani, leader of the Iraqi Kurdish Democratie Party (KDP), Kurds have held diplomatie ties with the Iraqi regime and have avoided, or at least tried to, any sign of violent resistance. On the contrary, Kurds living in Turkey have attempted ta deal diplomatically with the Turkish govemment to no avail and have resorted ta more militant actions. These different approaches affeet the way members participate in the community. found that Kurds who come from Iraqi Kurdistan are more stable, that is they are more coneemed about achieving finaneial stability in Canada. Political aspirations for Kurdistan are seeondary. Kurds from Iraq are less Iikely ta engage in eontroversial political conversations; they prefer ta live out a peaceful life in Canada. Turkish Kurds are different. They are more zealous in their political participation and work very hard at maintaining their ties with the Kurdish community in Turkey. These members keep the goals of the community at the forefront of their minds. Their purpose for being in

Canada is not 50 much to live as Canadians, but to continue the struggle for Kurdish self-determination and freedom. Josephine Sciortino 56

• Language Language is another fador. The Kurdish language is not homogeneous, but full of regional dialects. Consequently, the Kurdish diaspora does not have one official language. There is a strong difference between the Kurdish languages in the different countries. There are different dialects and languages within the community, such as Sorani, Kunnanji, Arabie, Persian and Turkish. Yet, there is also a generation gap between the young Kurds starting their lives in- Canada and the older generation. Many young Kurds do not know how to speak Kurdish due to the language restrictions in their country. The Kurdish language, especially in Tur1(ey, is forbidden in schools and teachers are not allowed ta teach the basics of thaïr language. Consequently, many young Kurds depend on their parents ta teach them theïr mother tangue. As mentioned earlier, there are small classes in the diaspora community teaching young Kurds their mother tangue. Vet in Canada, Kurds feel the urgency to leam English or French and therefore many people neglect these heritage language classes. Many Turkish Kurds have difficulty communicating with Kurds from other countries simply because they were never taught the language. When these same people come ta Canada, they feel the necessity to

leam English or French and inev~ably fail to leam the Kurdish language. For many Kurds, their activities within the community are limited for lack of knowledge of either English or French. Sorne of the Kurds 1speke with are taking a language course and upon completion and proficiency in either language, they intend ta become more active in the community. One man from Turkish Kurdistan affinns to me that once he masters the English language, he will be better equipped ta selVe the community. • Family involvement For sorne Kurds, especially those with families, material concems, as opposed to political ideals, are a priority. The Kurdish families 1spoke to, as Josephine Sciortino 57 opposed to unmarried Kurds, are very concemed with the material welfare of their family unit. This concem does not diminish their passion for their homeland, yet their tirst priority tS to provide for their family and to tind a job. 1found that single men and wornen, without families to support, were more apt and willing to fully participate in the organization. One man from Turkish Kurdistan is content to be a passive member and just attend celebrations, such as the Newroz. He arrived in Canada in 1986 alone, without his wife and child. He worked in the construction industry, saving up his money and gaining sorne time to finally he considered a landed immigrant. His wife finally arrived in Canada, seven years later. While he was working and waiting for her, he did not actively participate in the Kurdish community in Toronto. He wanted to begin a peacefullife in Canada, without the baggage of political involvement. He occasionally takes part in festivities, just ta keep his mental state healthy. Primarily, he came to Canada to stay and ta live as a Kurdish-Canadian. Being a Kurd was a national identity for him and his family, yet they did not want ta jeopardize any chances of getting a better life here in Canada. They wel~ not willing to sacrifice the lives of their children and their Mure for the cause of Kurdistan. Another Kurdish woman from Syria (who studied in Russia) speaks of her desire to become involved in the community, yet she cannot because she has to take care of her young son who is very iII: 1can do something in Canada. 1can speak ta people and tell them about the Kurds...it's action.. .1 was so active for the Kurds in Russia, with dancing and singing. 1was sa active until 1married and had a baby. My son is very sick and needs care ail the time. ln contrast, 1noticed that single men and women are more active members. They plan events, write in newspapers and speak to the media. In addition, they are likely \0 visit Kurdish centres across Canada and participate in conferences and festivals. Single members, predominantly men, constantly network with other ethnie Josephine Sciortino 58 organizations and solieit support for the Kurdish community. The increased participation of single people in communities is not unique to the Kurdish community. Single people have more tinle and energy ta devote to extra.curricular aetivities and do not have the responsibilities of children and a family. • Length of Stay in Canada The length of stay in Canada is another determining factor. 1observed that those who have resided in Canada for more than five years have less of an interest in the affairs of their homeland. It is the most racent immigrants, people who have been in Canada for less than seven years, who are active in the organization. These findings are consistent with Palmer's (1991) findings on tirst generations' political involvement. Regardless of stay in Canada, contact with relatives back home is not very trequent. As telephone costs are quite high, many of them reserve their caUs to at least once a month. Aiso in some towns in Kurdistan, the phone system is not very advanced, 50 many are left with no means to contact their families, and rely on secondary sources, such as news sources from the region. A Kurdish woman from Turkish Kurdistan living in Ottawa received ward from a news source that her brother was taken to prison for his political involvement. She has been in Canada for over five years and has a son with her. She did not seem so shocked at this news. She was not even moved by the fact that this news came from an objective and cold source, such as the newspaper. • Permanence Another determinant is the permanence of the community in Canada. Will they remain in the country long enough to establish strong ties with other communities? What if their dream cames true and Kurdistan does, in fact, become a separate country, will they continue ta live as Kurdish-Canadians? The Kurds 1 spoke with unanimously express their desire for freedom for Kurdistan, yet they also talk of the difference between the reality and the dr~am. In reality, Kurdish families Josephine Sciortino 59

think of Canada as their new home, a safe haven. Canada is a new beginning, a land to raise their children. 1asked whether they would leave Canada if Kurdistan became a reality. One Iraqi Kurd responds to me: That is a difficult question. 1would visit the country if peaee exits, but 1will never forgel Canada. Canada helped me at a time when Ilived in a bad situation. 1will not forget Canada. like this man, many Kurds are happy with their freedom in Canada and would :ike to raise their children in this country. Still mast young single Kurds speak about going back home. One young Kurdish mother proudly admits her inevitable retum to Kurdistan: "When we get a free Kurdistan, 1want to work there. 1have no life here without my people." Sorne respondents feel that their children would prefer to stay here. A father of three children tells me of how he would like to go back, yet is campelied ta stay in Canada for the future of his family: When we become independent, sorne of us would go back, but our children would not. They like the lite here in Canada. The living is good. And me, 1don't want to leave n1Y children and grandchildren to live in Kurdistan. • Psychological factor. Isolation is a common feeling with refugees and immigrants. These feelings contribute ta the degree of their political involvement. In his study on the Kurds in the

United States, Blincoe (1991) discovered feelings of depression in members of the community. In Los Angeles, nearlyall Kurdish conversations are dipped in the brine of suffering. Seeing themselves as victimized by the Arabs and betrayed by the

West, a kind of cultural depression marks the community (ibid, 1991). Kurds in Canada display these same feelings. 1found that many men often congregate at community centres and discuss how their history is marked by betrayals; they contribute in sorne sense to the oral history of the community. In their story telling, they connect with their countrymen back home. This time helps them fight the isolation. Josephine Sciortino 60

1found that Kurds, especially men, who feel this isolation tend to be more involved in the community. This association gives them a sense of purpose and connection to their homeland. Members also receive help from immigration groups.

There is a Kurdish immigration worker who helps many refugees with their physical needs and with their emotional needs:

Je l'aide au niveau de l'installation...il Ya beaucoup de problèmes la première année dans un nouveau pays, où on ne parle pas la langue. On a souvent des ennuis, le fait d'avoir quitté le pays de naissance. Ça fait que moralement, psychologiquement, c'est très difficile à supporter. Je suis comme un support à coté. Woman, with families, tend to suffer from severe depression and anxiety. They ail left home, away tram the community and away trom people who speak their language. They teel toreign and teer they have no option but to remain alienated trom Canadian society. They limit their social gatherings to strictly Kurdish people. This scenario with Kurds in Canada is not unique; Kurds living in Europe experience

this same loneliness. Sweetnam (1994) tound a simirar situation in her study on Kurds in Europe. "In Europe, everyone is concemed about his or her own probrems; no-one is tree to listen to the problems and sorrows of others. There are

no groups ot women...to meet with and to talk over concems" (Sweetnam 1994, 235). Some Kurds also teer economically drained after leaving jobs back home and selling everything they own to come to Canada. They fear the unknown tenitory they now inhabit. In his study on Kurdish exiles in Europe, Sheikhmous (in

Sweetnam 1994) found that exiles suffer from strong feelings of insecurity and despair. Kurdish refugees awaiting immigrant status suffer from this same insecurity. "Waiting tor years in a state of worry and insecurity, not knowing whether they will be allowed to stay or whether they will be sent back, leaves very deep psychological scars" (Sweetnam 1994, 234). Many Kurds have undergone repeated torture; in addition, many had to watch family members and friends undergo this same torture. Josephine Sciortino 61

These experiences scar them. In a report by the Medical Foundation for the Care of Vietims of Torture at the National Temperance Hospital in London, psychiatrists found that ail of their patients suifer from depression or post...traumatic stress disorder. Many refugees experience feelings of guilt about leaving theïr homeland and leaving their relatives back home. They fear that theÎr relatives are not safe; they worry about their safety (Saeedpour, 1988). Another factor contributing to the sense of "foreign-ness" is the lack of strong social networks and the different social and family systems: For someone coming from a social background like Kurdistan (which is mainly agrarian), with ~s intensive social contacts in the framework of the extended family, neighbours, and friends, the experience becomes even more dramatie (Sweetnam 1994,234). Unity and eommunity are two eherished worldviews for the Kurdish community. Interdependence, rather than independence, is strongly valued. "Community goals and family relationships are considered to be more important than impersonal business and individual goals" (Sweetnam 1994, 158). In Canada, Kurds not only suffer from isolation from their families and land, but alsa from their values and nonns. Lite back home centred on the family. It was more important ta have social hannony within the tribe, rather than having great material wealth. Yet, ironically, when one man is in financial trouble, he is bound by shame and does not make his needs known to the community. One man tram Tur1

CHAPTER FIVE: THE KURDISH POLITY The opportunity structure in Canada The multicultural nature of Canadian society fosters ethnie diversity and

political action. The Kurds exercise this right and act on behalf of their collective

interests. Canada is a complex country for ethnie mobilization. Multiculturalism is

encouraged, but at the same time groups are dispersed across the country, thereby making it difficult to mobilize them. The organizational capacity of the community is

Iimited in this vast country. It is difficult to mobilize and to organize in a cohesive and

unitary fashion due to Canada's great expanse. The physical separation of the Kurds in Canada keeps the group divided and affects the mobilization efforts of the

Kurdistan Committee of Canada (KCC). Nevertheless, the KCC attempts to bring Kurds together and remind them of their goal -- a free Kurdistan. The Committee

finds it difficult to mobilize the whole community because of the dispersion that results from Canada's size. Local centres, notably in Vancouver, Edmonton, Calgary, Toronto and Montreal, have been established to remedy this problem.

The problem still remains that the pool of potential members is low in Canada, as opposed to Europe where mobilization is great and where the community is large and concentrated. 19 It is important to note that there is not one major group in Canada representing ail the Kurdish interests. Ethnie communities, in general, organize to help its members socially and economically. The main job at the Kurdistan Committee of Canada (and for most Kurdish organizations around the wortd) is to arouse the minds and hearts of the Kurds to work for the liberation of Kurdistan. The methods to encourage support are: community meetings, creation of a central gathering place, conferences and meetings with other ethnie groups. The Kurdish committees hope that these activities will unite the community in the cause for a free Kurdistan. It would Josephine Sciortino 64

be false to assume that every Kurd in Canada is an active member of the

Committees and Associations and adheres ta its objectives. Howcver, from my

experiences with the community and through my interviews with its leaders, 1

discovered that it is the aim of the Committee to encourage ail Kurds ta channel their

identity into political action. In other words, the Committee works toward the

politicization of identity.

The Kurdish organization

The Kurdish community is not homogeneous in nature. Many divisions exist within the community. One way they deal with these divisions is to set up different organizations. These organizations not only meet the needs of Kurds with varying political and ideological inclinations, they also meet the needs of those people living within their territory. Notably, there are the Toronto Kurdish Community and

Information Centre, the Kurdish Federation of Ouebec in Montreal, the Kurdish

Cultural Association in Montreal, the newly formed Canadian Friends of Kurdistan based in Ottawa, and, also based in Ottawa, the Kurdistan Committee of Canada.

Each of these associations has their own formai structure and framework within which to promote their common interests. They deal with issues of membership, coalitional capacity, institutionalization and political capacity. A common focus for ail the associations and committees is the promotion of the Kurdish heritage and culture, regardless of their political affiliations.

• Toronto

The Toronto Kurdish Community and Information Centre (established in

1989 as the Kurdish Association in Ontario) strives to bring together ail the Kurds living in the city regardless of their political or social backgrounds. They provide counselling and supportive social services to the members of the Kurdish community in their native language regarding housing, language instruction and employment training. According ta the Centre's official mandate, it is dedicated to Josephine Sciortino 65 establishing and maintaining l'a fonnal community organization for the promotion of social welfare of the local Kurdish community and where appropriate, for the amelioration of Kurdish refugees abroad." The Centre requires its members to paya minimal monthly membership fee to fund activities ranging from New Vear's parties to seminars. Seminars focus on the history and victimization of the Kurdish people, where topics include the 1936 massacre where 40,000 Alevi Kurdish slum-dwellers were executed or deported at Dersim, Turkey; and the massacre at Marash, Turkey in 1978. These meetings are an opportunity for members to recount their life histories ta each other and ta remember the plight of their ancestors. Members interact at least every week and every March they gatherto usher in the New Vear. Members ranked one another according to age and political experience. In

Toronto, 1was forrnally introduced ta the 'President', who delegated tasks. The role of president is very unclear within the community. Not many people know who the president is; however, members still refer to 'our president'. During my interview period, the president changed three times. The hierarchy is not very structured. Members volunteer their time when they can, yet there is always one person constantly present at the Centre. It did not seem like an elite authority system. For example, when the Centre received a fax from the Kurdish leader in Kurdistan, he asked for the whole message ta be read aloud to ail. Nothing was hidden and nothing appeared ta be reserved exclusively for the president. The reason for the appearance of a hierarchy could be attributed to the great number of Kurds residing in the Toronto area. The high numbers necessitate more structure and order. At the moment, the Association is undergoing many structural and administrative changes. It is too soon ta determine if these changes are a sign of the community's flexibility and versatility, or instability.

• Montreal Josephine Sciortino &&

The Kurdish Federation of Quebec, founded in 1994, receives funding by the provincial govemment as part of the Ouebec Cultural Program. One important criterion for the Federation was to have no official political affiliations. To adhere to this mandate and maintain their non-partisan status, the Federation strictty confines its activities to helping new Kurdish arrivais with theïr adaptation in Canadian society. Members help each other with filling out fonns and with the translation of important documents. They also assist refugeas in their dealings with the Immigration officers. They have an executive committee of seven members and a total membership of approximately 150 people. Most of the members come from Iraq. Although membership numbers are not high, the Federation maintains that "it is not important for us ta collect members, but to help new settlers, new refugees. Whenever they need help, we help. We help people find a job, we do not ask them for money." Every six months, the Federation must submit a report ta the provincial govemment outlining their activities. Most of their activities centre on the anniversary of Halabja on March 18, and other similar commemorations. 20 At the Centre, they exhibit sorne pictures of the horrifie genocide and welcome the public to attend and witness

the Kurdish genocide. For Newroz, however, the centre does not plan anything, 50 as not ta compete with the celebration planned by the Association. L'Association Culturelle des Kurdes du Québec Inc. in Montreal was established in 1993 ta inform the Quebec public of the existence of Kurdish culture. They were denied govemment funding because of the lack of Kurdish representation trom different parts ot Kurdistan. Many members teel this is unjust on the part of the govemment, yet it does not stop the Association tram operating. In the past year and a hait, they have moved tram a smail location ta a much bigger one. Plans are in the works for moving ta an even larger office space. Much of the communication within the Association is done in Turkish and French. Their mandate is written in French, according to their mandate, their main scope is to: Josephine Sciortino 67

promouvoir la culture kurde panni ses membres par l'enseignement de la langue, des coutumes, des aspects historiques du peuple kurde; par l'organization d'activités permettant aux membres d'exprimer tous les aspects de la culture kurde; par le regroupement de toute personne d'origine kurde.

They also promote the integration to Quebec and Canadian society via language instruction, information on laws, culture and employment opportunities. • Edmonton The Kurdish community in Edmonton is especially active. During the capture of Ocalan, the community was very vocal in theïr opposition. On theïr web site, The Kurdish community in Edmonton joined with the Kurdish community around the world to demand the unconditional release of Abdullah Ocalan and his recognition as the true leader and representative of the Kurdish nation. Leader of the Edmonton community, Ekrem Kolay, wol1

and the media can help us with his raquest 50 he can finish his tasting bafore he hurts

himselft" said supporter Ahmad Palani. Politicians trom opposite ends of the political spectrum also voiced their support. In the House of Commons, New Democrat MP Svend Robinson called on the federal govemment to press for Zana's release. Edmonton-Strathcona Reform MP and provincial New Democrat MLA have also recently backed Kolay's demands. 21 • Ottawa The Canadian Friends of Kurdistan was recently formed as an issue-oriented group to "raise public awareness about Canadian military exports to Turkey and the

violation of human rights in Kurdistan. ft They made their first appearance at the

demonstration on Parliament Hill in April 1995 ta protest Canadian arms sales to Turkey. Membership includes, as their name suggests, non-Kurdish friends of Kurds. Their goal is to mobilize public support among Canadian individuals and organizations. Their events include viewing of documentaries and discussion groups.

The Kurdistan Committee of Canada, in Ottawa, was established in 1993.22 The KCC best exemplifies the interest-group nature of the Kurdish community; also this group is considered the umbrella organization that is supposed to unite ail Kurds in Canada. This group illustrates how political involvement in Canadian domestic politics is not centred on Kurdish influences. Their emphasis is on providing information about the situation of their people still in the homeland. The Committee in Ottawa is one of many Kurdish groups around the world whose mandate is the tollowing: The Kurdistan Committees are non-govemmental organizations whose purpose is to intorm democratic and humanitarian organizations as weil as institutions, which defend human rights and public opinion about every torm of mistreatment which the Kurdish people experience. Another quote trom their ofl1cial documents links the Committees as: the external information branches of the National Liberation Front of Kurdistan (ERNK). The ERNK believes in the vital Josephine Sciortino 69

necessity of developing in the most effective way a proper political and military peoples· force on which liberation depends. The inclusion of the word "military" lends itself to notions of war and the possible iIIegal nature oftheir activity. The Kurds 1spoke with do not wish to associate themselves with the radical and violent faction of the Kurdish wor1dwide community. Most Kurds prefer the democratic method of dialogue, frae from violence. The Committee acts as an umbrella organization in that they work for the promotion of t)ther Kurdish associations and societies in Canada. Workers in the Committee Iike to think of the Centre as a Kurdish Embassy and prefer to delegate the cultural aspects of leadership to other Kurdish-based associations. The Committee's main priority is: to disseminate information to the press and media; to solicit the support of human rights organizations; to secure the interast of parliament, politicalleaders, parties, and other democratic and progressive forces; to publish documents, reports, and books related to the politics and culture of Kurdistan; and to provide information and give advice to joumalists, par1iamentarians, and human rights activists intending ta visit the region. Their strategies consist of soliciting support from Members of Parliament in Ottawa, publishing newsletters, collecting membership fees, contacting the media, promoting Kurdish magazines from Europe and networking with other Kurdish groups throughout Europe. Active members meet on a regular basis to discuss the situation back home in Turkey. They watch videos (normally speeches given by Ocalan, leader of the Kurdistan Workers Party or P.K.K.). Prominent members of the community also give seminars on the history of their oppression. Members include Kurds who have undergone severe political persecution and racent immigrants. The Committee also acts as a Iink with other cultural societies in Canada, via cultural and national holiday celebrations, seminars, parties, meetings. conferences and press conferences. Josephine Sciortino 70

Obstacles to the group The Committee encourages a collectivist approach to activism, where members work on behalf of the whole community rather than for personal ambition. Members are strongly encouraged to become active participants. This collectivism is demonstrated in the way the power structure operates in the Committee. Hierarchy exists in name only, as there is no one particular leader with veto power. Decisions are made on a collective basis, with the attempt to achieve consensus. Those who are not active or who are believed to use the Committee to promote their own agendas are looked down upon and are not esteemed by the group. In one particular case, a member was formally expelled from the community because he used his contacts for his own personal aggrandizement. He used contacts from the community to push to see his name in the newspaper and ta secure for himself a high-paying job. In this case, he did not think about the good of the whole coJlective, but only looked after his own interests. Members who pursue their selfish ambition for material wealth and notoriety without primary regard for the Kurdish cause are seen as a "danger" to the community. The KCC continually deals with members who have their personal agendas and who use the Kurdish community to advance their own interests. Cansequently, members have grown to be suspicious of personal motivation -- members aim for group, over personal, betterment. This emphasis on personal gain and political rivalry, rather than collective gain, are the main subjects of "Kurdish Melancholy", an article written by a Kurdish .. American writer named Husayn al-Kurdi (1994). He terms this persanal ambition as "Americanization of Kurds", where Kurds sell their country and its citizens to fatten up theïr own pockets. These Kurds would rather stand up for a political party rather than for the whole Kurdish community. The writer found examples of this phenomenon is San Diego. "What we have in San Diego is a bunch of 'hang araund the fort' Kurds seeking ta ingratiate themselves with the current proprietors of the global system" Josephine Sciortino 71

(al..Kurdi 1994, 10). The main cause of the divisions within the worldwide Kurdish community is the lack of one unified political outlook. The director of the Kurdish Cultural Centre in New York City, Vera Saeedpour (1988) affirms that "Fifty percent of the Kurdish problem is Kurdish. Anytime you get twe Kurds together, they start

anether po1itica1movement, with themselves as leaders" (ibid, 1988). These divisions become very problematic for the Kurdish-Canadian community because of their small numbers. Due to these issues, one important goal for the KCC is unity amongst Kurds in Canada. The collectivist nature of the Kurds is a!so examined in tenns of their dispute resolution. In his quantitative study on the variations in the individualism of Germans and the collectivism of Kurds and Lebanese, Bierbrauer (1994) notes that collectivist cultures are less inclined to use state modes and abstract rules of dispute settlement. They use an informai and more flexibie way of settlement through negotiation and mediation, in contrast ta the resolution models of the host community. Collectivists use these methods in order to preserve social harmony. This study relates to the Kurdish community in Canada in that the community stresses the importance of the collective good and not individual gain. The conflict arises, however, when the community is faced with members who have adopted the individualism of their host country (in this case, Canada) and are therefore in direct tension with the goals of the community. There is a clash between the Eastern collectivism and the individualistic tendencies of Western societies. These Kurdish organizations do not presume to meet ail the needs of Canada-wide Kurdish community, as such they are not 'institutionally complete' (Breton 1964). They do meet the basic needs of translation and lodging, yet sorne, more than others, represent Kurdish interests in Canada and abroad. Each association has their own mandate. As the community is small, the organizations inevitably target the same people, and, consequently, campete for membership. Josephine Sciortino 72

A spokesperson for the Kurdistan Committee states tha., "We are not here to compete but to increase awareness and to help those at home. We want to respect the blood of martyrs who died for the Kurdish cause. Competition runs eounter to the aims of the Committee." Variations within the Associations There is a distinction between the associations. The KCC in Ottawa seeks recognition from the faderai govemment as the umbrella organization for the different provincial Kurdish associations. It also hopes to influence the federal govemment's poliey deeisions regarding Kurdistan. Most Kurds are aware that the KCC is different trom the other associations. One can differentiate between political and non·political Kurds by the organization with which they align themselves. The KCC is also more active politically, ratherthan culturally. The other associations are more concemed

with cuttural maintenance and work at organizing cu~ural festivals with the intent to integrate the community in Canadian society. The KCC. on the other hand, works at making the Canadian public and govemment aware of the situation in Kurdistan and urging others ta get involved and to aet on behalf of the Kurdish people wortdwide. Their main purpose is ta make the Canadian public aware of the present situation in Kurdistan and to infonn them of the historical oppression of the Kurds. The Kurdistan Committee of Canada in Ottawa aets more as a tonnai organization meeting the political needs of the community. The Committee raises specifie issues related to Canadian toreign poliey in Turkey, forexample, the Canadian arms sales to Turkey and the Canadian delegation visit to Turkey in celebration of its 75 years of democraey. The KCC also report on the imprisonment of members of Parliament in Turkey and initiated a visit, in March 1995, to Kurdistan. These coneems are voiced in letters to Members of Par1iament and the Canadian media. The tollowing quote is an excerpt trom a letter written by the KCC in 1995 to the Honourable André Josephine Sciortino 73

Ouellet, the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The letter condemns the Canadian visit ta Turkey to celebrate 75 years of democracy:

We write this letter on OOhalf of the concemed citizens of Canada and the oppressed people of Kurdistan ta express our dismay and rage over the upcoming delegation ta Turkey. We find it absurd that any govemment at this time can consider Turkey ta be a democratic country, while the State has, for the last 75 years waged an all-out war on the dignity, culture and ph:rsical embodiment of the Kurdish population in Turkey.2

Many Kurds sent similar letters ta their respective Members of Parliament. These actions demonstrate the poUtical consciousness that has awakened (and is in the process of growing) within the community. The Kurdish network The idea of a Kurdish network refers to the extension of the community and its coalitional eapacity. The opportunity structure in Canada is especiallyeonducive to interest and ethnie group polities. The freedoms to demonstrate, ta protest and to publish are well-protected values, whieh eonsequently create a plethora of ethnie groups and voiees w~hin the Canadian polity. There is no limit ta how groups ean affect the public and policy-makers. One primary medium used by the Kurdish community, as represented by the Kurdistan Committee of Canada, is a monthly newsletter. The newsletter records the human rights violations in Kurdistan, with most articles coming from news agencies in Europe and Turkey. The eommunity began publishing "Kurdish News" in 1993 with the following mandate: Kurdish News is a partial record of human rights violations in Kurdistan. This is not a complete account, nor is it a thorough one, lacking as we do, resources and means for such a task. It is, however, a modest step, long overdue, intended to shed Iight on an enduring Kurdish question with the hopes of solving il. Through the newsletter, the Committee takes strong political stands against certain foreign policy matters. In man~' editions of the newsletter, the Committee Josephine Sciortino 74

condemns the Western arms sale to Turkey. The Committee also publishes open

letters to Members of Parliament. In the July 1995 edition, the Committee

denounced the head tax on immigration. They argued:

How courd a family of five people fleeing Turkish state terrorism in Kurdistan come up with the necessary $5000 to seek refuge in Canada? We agree with the Toronto Coalition Against Racism (TCAR) protesters: "Tax Big Business, not immigrants! Shame on Canada.

The newsletter is a forum for the community to openly express their opinions, a right that is denied in their home country. Every issue is sent ta Members of Partiament,

Human Rights information groups, the media, as weil as interested Canadians.

Consistent publication is difficult due ta the minimal technical support from members.

The media as a 1001 The media is an important avenue for the Committee to make their demands known ta the Canadian public and the Canadian government. In the January 1995 issue of the "Kurdish News", the KCC made an open appeal to the govemment:

We ask the Canadian govemment to make its contribution in this important issue and prevent the Kurdish nation from being a victim of another genocide. We believe Canada can play a major raie ta bring peaee and seeurity to our homeland, Kurdistan. ln their newsletters they continually urge the Canadian media ta ieport on the events in Kurdistan and on the human rights abuses.

The Committee also publishes the newsletter via the Internet, through the usoc.culture.kurdish" news group. News items range trom Kurdish demonstrations in

Europe, information on the women's trade unions in Europe 1 various news and interviews from Kurdistan and a 'human balance sheef that tallies the number of casualties of Kurds and Turks tram the war. The KCC arso transmits press releases from the ERNK (Kurdistan Liberation Movement) through the Internet network.

They translate ail documents into English. Their inclusion in the network has been successful for they have generated much awareness and debate among Josephine Sciortino 75

participants. Within the past year, the wortdwide Kurdish community created a Kurdistan Web "The Kurdish People's Information and Documentation Database", where people can access information on the Kurdish history and the present situation of the Kurdish community wortdwide.

The Kurdistan Web is a non-lucrative private initiative not related to any political party or organization. The objective of the Kurdistan Web is to give comprehensive and accurate information about the Kurdish people, ils rich and varied culture, its ancient history...It (Web) aims at becoming a discussion platform about Kurdish issues and promoting a peaceful solution of the Kurdish problem through democratic dialogue. 24

These sites provide listings of current Kurdish cultural events around the wortd and a directory of Kurdish institutes. The methods of influence for the Kurdish community are growing at the same rate as technology. Due to their involvement on the Web, the Kurdish diaspora has been able to make more people aware of the Kurdish issue and ta foster an open forum (devoid of political persecution and boundaries) in cyberspace. The Internet is used by the community ta politicize theïr struggle for ethnie and national legitimacy and increase the awareness of the Kurdish culture. The Internet has decreased the size of our world. In fact, it has made the concept of globalization more real to many people, including social and political movements. ln addition to mobilizing other Kurds to the cause, many Kurds also maintain personal web pages. There are approximately 80 web sites by Kurds around the world. The majority of these sites are used as platforms to express their culture and political and religious ideals. Many Kurds also include photos of their homeland. Kurdish-Canadians maintain about 15% of these sites. There are two other sites centred on Kurdish issues: The Washington Kurdish 1nstitute, whieh received 54,938 hits since its inception. The other site is the Kurdistan Observer, which received 190,111 hits between July 5 and November 5, 1998. The sites also inelude links to other resources highlighting Kurdish issues. One of these links is to the Ameriean- Josephine Sciortino 76

Kurdish Information Network (AKIN), which provides a public service to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship. For more information, il is as simple as typing "wNw.kurdish.com" for a listing of Kurdish resources. This all­ encompassing sÎte has baen established since 1997 and has received wide support from the Kurdish community. Educational Seminar. The Committee is also represented at seminars on refugee issues in Canada. One example was the Open Table discussion at the McGiII Refugee Research Project in May 1995. Members went prepared with their written mandate eager to hand them out ta participants. They urged human rights organizations to join them in "the struggle for humanity" - the struggle for the Kurdish cause. The McGiII Refugee Research Project, Le Centre de Ressources sur la Non-Violence and GRIP Ouebec Concordia groups sponsored the seminar. The seminar was entitled, 'The War against the Kurds and Canada's raie". The two main issues were the Jack of coverage of the Kurdish situation by the Canadian media and the Canadian arms sale to Turkey. The group also focused on the problems facing Kurdish refugees in Canada. The meeting gathered Kurds trom different political perspectives along with non~Kurdish academics and lobby groups. The Hour, a weekly newspaper in Montreal geared ta cultural and political issues, was present to caver the seminar. The interest group activity leads the community to contact members of Parliament. the media, church groups and human rights organizations.lmportant contacts within the govemment are obtained through the many letters of introduction and request for support. The community establishes these ties ta increase the awareness for the Kurdish issue as an international issue, and not just a domestic issue tor the concemed countries. The Canadian Committee ta Proteet Joumalists, in cooperation with the KCC, works to release ail joumalists in Turkey. With the support Josephine Sciortino 77 of the Coalition to Oppose the Arms Trade, the Kurdish Committee demonstrated on Parliament Hill to oppose Canada's military experts to Turkey. The Kurdish associations throughout Canada aise have established ties with local labour unions and fellow ethnie groups, in particular the Greek Community. The KCC has important links to the Hellenie Congress and the Cypriots and Armenian communities. These other groups share a similar history with the Turkish govemment and with oppression. They support each other through their attendance at each others festivals. The existence of other ethnic groups in Canada with similar histories gives the Kurdish community a degree of comradeship and decreased isolation. Events in Kurdistan are seriously chronicled and the KCC take the appropriate steps in ensuring a Kurdish-Canadian voice within the political arena. For example, in April 1993, the Kurdistan Workers Party declared a cease-fire, which was widely supported by the Kurdish community in Canada. The community sent letters outlining their support ta Members of Parfiament. Sorne important contacts within the govemment were created as a direct result of these letters, notably from leaders who have Kurds in their riding, such as Svend Robinson and Herb Dhaliwal. Bath leaders also attended the Kurdish- Canadian Cultural Festival in Toronto. Their speeches were very weil accepted and applauded by the large enthusiastic crowd. Liberal MP from British Colombia Herb Dhaliwal declared, "You are welcome to practice your culture." He assured the community that the Vancouver group is making sure "that the Kurdish views are known and that we are not silent about the human rights violations against the Kurdish people no matter where they live." Later in the evening, New Democrat member, Svend Robinson denounced the imprisonment of Kurdish MPs in Turkey and calied on the Canadian govemment ta ­ - support the people of Kurdistan. He also promised to visit Kurdistan and to bring back a message to the people and govemment of Canada that "it is long overdue Josephine Sciortino 78

that the rights of justice, human rights, and respect for the people of Kurdistan finally

be a reality." He kept his promise and raised the Kurdish issue in the House of Commons and held a press conference upon his arrivai from the area. (Chapter Six describes the trip to Kurdistan).

The community is at a genesis in their coalitional capacity with other groups and with the govemment. They sand letters to Canadian govemment officiais and ta theïr leaders in their respective ridings. They try ta articulate theïr demands as a community, not as particular individuals. Quoting from one of their letters to Minister of Foreign Affairs André Duellet, note the collective wording in this letter. "We write this letter on behalf of the concemed citizens of Canada and the oppressed people of Kurdistan ta express our dismay and rage ovsr the upcoming delegation to

Turkey" to celebrate 75 years of democracy. They invite prominent speakers ta their celebrations and solicit support for the Kurdish cause. Although each politician has hislher own agenda for attending the festivities and is aware of them, the community feels supported by the speakers. The KCC has also lobbied the Canadian govemment ta terminate its bilateral trade relations with Turkey. Members of the Kurdish community demonstrated on Partiament Hill and then marched ta the Turkish embassy. These activities are just a few initiated by the Kurdish community ta affect change for community in their homeland. Life in the diaspora is an opportunity ta express theïr nationality and culture in a freedom they do not experience back in their native country. The community exercises this freedom very carefully, ta not affend Canadian sensitivities. The Kurdish community wants ta continue ta live in Canada and does not want to do anything that would possibly jeopardize their statu5. Recent efforts to educate the Canadian public have been fruitful and students are willing to participate in the planned events. Kurdish students at Concordia University have organized seminars and information booths ta increase awareness of the Josephine Sciortino 79

Kurdish situation among fellow students. The students have also hosted video

presentations and letter-writing campaigns. Furthermore, students are beginning to discuss the Kurdish issue in organized exchanges. Their culture is not a private

matter to be practiced behind closed doors. The Kurdish community makes it a public issue and one ta be addressed by the Canadian and intemational communities.

The Kurdish diaspora is also linked by Kurdish television. MED-TV is an independent company broadcasting to Kurdish communities ail over Europe, the Middle East and North Africa. It was established in 8ritain in 1994, with its first broadcast in March 1995. It is funded by various associations in Europe, namely the Kurdish Foundation Trust, the Kurdish Language Foundation Trust and the Kurdish Media Trust. MED-TV is an international television station offering Kurdish-Ianguage programming ta "assist in the development of the cultural identity of Kurdish people" and to celebrate the Kurdish language. MED-TV is a good opportunity for the diaspora ta feel connected. It is also a good outlet for non-Kurds to leam about the Kurdish issue. However, no matter how many talks and seminars on the situation in Kurdistan one couId attend, there is no better education than actually being there and seeing the oppression first-hand. For the 1995 Newroz in March, the Committee invited several joumalists trom the Canadian media ta join a group on their visit ta the Turkish part of Kurdistan. Ali them declined the invitation, tor financial reasons. There were, however, sorne interested Canadians willing ta see Kurdistan. The delegation that went ta Kurdistan in March consisted of concemed Canadian and Kurdish human rights activists and New Democrat Member of Parliament, Svend Robinson. The members of the Kurdistan Committee of Canada attended the delegation to record the human rights violations and ta report them back ta the Canadian-Kurdish population. One worker taId me he wanted to "make the Kurdish people realize that Josephine Sciorlino 80 the Kurdish Worker's Party is the only salvation for the Kurctish people." This information would be used to create reports for the community newsletter, with the aim to encourage political participation among Kurds in Canada. ln the Kurdistan Report, published from London every month, there is an open invitation to members of Partiament and the media to visit Kurdistan and see the political and social injustices. There are some who consider the invitation, yet for the most part many still sit on the sidelines. This next chapter details the trip to Turkey and gives an account of the abuses experienced daily by a Kurd in TurKey. Josephine Sciortino 81

CHAPTER SIX: AN EXAMPLE Of COMMUNITV MOBILIZATION: CANADIAN FACT-FINDING MISSION TO TURKEY Homeland concems are considered a high priority for small ethnie groups, especially for refugees. Refugees do not leave their home countries voluntarily. Consequently, they teel a great responsibility for the welfare of the tellow citizens they left behind. This feeling is especially true for the Kurdish community. They teel eut off tram, what they believe is their home. Most of the Kurds 1spoke with teel Quilty for abandoning their tellow Kurds and the struggle. These refugees believe that they should use their new status ta support their countrymen. Due ta the extreme circumstances under which they leave their homeland, the Kurdish community is attached to the land of Kurdistan, and are thereby very active in its political affairs. The community as a whole works very hard for the welfare of their families back home by sending sorne financial help. They also work at increasing the awareness of the Kurdish reality to Canadians. In this aim, many Kurdish organizations encourage human rights groups and international groups ta visit Kurdistan. A visit to Kurdistan, they believe, will put the issue in its international perspective and not simply relegate it as a domestic one. The Kurdistan Committee of Canada (KCC) encourages the Canadian media, members of the Canadian Partiament, and concemed Canadians to visit their land. The delegation to

Kurdistan in 1995 was the tirst of its kind organized by the KCC. The members of the KCC teel that this was a big step in their organization and rTlobilization. The visit to Kurdistan

ln January 1995, 1was contacted by the KCC and asked to be part of the delegation. 1accepted the invitation and, along with five other Canadians (including a Member of Parliament), visited Kurdistan in March of that same year. We observed first-hand the political and social situation Kurdish Canadians left behind. The KCC Josephine Sciortino 82

invited the media, several Members of Parfiament and other concemed Canadians

to witness life in Kurdistan. More importantly, the Committee invited MP Svend Robinson; this was very important for the KCC. A member of the delegation

explained what Aobinson's visit meant to the community: "He is a person who can help and understand the situation. He must have evidence and see for himself the

Kurdish reality and therefore encourage him to ad on behalf of the Kurdish people. n Robinson's participation was crucial as he was the only federal politician to aceept and present his findings to the Canadian govemment in the House of Commons. As an MP, he had the power to discuss the Kurdish issue in the House of Commons. His testimony to the human rights situation in Turkey would act as a possible catalyst for change in Canadian foreign policy regarding Turi

need: "We need to organize our information 50 that when we go back ta Canada we can present the tacts and let the Canadian govemment know the reality and get support for the Kurds." With this objective in mind, we visited joumalists, teachers, human rights activists and politicians. What shocked the group was not only the information we received about the abuses, but also the strength and tenacity exhibited by these workers who lived the horrors of injustice on a daily basis. Their facial expressions were loaded with a sense of urgency for the Kurdish people. First stop: Ankara Our visit began with Ankara, Turkey's capital. The city was not very warm, with no reference to the climate. Ankara was marked with a heavy air of suspicion, where people looked very suspicious and lived in suspicion of others. This country is fuelled on the suspicious nature of its citizens, mostly generated by the military. The military wields more power than govemmental bodies. It is the mast revered Josephine Sciortino 83 institution in this country, far outweighing the religious institution of Islam. Turkey operates on the fuel of intimidation and fear, the mammoth military presence in Ankara alone iIIustrates this imposition of fear in its citizens. Turkey spends more than hait of its budget on the military, and has very little resources left for the maintenance of its infrastructure, namely education and specifically in Kurdish-dominated areas. Many buildings were left very desolated and unfinished. Southeastem Turkey is severely under-financed by the Turkish govemment, and many inhabitants are forced to live in sub-poverty conditions. Although the statistics indicate that Turkey spends more money in the southeastem region than in other regions in Turkey, it should be noted that this money goes to finance the South-East Anatolian Development Project. This development project is part of a huge irrigation initiative by the Turkish govemment. 25 Essentially, the plans cali for building a series of dams to irrigate parched cotton and tobacco fields. Most of this land is in the Southeast part of Turkey, the land called "Kurdistan." Turkish money is not going into developing proper infrastructure into the Kurdish southeast, but instead the money is used to revamp the whole countryside and displaee thousands of Kurds. These funds do not go into social programs or even into social housing. The region is still characterized by a depressed economy with high unemployment rates. Portraits of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of modem Turkey, are seen everywhere, even in pro-Kurdish facilities. His memory is revered almost religiously. Throughout the city, there are sculptures in his honour and huge posters with him in various military uniforms. When he came into power, he banned the use of the Kurdish language, Kurdish dress, schools, associations, publications and religious organizations. After Ataturk, there was no such thing as being Kurdish; he completely negated any ethnie distinction. Everyone was a Turk, not a Kurd or an Armenian. Any ethnie diversity was suppressed to make room for an overarching Turkish Iifestyle Josephine Sciortino 84

(RandaI1999). In March, the time of our visit, Kurds were preparing for Newroz celebrations. The govemment did not ban any Newroz celebrations, yet they had to

stridty adhere to the govemmenfs standards with no traces of Kurdish cutture. Even posters announcing Kurdish celebrations were tom down trom the walls. Freedom of expression is not a basic value in Turkey. Human Rights organizations in Turkey are strictly controlled. Fourteen branches of the IHD (Insan Haklari Demegi-Human Rights Associations) were closed down in Kurdistan, notwithstanding the constant bombing of the buildings in Ankara. The existing offices operate under very cfose surveillance by the Turkish secret police. Their offices and phones are bugged and any sign of "rebellion" against the Turkish status quo leads ta the cutting of phone lines and the detention and arrest of its members. In May 1998, leader of the IHD in Ankara was shot down in his own office. Akin Birdal, a non·Kurd, has been defending Kurdish rights in Ankara. In 1995, the delegation met with him for an aftemoon. He explained how their offices have been moved and bombed so many times he cannet even remember how many. He spoke with such intensity and compassion; one would think he was Kurdish. But, he is not. He is one of the many non-Kurdish people in Turkey who have taken up the cause of truth and wanted to expose the atrocities against the Kurdish people. Many non-Kurds join human rights associations and pro­

Kurdish pol~ical parties. However, there is no freedom of association in Turkey. Opinion that is

contrary to the status quo is strictly forbidden. Politica1Parties, such as Halkin Demokrati Partisi (HADEP), which oppose the existing govemment, are closely monitored and constantly raided by the military. We visited HADEP and spoke with its leaders who explained how their offices have been moved many times due ta severai bomb threats. Ironically, their offices also display a portrait of Ataturk ta comply with Turkish regulations. Even free press is a mystery in Turkey. Josephine Sciortino 85

Newspapers, for example Ozgur Ulke, which report objectively about the Kurdish situation, are charged with being members of the PKK and consequently these papers are banned. 26 For many media outlets in Turkey, it is not unusual to go a day without a publication or broadcast. It is understood by many Kurds and Turks that these media institutions probably aired or published something against the state and are therefore forbidden ta operate. The journey to Kurdistan Betore arriving in Diyarbakir, we heard sorne very disturbing news. Two German girfs trom a human rights group went to the city betore us. As the city was under severe mifitary watch, they were suspected of being part of the PKK. As such, they underwent harsh questioning and finally both were stripped naked, beaten and shipped back home ta Germany. Upon hearing this news, the women on our delegation were very concemed, yet we felt protected with having a Canadian Member of Partiament with us, as weil as three other men. This was the preamble ta arriving to Diyarbakir. The city also experienced a huge population growth due ta the bombing of Kurdish villages. Kurdish human rights groups estimate that about 3,500 Kurdish villages have been destroyed. Many families are torced to immigrate to the city. According ta the Kurdistan Observer, three million Kurds have been driven away from their homes and wander into the city as destitute refugees. This displacement created an overpopulatian problem in Diyarbakir. When we first stepped foot in the city, we were greeted by the military. They reviewed our passports many times before allowing us entry to the city. Due ta priar arrangements with the KCC's contacts, the military knew we were coming. There were pre-assigned taxicabs waiting for us. Upon arrivai at our hotel, we were wamed that our rooms and telephanes were bugged. Essentially, ail our conversations were monitored. Josephine Sciortino 86

The state of Turkish prisons Our first step was to see if we could visit Leyla Zana in prison. She was a MP of the Turkish parliament who is in prison for her political baliefs and defence of

Kurdish ri9hts. Unfortunately, we could not get permission to see her. We did,

however, gather infonnation on prison conditions in Diyarbakir. We leamed that the Turkish govemment trained a group of soldiers (part of the military wing of the Nationalist Action Party-MHP) to subdue any Kurdish insurgency. This group is an

ultra right wing group whose ultimate aim is to destroy Kurdish identïty, under the

orders of the military. They also administer southeastem prisons, which have

become a c1earinghouse for destroying the identities of the Kurds. According to the

Kurdistan Observer, there are over 10,000 Kurdish political prisoners in Turkish jails.

The tirst goal of these prisons is to completely destroy the dignity of Kurdish

inmates through beatings or psychological torture. Amnesty International has been a

big advocate for human rights in Kurdistan, yet they are now banned from entering

the country. While we were in Diyarbakir, we were scheduled to meet a general in

the military. Yet, it did not happen, due to the Turkey's offensive into Northem Iraq.

This military decision to attack Kurdish enclaves in Iraq was another step to

eliminate any Kurdish political aspirations. Turkey's offensive into Northem Iraq only

demonstrates their deliberate systematic elimination of the Kurdish people. The

Turkish military wanted to silence any Kurdish insurgency in Northem Iraq, 50 that

Kurds in Turkey would not unite with theïr Iraqi neighbours and unite agaïnst Turkey.

At early dawn, we arrived at the military base just outside Diyarbakir. We saw the

General, yet he was just climbing into a helicopter to see the advancement of the

tanks. At that time, we still did nat know where ail these tanks were going, yet when

we arrived back to the city, we read the newspaper accounts of the Turkish invasion

into Northem Iraq. 1witnessed saldiers preparing their gear and guns and boarding helicopters. It was surreal to see plumes of dust raised while tanks rolled in line down Josephine Sciortino 87 the streets of Diyarbakir, with the citizens of this city peering out in fear from behind hait closed window curtains. These are usual scenes for the Kurdish people.

Children grow up thinking these confrontations are "normaf and part of everyday existence. This decision ta invade Iraq was a last measure in their losing battle at destroying the Kurdish people and their counterparts in 1raq - a people considered to be outcasts in Tur1

Turkish unity operates underthe myth of homogeneity. In reality, it is not a homogeneous state. Not everyone who lives in Turkey is a Turk. To maintain this illusion of similarity, the govemment assimilates ail "other" people. Children, especially, are victims of this forced assimilation. Kemal Ataturk, the founder of Modem Turkey, wanted ail people in Turkey ta be considered Turk. "We are ail brothers" was his motto. Yet, the reality does not demonstrate this homogeneity. He imposed the Turkish identity on ail of Turkets citizens. He stripped ail cultural indicators, Iike music, language, dance and literature to fit the Turkish ideal. By stripping people of their right to exist as a separate people, Ataturk aimed at the complete and absolute genocide of the Kurdish people and culture. Even history is dictated with no mention of the Kurdish presence, they are simply referred to as "Mountain Turks" or "Turks who have forgotten their mother tongue." To this day,

Ataturk is revered for "uniting" the country. His picture and statues dedicated ta his memory are everywhere in Ankara. Ironically, his picture even hangs on the walls in

Kurdish restaurants and at the party offices of the HADEP, a pro-Kurdish party. Newroz in Diyarbakir On the days leading to the March 25 Newroz celebrations, Diyarbakir was under heavy military surveillance. The number of soldiers out on the streets outnumbered the number of civilians. This strong military occupation generated tear and moves people to live in silence and in suspicion of others, even of family members. Although officially a democratic govemment, Turkey seems to be under Josephine Sciortino 88 military rule. People live in fear for their lives. Kurdish people are under extrema pressure ta deny their cultural distinetiveness; it is a constant struggle to exist as a Kurd in Turkey. Demonstrations ta oppose the inhibition ta celebrate Newroz were held in Diyarbakir on March 20; these demonstrations ended in numerous arrests of students. Every persan walking the streets wa5 stripped searched by the police and tanks occupied the roads with huge lights from the barrel of the tank used to inspect apartment blacks. Inspections were needed ta assure that no one was celebrating Newroz, Kurdish-style. In accordance with the public announcement, Kurdish emblems and culture were replaced with Turkish symbols. Kurds were not allowed ta celebrate outdoors, in their fashion, but instead were underthe watchful eye of the Turkish military. The Teacher's Union An interesting visit was with the Teacher's Union. These teachers are dedicated ta Kurdish children, yet due ta the govemment's strict control of the curriculum, they are inhibited as teachers. Many deaths within the Union occur because teachers did not obey the Kurdish-eurriculum ban. In the last two years, 22 teachers died and 18 were wounded. Furthermore, at least 18 teachers were detained in Diyarbakir. According to the govemment in Ankara, Kurdish terrorists, the PKK, killed these teachers. The teacher's strongly insist that govemment agents killed thern. The govemment did not investigate any of these actions, and instead simply blamed it on the PKK. Teachers are obligated under law to teach mathematics, Tur1

Kurdish language and history. The activities of the Union are difficult to assess. There is no right ta demonstrate in the country. They struggle to keep the union alive. They want ta be sure that Kurds know they can come to them and tell them how their right5 are denied. The Union feels that they must keep their high profile in the community. A Josephine Sciortino 89

representative trom the Union stated teel a direct connection with the Kurdish situation; one teacher stated, "People's problems are our problems. One persen must do the work of ten people." Since the govemment spends half of the Gross National Produet on the military, there are few funds left for education, especially in Kurdish·dominated areas, like Diyarbakir. Due to this gro55 lack of funding in the education department, many classrooms are very full. For example, one teacher reports about 80-130 students par class per teacher in Primary school. In Secondary school, the average is at least 50 students per class per teacher. Classrooms are not big enough to accommodate these students; there are at least 3 students sitting at one desk. Moreover, at least 15 students are forced to stand up during each class for lack of room and desks. It is especially difficult for teachers who are forced to teach at least six classes per term. One teacher told me that "the aim of the govemment is not teaching, not education, it is just a formality, just to put teachers with students." They insist that "real education" is reserved for Turks and not Kurds. Entry inte university is very much under the control of the Turkish govemment, who limits or completely restricts entry te university to Kurds. Due to this lack of education, many Kurds living in southeastem Turkey are ilfiterate. lfIiteracy rates in southeastem Turkey are extremely high: 35.5% in Eastem Turkey and 44.00/0 in South·eastem Turkey (Kirisci and Winrow 1997). Teachers explained that three years ago students couId not go to university after secondary school, they must pass an exam tirst. To pass this exam one needed more school than regular classes couId accomplish. Consequently, students with economic difficulties, namely Kurdish students, were left behind. This systern was designed to keep "undesirables" out. According to the teachers, many Kurds complete primary school, yet only hait of Kurdish students finish Secondary school. Josephine Sciortino 90

Students know that the struggle is going on and are mentally affected by the fight their teachers go through. They continually asked teachers why they go through this fight and risk their lives for it. When we spoke with teachers, we leamed that many students do not believe they will ever realize their dreams. Psychologically, this repression has affected the psyche of the students. People say they are

animais. When Kurdish children dream about becoming doctors, or any other grand profession, they know that it will never happen, because of their education and economic conditions. Many students become depressed, yet the suicide rate is low, they instead join the ranks of the PKK in the mountains. The IIPKK studies and

fights for US." Two students (one in Izmir and another in Diyarbakir) bumed themselves in reaction ta the repressive measures taken against them by the govemment. One man, Mazlum, bumed himself in prison as a reaction against the govemment. Every moming students are forced to repeat (Iike a mantra): "How happy 1am to be a Turk." The Turkish education system denies any cultural diversity, and forces the Turkish mentality on every student. This duality has a debilitating effect on the morale of students. Many university students in Diyarbakir protest the Turkish govemment's oppression of the Kurdish people. These students face grave consequences and many are detained by authorities. Furthermore, in order to gain acceptance into the school, students needed to prove that they espoused the govemment ideology, which denies Kurds their national belonging. The officiai wortdview denies any cultural diversity and difference. Any opinion that is different tram the official worldview is abolished. The Turkish education system denies any cultural diversity, and forces the Turkish mentality on every student. The following mantra is what students must repeat on a daily basis. It is part of their curriculum: Josephine Sciortino 91

1love the Republic Ataturk is the chief teacher 1amaTurk My country is Turkey We love Ataturk a lot A Turk is the most important persan in the worfd. Vet many students know that they are Kurds and have developed a duallife. Once they leave the school walls, they are Kurds again and again ad out the part of a Tur1< in school the next day. As students leam Turkish at school, they cannat communicate with their parents who speak Kurdish. The govemment encourages assimilation and alienation trom their Kurdish roots. The govemment actually passed a regulation that stated that parents should not speak Kurdish with their children at home. One may wonder how they could actually enforce this rule. The govemment uses feHow Kurds ta tell on other Kurds, for a small salary, which, in Kurdish terms, is a lot of money. 1asked teachers what they thought of the PKK. As a Teachers' Union, they do not believe in violence. "We don't want to tight by weapons and guns, we must be in the way of democratic organization." Their main aim is that ail people, Kurds and Turks, have rights, the same rights and must share everything. In America and in Europe, they insist, people live together and "we can do it here too. In Switzerland,

there are many different nations who live together. That is goOO. n Through our interpreter, we explained to them that it was our responsibility ta refleet whatever we heard trom them and to tell our people in Canada. The Union suggested that the Teachers' Union in Canada come ta Diyarbakir and visit. Another solution, they said, would be to bring back knowledge ta our unions and associations in Canada. Even Labour Unions are denied their democratic right to demonstrate and ta speak out against the govemment. Last year, the Turkish Labour Organization, which has existed for over fifty years, demanded their rights from the govemment and openly spoke out against the govemment. As a result of this revoit and many others in the past years, over one million union workers are now unemployed. This Josephine Sciortino 92

action taken by the govemment only proves that democratic institutions cannot exist here without severe sanctions and inhibitions. The Unions share one common request for foreigners and tourists: "Do not visit Turkey as a tourisr. They discourage tourism in Turkey. They state that every US dollar spant in the country is worth 42 000 Turkish Lira. The priee of one bullet is

only 500 TL. Every dollar spant by tourists goes toward military spending and the country's fight against the Kurds. Kurds assert that it is tourism that pays for the warfare against the Kurd5, 50 discourage Westemers tram visiting Turkey. Conclusion Although Turkey would be a beautiful place to visit with its deep blue waters and empowering mountains, the social situation is very discouraging. There are many people without work due to the massive influx of rural workers into the city. This shift ta the cities is not only caused by the need ta look for work, but also due ta the bombing of Kurdish villages forcing many families into neighbouring cities for survival. Cities have become refugee camps, with people tighting for survival. This fight, however, has not changed the generous character of the Kurds in Turkey. The families we met alon9 the way were hospitable and eagerto teach us

their culture, although it was not legal ta do 50. The Kurds we met were anxious for us to come and visit them with the hopes that their story would be told to the Canadian people. They teel very isolated and eut from the rest of the world. This was the aim of the delegation: ta tell the story of how the Kurds are being repressed in theïr country. This trip was not an easy one; the delegation was in constant surveillance by the police and the tear of another civil war breaking out was ever­ present. Entry into Kurdistan was not easy either. Every foreign visit is looked upon as a possible threat ta Turkish unity, and an instrument for the Kurdish terrorists. We were accused of being PKK terrorists many times by the police. Sorne meeting with officiais were delayed or caneelied due to the fear of the consequences. Josephine Sciortino 93

The delegation organizers felt the trip was a success. The scenes of police raiding people's homes and other violations will never be torgotten. Members of the delegation were moved by the strength of the Kurds and by their determination not ta be shaken. This trip was instrumental in bringing the community in Canada together notwithstanding their political differences. Many Kurdish-eanadians assembled ta hear reports of the delegation and view pictures of their land. They were able ta write reports on the different aspects of the trip, for example the meeting with the Teachers Union. These reports were compiled and presented ta teachers groups in Canada. A report was also sent to the Canadian govemment and various members of the Canadian media. These avenues of mobilization are important steps and accomplishments for the community. Josephine Sciorfino 94

CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION: THE KURDISH POLITV AS A WHOLE Political consciousness is intrinsic to Kurdish lite. Thaïr history demanded, and their present situation continues to demand, active political involvement in order to secure their future cultural and political status. Events Iike demonstrations on Partiament Hill iIIustrate the active political consciousness in the community. ft also demonstrates the strong ties they continue to nurture with theïr homeland in the Middle East. Kurdish-Canadians did not leave their homeland woes back home. As refugees, they carry these concems with them to Canada and use their new freedom ta further their homeland concems. The Armenian community recently provided an example of this kind of activism. In September 1999, the community welcomed Armenia's Extemal Affairs Minister, Vartan Oskanian. He spoke with Canada's counterpart Lloyd Axworthy to discuss improving relations between Armenia and Canada. Armenia's minister also called on Armenian-Canadians to remember their homeland, "1 will make a cali for the diaspora, for Canadian Armenians to come to

Armenia and to invest in their homeland." 27 ln the spirit of many ethnie groups who have been persecuted, Oskanian also discussed the issue of the 1915 Armenian

genocide and would like the international community to acknowledge the tirst genocide of the century. These requests are not uncommon for ethnie groups; they are especially unique ta diaspora groups who have been forcibly displaeed trom their homeland. Recognition of their persecution and of their political situation is paramount. This recognition gives these groups a sense of their own ethnie identity and acceptance in the host country. For Kurdish immigrants, the importance of the

homeland t their desire for 'nation-status' and recognition of their ethnie identity cannat be overstated. As this study showed, the degree of activism in Canada is primarily a result of theïr attitudes toward Kurdistan and their family situation. Josephine Sciortino 95

Another reference to the Annenian population in Canada is pertinent. Chichekian (1995), when discussing the Armenian community in Quebec, appropriately notes that ail research on the efforts for the survival of the Armenian

nation (and 1argue for the Kurdish nation as weil) should be based on the principle of a "symbiotic relationship between the centre [the homeland] and periphery [the land of the diaspora]" (ibid, 51). Their life in the diaspora is influenced and strongly motivated by their past experiences. This point seems quite elementary, yet its significance for the Kurdish population is quintessential. The Kurds living in Germany exemplify "political transferability.n28 According

to reports published by Arm the Spirit (1995), tirst generation Kurds, arriving in the 1960s, denied their national background. They arrived as immigrant wol1(ers, seeking to begin a life of relative freedom and economic security. In the process, many immigrants made their Kurdish culture a private matter and "depoliticised their social status." With the advent of Kurdish organizations in Germany and in other countries of the diaspora, Kurdish assimilation bagan to diminish. These organizations were fonned to preserve the distinctiveness of the Kurdish culture and "to demystify the notion that Kurdish and Turkish culture are one in the same."29 Back in Kurdistan these expressions of culture are denied and strictly censored, inevitably many Kurds outside the homeland relish in the freedom of being able to speak, write, and sing in Kurdish. Another reason for Kurds in Germany to assert theïr identity more aggressively is to distinguish themseives trom the many Turks living in Germany. Kurds do not want to be perceived as Turks, theretore they work extra hard in Germany (also in many parts of Europe) ta contrast their cultural and ethnie diversity from Turks. The Kurdish community in Canada, whether they are represented by the Kurdistan Committee, the Kurdish Federation, or neither organization, teel tree to express their cultural and national identity within Canada's multicuftural context. One Josephine Sciortino 96

Kurdish man expressed that "the multiculturalism policy in Canada Qives us a chance to keep alive our language and culture. And culture and language are the most important parts of a society or an ethnicity" (Martin 1993). The community, especially embodied by the Kurdistan Committee of Canada, is a politically motivated collective. Apart from their desire to promote Kurdish culture in Canada, the KCC works for the liberation of their homeland. Their political activity focuses on their homeland, rather than on issues in their host country, Canada. The KCC was consciously formed with the intention to work toward influencing the political course of

their homeland political situation. Their genesis can be described as a "proletarian diaspora" where their resources, skills, and organizational capacity were at a minimum. Throughout their stay in Canada, the organization has developed some important contacts within the Canadian political sphere, the Canadian media, and other interest groups. Their resources and organizational skills have devefoped with the growing participation of students. More students are taking active roles in presenting Canadians with infonnation on Kurdish oppression and the struggfe for human rights. These students are also taking on leadership positions within the community. Recently, students at Cancordia University organized several information baoths and provided written materiafs about the Kurdish situation in the hopes of uopening the doors for others ta get involved." Furthennore, discussions are under way for the creation of a Kurdish radio and television programs. The organizational structure is in place for rapid growth within the community. Another example iIIustrating the growth in the community is the establishment of different branches addressing the cultural and political needs within the community. Although the Kurdish community worldwide would like ail Kurds ta live in peace wherever they are, the cali to defend homeland concems is not ta be fargatten. Taking advantage of the upcoming millennium as a catalyst for change, Kurdish writers are calling on the diaspora to effect change in thair societies for Josephine Sciortino 97

Kurdish issues. Writer Shahin Sorekli, of the Kurdistan Observer from London, writes: Kurds living abroad have to remember the reality of Kurdistan and not ta set gigantic aims for the Kurdish nation from the comfort of the democracies they live in. If the Kurds in the Diaspora really want to advance the Kurdish cause they should endeavour to use television, radio, objective press and the Intemet with the aim to advance the Kurdish language, culture and way of thinking. It has to be remembered that for the Kurds to survive they would need to be at least as knowledgeable as their oppressors.30 With the help of non-govemmental organizations, the Kurdish community in Canada (and in other parts of the diaspora) is bringing the Kurdish plight to the forefront of conversation and academia. The "intemationalization of the Kurdish plighr is a major challenge for the community. Omar Sheikhmous (1993) describes how the work of NGOs has raised the awareness of the Kurds and particularty how the issue has baen raised as a human rights issue, rather than a uniquely Kurdish issue. A leader of the KCC explained it weil, ''The issue is one of humanity. If the Kurdish issue is not solved, then nothing will be. We fight against ail crimes against humanity. We are ail humans." Many organizations are responding to the cali for cooperation in defending Kurdish human rights, such as Canadian PEN International and Arm The Spirit. It is the treedom of expression in Canada that gives the Kurdish community momentum to pursue their political objectives. They are acting within their rights. Their challenge in Canada is a symbolic one. The community wrestles with the forces of assimilation and works toward keeping the Kurdish traditions of family, national identity alive in every member. They assert their identity as a way to preserve it and to pass it on ta their children. The community has come under surveillance tram the Canadian Security and Intelligence Services. In his article on "EthnoNaticnal Diasporas and Security", Sheffer (1994) discusses the supposed security threats diasporas imposes on host Josephine Sciortino 98

countries. The media with their labelling of certain groups as "terrorisr perpetuates this threat to the hast society. Although Sheffer argues that here is a rapid expansion of diasporas, he concurrently states that there is an intensifICation of non­ violent diaspora activities. The worldwide Kurdish eommunity is portrayed as radical and anarehistic by the media. The Canadian govemment adopts this view perpetuated by the media and consequently imposes security restrictions on the

community. At the April 13th demonstration in 1995, the Kurdish eommunity marehed trom the Partiament buildings to the Turkish embassy where armed policemen, along with the RCMP and CSIS looking overhead, met them. Many Kurds teel that the Canadian security department should not take its eues tram the

Turkish embassy, but instead should look at the Kurdish situation tirst hand. An understanding of the Kurdish people, they feel, is necessary when implementing polieies. It is important ta study this group as it receives little or no attention in the media. As more Kurds arrive in the country and choose ta reside in Canada, the affect and influence ot Kurdish organizations on the Canadian polity may increase.

The ethnogenesis of this small ethnie group provides a framework for understanding the dynamics of a diaspora. This study is an important one for it provides infonnation on how small ethnie groups mobilize themselves. The Kurdish eommunity provides an extra dimension in that this ethnie group is not even legally recognized in their homeland, and yet they continue to live as Kurds and be politieally active in a host country. Even though their community experiences many various handicaps, the fact that they continue to exist is an interesting comment on Canada's commitment to multiculturalism. We understand that a group's growth depends on a variety of factors ranging trom reasons for arrivai to the hast country ta gender of its members. For the Kurdish case, the data indicates that their country of origin is a particuJar factor in Josephine Sciortino 99 detennining affiliation with a group. The Kurdish community's interest group capacities are directly correlated with the number of its members, the motivation of its members, and the issues surrounding their entrance to Canada. Furthennore, Canada's receptive attitude ta ethnie groups and its fundamentally democratic nature are conducive to political participation.

This study shows that the genesis of this ethnie community as a political entity depends to a large extent on its members. Members are always at the crux of ethnic groups; without the enthusiasm and spirit of its members, ethnic communities die. At the macro level, the community needs members ta put their regional differences aside and work toward a comman goal of Kurdish human rights and possible self·determination for the Kurdish people. The Kurdish polity in Canada tries ta use these feelings and channel them for homeland concems. Seing Kurdish is a political statement, whether or not Kurdish immigrants choose to be political. It is very rare ta see a Kurd in Canada live an apoliticallife. On a micro level, every Kurd is involved in their own struggle for survival, whether it be ta preserve the Kurdish language in their homes or to send money ta their family members in the Middle East. The Kurdish polity attempts ta communicate these needs and ta try ta defend them. Members of the Kurdish community have many different needs and are not a homogeneous group. It is compelling ta notice how this group maintains a certain level of cohesiveness in a new land. At the core of their identity as immigrants, Kurds and Kurdish-Canadians are fiercely proud of thair nationality and ethnicity. In their hast countries around the wor1d, they honour certain traditions and work hard ta keep the Kurdish language alive. This feeling of "Kurdishness" is at the centre of ail activity that is political in nature. While many Kurds may disagree on the tactics of the P.K.K. or of other Kurdish political wings, they will always hoId fast to the dream of a tree Kurdish people, perhaps, even a free Kurdistan. Josephine Sciortino 100

Possibilities for future research This study is by no means an exhaustive work on the Kurdish community in

Canada. It would be interesting to note any changes in their organizational structure over time. The news in Turkey suggest a possible peaee bridge between the Turkish govemment and the Kurds: it wourd be interesting to note the ehanges in the demographics of the community if the situation in Turkey became more liveable. This study examines the early stages of the Kurdish eommunity. With time, studies could highlight the issue of permanence and detennine which factors prompted sorne Kurds to remain in Canada and sorne to leave to go back home. Furthermore, future studies couId look at the maintenance of Kurdish identity over time and how the Canadian Kurds actually become over time. The values they end up preserving may be the ones that are most dear to the community. A related study would be the integration of Kurds into Canadian society: will they eventually work for Canadian idears; will the community stand against interrnarriage? Future research can also address the resofution of inter~rganizationar rivalry and the struggles for leadership within the community. At the initial stages of pofitical development, it may be easy to organize; yet with time differences may surface and the community will have to deal with thern. These are sorne possible areas of research for the Mure. Josephine Sciortino 101

ENDNOTES

1 When 1spoke to Kurdish families, about half of them spoke of family members or Kurdish friends who are immigrating to Canada in the near future. Kurdish Associations welcome new arrivais almost every week.

2 After ths Second Wortd War, Iranian Kurds established the Mahabad Aepublic where they couId preserve Kurdish culture and have autonomy. The Republic was officially formed in 1946, yet it lasted for less than a year. For more details see David McDowa/l's A Modern History of lite Kurd., ch. 11

3 This figure is an approximate number by the author through many conversations and is not an official figure. No official statistics on the Kurds in Canada exist.

4 Many of these groups want to preserve their own form of tribalism.

5 For another example of how small groups mobilize see John Sorenson's article "Politics of Social Identity: 'Ethiopians' in Canada," in The Journal of Elhnie Studies, 1991.

6 Term used by John Armstrong (Mobilized and Proletarian Diasporas, American Polilie.1 Science Review 70 (2): 393-408), cited in Esman. p. 336.

7 Quote from David Kirk, known in the 1980s as the dean of Ottawa interest-group representatives, tirst cited in Gray, "Friendly Persuasion" in Saturday Nigh', March 1983 and in Van Loon et al., p. 418. e A Convention Refugee "is a person who by reason of a welf.founded fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group or political opinion:

a) is outside of the country of his nationalitl and is unable, or by reason of such fear. is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country OR b) not having a country of nationality, is outside of his former habituai residence and is unable, or by reason ot such fear is unwilling, to return to that country."

trom The Construction through discourse of the productive other: The case of the Convention refugee hearing by Robert F. Barsky. PhD McGiII University, May 1992.

9 The Convention primarily calls for the international protection of retugees and for "non­ refoulement," where claimants cannat be forced back to their country if their lives are in immediate danger.

III The PKK was formally named in 1978. yet in 1984 the PKK began their military attack agsinst Turkish forces, tram A Modern History of the Kurds (1996).

11 The Kurdish diaspora in the United States numbers at least 15,000, according to statistics trom the American Kurdish Information Network. Most of these are primarily blue-collar workers and most have left families behind. They live in major cities. Iike Los Angeles and New York.

12 Taken from The Calgary Hera/d, July 12. 1999, "City Kurds detained in Turkey back home" by Lisa Oempster. Josephine Sciortino 102

13 Article taken tram the Internet, through Kurdish Wortdwide Resources. Author Arif Zêrevan. BINGEHEN RASTNIVESANDINA KURDIYE (KIRMANCI): Foundations of Kurdish (Kurmanji) Orthography. (Spanga, Sweden: NEFEL. 1997). 160 p. ISBN: 91 97319503, from the introduction.

14 "According ta Kurdish folklore, zahhak, the tyrant, had snakes growing from his shoulders, a deformity that the court physicians were unable to cure. Satan came ta the tyrant and told him that he would be cured if he fed the snakes each day with the brains of two young people. The executioner appointed to the task of providing the brains taok pity on his vietims. and each day spared one of them and substituted the brains of sheep. The survivors were smuggled ta the safety of the mountains, where they became the founders of a new people, the ancestors of the Kurds. Zahhak himself was overthrown when one of the tyrant's intended victims. Blacksmith Kawa, rebeiled against his fate and killed him." Quote taken from an invitation ta the Newroz celebration.

15 Quote taken from the Kurdistan Web entitled, "The Kurdish People's Information and Documentation Database" soc.culture.kurdish, September 29, 1996.

16 Taken from an article from The Edmonton Sun. February 21, 1999. Turks get the blame: Kurds say infiltrators disrupted rallies, article by Mark Cooper.

17 For more details on the academic scholarship on Kurdish women in the diaspora, please see Shahrzad Mojab, "Crossing the Boundaries of Nationalism, Patriarchyand Eurocentrism: The Struggle for a Kurdish Women Studies Network" from Canadian Woman Studi••• Vol. 17. no. 2, Spring, 1997, pp. 68-72.

18 It should be noted that this strict division of labor is not universal in ail Kurdish families. In fact, in one family 1interviewed. the mother was thinking about going back to school and the father was planning to take care of their two children.

19 The first ever Kurdistan Committee was founded in Paris, France in 1984; there are at least ten Kurdish Committees worldwide, mostly in Europe.

20 Halabja: ln 1988, the Iraqi govemment attacked Kurdish villages resulting in the death of thousands ot Kurds. Approximately, 7,000 were killed by poison gas.

21 Information taken from the website by the Edmonton Kurdish community. Article from The Edmonton Journal, October 28, 1997, "Hunger striker supports Kurdish prisoner" by Bill Mah and Norm Ovenden.

1:! The tirst Kurdistan Committee was founded in Paris, France in 1984; there are now at least ten Committees throughout the world.

23 A copy of this letter was given to me by one of the active community leaders.

24 Taken from the Kurdistan Web database.

:!-~ Another project is taking place in Hasankeye in the southeast part of Turkey, trom article in The Montreal Gazene, "Kurds, history at odds with Turkish irrigation project" p. E-8 on Oct. 11, 1999.

26 The media in Turkey is completely under the control of the govemment. See reports from Amnesty Intemational for details. Josephine Sciortino 103

27 From Kate Swoger's article in The GlUette, September 27, 1999, p. A3.

28 Terrn adopted by Black (1987) used ta describe the transferring of political skills and participation of immigrants in their new land.

29 Taken tram an e·mail report published onSeptember 25, 1995, by Arm the Spirit, a left·wing intemet publication aimed at spreading news on various human rights abuses wortdwide. lo Taken from "The Kurdish national struggke at the gates of a new millennium," from The Kurdistlln Observer, August 7, 1999, taken from the internet. Josephine Sciortino

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APPENDIX 1 A partial list of articles on the Kurdish revolts in Canadian citie.

Anderssen, Erin. 1999. "Kurdish violence spreads to Ottawa," The Globe and Afail, February 18, p. Al. Hume, Mark and Campbell Clark. 1999. "Kurdish protests hit Montreal, Vancouver," The National Post, February 17, p. Al. King, Mike. 1999. "Montreal Kurds storm bank," The Gazette, February 17, p. 81. Koring, Paul. "Kurds enraged as rebel chief snatched," The Globe andMail, February 17, p. At. (/"' Wordsworth, Araminta. 1999. "Ocalan capture sparks global Kurd protests," The National Post, February 17, p. AB. Josephine Sciortino 110

APPENDIX2:

MAP Of KURDISTAN

N .~~ Oersim ~ Si... " CTuf~;;iiL-l TU R KEY Û /' r-'-: Elazig • CASPIAN* .,--. Iy Mus SEA Malatya \

.~

C S y RIA TEHRAN

./ /' / RAN

-0 SA U DI 1 /0--"0 ", .) PERSIAN\ ·'._o_.--fKUWAIl:\ GULF A RAB 1 A _0, 0/·

REGIONS INHABITED ev THE KUROISH NATION

o 200 Miles I~---r-~--~ o 300KM HASHIMoas Josephine Sciortino 111

APPENDIX 3:

INTERVIEW GUIDELINES

These are sorne questions that guided me in my interview process. They were not asked in sequence, however 1tried ta cave; ihese issues with evety respondent.

1a/sa asked sorne of these questions to non-Kurdish people who introduced me ta the community.

Get a sense of who they are and whe,. they come from:

FULL NAME AND OCCUPATION How long have you been in Canada? Do you know any Kurds? How many? How did you meet them? Do you believe that the Kurds have the capabilities to maintain an independent state? 'Nhy? How?

Human rights issues: V\that do cultural and civil rights mean to yeu? What do you think is hindering the Kurdish nationalist aim? What treatment have the Kurds been subjected to in your home country? What effect do you think Kurdish nationalism or an independent Kurdistan will have on the stability of the country of your birth (home country)? What is a Kurd?

Questions on Kurdish culture and overall cultural identlty: What do you think is meant by the phrase "The Kurds have no friends but the mountains"?

Comment on these Kurdish proverbs: "II vaut mieux perdre ses biens que son honneur." "La guerre vaut mieux que l'inaction"

Tribal affiliations versus nation.Uam: Oid you notice any signs or symbols representing Kurdish nationalism, while in Iranian Kurdistan? Are the Kurds still based on tribal affiliations? What are their major holidays, reasons for getting together as a people?

Membership in Kurdish associationa: Why did you become a member of the Association? When did you first meet Kurds? (under what circumstances) What interested you about the Kurds? Is the Association connected with an organization, federal, provincial in Ottawa?

Kurdish characteristica: How would you characterize a Kurd? What do you think is distinctively Kurdish? How are they unique from other ethnie groups you come across? Do you meet with other Kurds on a regular basis? When do you meet with Kurds? Why are you involved with the Kurds? What is your involvement? What is your perspective on the Kurdish situation? Josephine Sciortino 112

Religlous perspective: What is vou religious affiliation? How do the Kurds respond ta this, 1am assuming they are ail Muslims? VVhat is the difference between Sunni and Shiite Muslims?

Immignltlon i••u..: Political angle (policy): Immigration status: Do vou know if the majority of the Kurds vou come into contact with are landed immigrants? Are they or have they become Canadian immigrants 0 are they here on a VISA? How do Kurds respond to the acts of govemments back in the Middle East? (ie. Iraq's chemical warfare against the Kurds) Do they protest? Do they take blatant and explicit po1itica1 stands? If not, why?

New Ve.". Day: Newroz: \Nhat is il ail about? Is there any event they remember? (ie. clothing, food, dance, music, any religious significance, any political significance).